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that on the east side is the biggest. At the Mingo Town we found and left more than sixty warriors of the Six Nations, going to the Cherokee country, to proceed to war against the Catabas. About ten miles below the town we came to two other Cross (Short) Creeks; that on the west is the larger and called by Nicholson (the interpreter) French Creek. About three miles or a little more below this at the lower point of some islands (sisters), which stand contiguous to each other, we were told by the Indians that three men from Virginia had marked the land from hence all the way to Redstone; that there was a body of exceedingly fine land lying about this place, and up opposite to the Mingo Town, as also down to the mouth of Fishing Creek."


The expedition proceeded down to the mouth of the Kanawha and several miles up that river, Washington making a close inspection of the lands all the way, and holding conferences with the Indians, who one and all professed peace and friendship. They found plenty of deer, buffalo and wild fowl of various kinds ; it was a hunter's paradise. The party started on its return journey on November 3d. On their way, they met a canoe going to Illinois with sheep, an indication of the future. They reached Mingo on the afternoon of the. 17th, where horses were expected to take them across the country to Fort Pitt, but which were detained by high water in the creeks. While waiting there, Washington thus comments on the commercial possibilities of the river :


"When the river* is in its natural state large canoes, that will carry 5,000 or 6,000 weight or more, may be worked against the stream by four hands twenty or twenty-five miles a day, and down the stream a good deal more. The Indians, who are .very dexterous, even their women, in the management of canoes, have their hunting camps and cabins all along the river, for the convenience of transporting their skins to market. In the fall as soon, as the hunting season comes on, they set out with their families for this purpose, and in hunting will move their camps from place to place, till by spring they get 200 or 300 or more miles from their towns; then catch beaver, on their way up, which frequently brings them into the month of May, when the women are employed in planting. The men are at market and in idleness till the autumn again, when they pursue the same course. During the summer months they live a poor and perishing life. The Indians who reside upon the Ohio, the upper parts of it at least, are composed of Shawanese, Delawares and some of the Mingoes, who getting but little part of the consideration that was given for the lands eastward of the Ohio, view the settlements of the people upon their river with an uneasy and jealous eye, and do not scruple to say that they must be compensated for their rights if the people settle thereon, notwithstanding the cession of the Six Nations. On the other hand, the people of Virginia and elsewhere are exploring and marking all the lands that are valuable, not only on the Redstone and other waters on the Monongahela, but along the Ohio as low as the Little Kanawha, and by next summer I suppose they will get to the Great Kanawha at least. How difficult it may be to contend with these people afterwards is easy to be judged from every uay 's experience of lands actually settled, supposing these settlements to be made; than which nothing is more probable, if the Indians permit them, from the disposition of the people at present. A few settlements in the midst of some of the large bottoms would render it impracticable to get any large quantity of land together, as the hills all the way down the river, as low as I went, come pretty close, or are steep and broken and incapable of settlement, though some of them are rich and only fit to support the bottoms with timber and wood. The land back of the bottom, as far as I have been able to judge, either from my own observations or information, is nearly the same, that is, exceedingly uneven and hilly, and I presume there are no bodies of flat, rich land to be found till one gets far enough from the river to head the little runs and drains that come through the hills, and the sources of the creek and their branches. * * *

Walnut, cherry and some other kinds of wood, neither tall nor large, but covered with grapevines, with the fruit of which this country at this instant abounds, are the growth of the richest bottoms; but on the other hand these bottoms appear to me to be the lowest and most subject to floods. The soil of this is good, but inferior to either of the other kinds and beech bottoms are objectionable on account of the difficulty of cleaning them, as their roots spread over a large surface of ground and are hard to kill."


On the 20th the horses having arrived and arrangements made to send the canoes up the river the party started overland to Fort Pitt, probably following near the present line of the Wabash Railroad. They arrived there the next afternoon, and Washington left on the 23d for home, where he arrived on December 1st, having been absent nine weeks and one day.


The truce established by Colonel Bouquet in 1764 lasted practically for ten years. During this time, there was a marked increase in the settlements between the Allegheny Mountains and the Ohio River, so that the frontier was practically moved forward to this stream. Wheeling was settled in 1769, and soon a chain of forts and blockhouses extended along the water-front, opposite Jefferson County, throughout its entire length. The original Mason & Dixon's line establishing the boundary between Maryland and Pennsylvania was completed in 1767. Its location was 39 degrees 43 minutes 26.3 seconds north latitude. Western Pennsylvania was


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still a subject of dispute between that state and Virginia, a matter which was not finally settled until 1785, when, by agreement, the line was extended five degrees westward and then north as the southern and western boundary of Pennsylvania, leaving between that state and the Ohio River a narrow strip known as the Virginia Pan Handle. Beyond the Ohio was still the "Indian country," both from force of circumstances and the avowed object of the British authorites to prohibit settlers in that region. One pioneer, however, James Maxwell, came to Jefferson County in 1772 and built a cabin near the mouth of Rush Run, where he lived two years, and then, through fear of Indians, he returned to his Virginia home, where he was able to prove his innocence. His subsequent history, which was a very tragic one, will be given later. But there was trouble in the air. There were mutterings of revolution in the east, and isolated cases of Indian outrages along the borders. Lord Dunmore, the Governor of Virginia, appointed Dr. John Connelly commander at Fort Pitt, who arrested the Pennsylvanians and renamed the place Fort Dunmore. Either through misinformation or design he issued messages greatly exaggerating, and in some cases wholly creating, stories of Indian outrages, calculated to alarm the peaceful settlers, and to excite the more belligerent spirits. Unfortunately there was just enough basis of truth to give a foundation for the reports. Small bands of Indians had penetrated up the Kanawha and committed murders there and elsewhere, naturally provoking reprisals. The situation called for a firm yet conservative policy, but unfortunately the man naturally supposed to be at the head of affairs was capable of neither. Consequently arose a tension which could only be productive of an outbreak of some kind, and this occurred in the spring of 1774, occasioning what is known as the massacre of Logan's relatives near the mouth of Yellow Creek, seventeen miles north of Steubenville, followed by that chieftain's terrible vengeance, and what is known as Dunmore 's war, the conclusion of which gave rise to Logan's celebrated speech, whose authorship has been the subject of controversy almost rivaling the Bacon-Shakespeare discussion. J. A. Caldwell in his history has presented a mass of testimony on this whole affair which conclusively establishes all the leading facts, of which we have only space for an abstract.


Col. George Rogers Clark and Capt. Michael Cresap were located at the mouth of the Kanawha in the spring of 1774, preparing to start with a colony to Kentucky, when the reports of Indian outrages caused them to abandon the expedition, and come up the river to Wheeling. While Connelly was entertaining some chiefs at Pittsburgh he sent a letter to Capt. Cresap at Wheeling, telling him to beware of the Indians, as they meant war. Connelly plied the chiefs with presents, and they departed down the Ohio to their homes. "About this time," says Doddridge, "it being reported that a canoe containing two Indians and some traders was coming down the river, and then not far from the place, Captain Cresap proposed to take a party up the river and kill the Indians. The proposition was opposed by Col. Zane, the proprietor of Wheeling. He stated that the killing of those Indians would inevitably bring on a war in which much innocent blood would be shed, and that the act itself would be an atrocious murder and a disgrace to his name for ever. His good counsel was lost. The party went up the river. On being asked on their return what had become of the Indians, they coolly answered, they had fallen into the river. Their canoe, on being examined, was found bloody and pierced with bullets."


In the meantime the Indians from Pittsburgh were seen approaching Wheeling Island. They took the channel on the west or Ohio side of the island, and were discovered on the river by Capt. Cresap and his men, who drove them down the river to Pipe Creek, where the Indians landed and


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a battle ensued, in which three of the savages were killed and scalped and their stores taken. The same night, according to the account of Col. Clarke, who was with the party, a resolution was formed by Cresap's men to attack Logan's camp at the mouth of Yellow Creek. "We actually marched five miles and halted to take some refreshments. Here the impropriety of the proposed enterprise was argued; the conversation was brought forward by Cresap himself. It was generally agreed that those Indians had no hostile intentions, as it was a hunting camp, composed of men, women and children, with all their stuff with them. This we knew, as I, myself, and others then present, had been in their camp about four weeks before that time, on our way down from Pittsburgh. In short, every person present, particularly Cresap (upon reflection) was opposed to the projected measure. We turned, and on the same evening decamped and took the road for Redstone. It was two days after this that Logan's family was killed, and from the manner in which it was done it was viewed as a horrible murder by the whole country."


Logan's camp, at the mouth of Yellow Creek, was about seventeen miles above the site of Steubenville. The account of the atrocious massacre of Logan's people, as given in Caldwell's History, is as follows : "Directly opposite Logan's camp was the cabin of Joshua Baker, who sold rum to the Indians, and who consequently had frequent visits from them. Although this encampment had existed here for a considerable time, the neighboring whites did not, seem to apprehend any danger from their close proximity. On the contrary, they were known to have their squaws and families with them, and to be simply a hunting camp. The report of Cresap's attack on the two parties of Indians in the neighborhood of Wheeling, having reached Baker's, may have induced the belief, as was subsequently claimed, that the Indians at Yellow Creek would immediately begin hostilities in reprisal. Under this pretext, Daniel Greathouse and his brothers gathered a party of about twenty men to attack the Indian encampment and capture the plunder. Unwilling to take the risk of an open attack upon them, he determined to accomplish by stratagem what might other--wise prove a disastrous enterprise. Accordingly, the evening before the meditated attack, he visited their camp in the guise of friendship, and while ascertaining their numbers and defenses, invited them with apparent hospitality to visit him at Baker's, across the river. On his return he reported the camp as too strong for an open attack, and directed Baker, when the In- dians whom he had decoyed should come over, to supply them with all the rum they wanted, and get as many of them drunk as he could. Early in the morning of April 30, a canoe loaded with Indians, consisting of eight persons, came over—three squaws, a child, and four unarmed men, one of whom was a brother of Logan, the Mingo chief. Going into Baker's cabin he offered them ruin, which they drank, and became excessively drunk—except two men, one of whom was Logan's brother, and one woman, his sister. These refused taking liquor. No whites, except Baker and two companions, remained in the cabin. During the visit, it is said by John Sappington, Logan's brother took down a hat and coat belonging to Baker's brother-in-law, put them on, and strutted about, using offensive language to the white man—Sappington. Whereupon, becoming irritated, he seized his gun and shot the Indian as he went out the door. The balance of the men, who up to this time remained hidden, now sallied forth, and poured in a destructive fire, slaughtering most of the party of drunken and unresisting savages. According to the statement of Judge Jolly, the woman attempted to escape by flight, but was also shot down; she lived long enough, however, to beg mercy for her babe, telling them it was akin to themselves. Immediately on the firing, two canoes of Indians hurried across the river. They were received by the infuriated whites, who were arranged along the river bank, and concealed by the


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undergrowth, with a deadly fire, which killed two Indians in the first canoe. The other canoe turned and fled. After this two other canoes, containing eighteen warriors, armed for the conflict, came over to avenge their fellows. Cautiously approaching the shore they attempted to land below Baker's cabin. The movements of the rang- ers, however, were too quick for them and they were driven off with the loss of one man. They returned the fire of the whites but without effect. The Indian loss was ten killed and scalped, including the mother, sister and brother of Logan."


One little baby was spared and they left for Catfish Camp, now Washington, Pa., taking the child with them. It was afterwards given to its supposed father, Col. George Gibson, an Indian trader living at Carlisle; Pa., by whom it was reared and educated.


John Sappington declared in an affidavit that he did not believe any of Logan's family were killed aside from his brother. Neither of the squaws was his wife ; two of them were old women and the other the mother of the child. It has been related that Sappington admitted that he shot Logan's brother, and his statement may be received with some allowance.


After writing an account of the massacre of Logan's family, Col. William Crawford, to whom Washington had entrusted the sale of his western lands, and who subsequently met with horrible death by burning by the Indians near Sandusky, says, "Our inhabitants are much alarmed, many hundreds have gone over the mountains, and the whole country evacuated as far as the Monongahela. In short, a war is every moment expected. We have a council now with the Indians. What will be the event I do not know. I am now setting out for Fort Pitt at the head of one hundred men. Many others are to meet me there and at Wheeling, where we shall wait the motions of the Indians and shall act accordingly."


A brief sketch of Logan, who was one of the leading characters in Indian history will not be out of place here. As has been stated, he was the second son of Shikellemus, a Cayuga chief, and was born at Shamokin, on the Susquehanna about 1730. He was named after James Logan, a Christian missonary to whom his father was much attached. He built a cabin on one of the branches of the Juniata River in what is now Mifflin County, Pennsylvania., where he remained an advocate for peace during the French and Indian and Pontiac wars. A friend of the whites as well as of his own race he was regarded as honorable, brave and tender. Judge William .Brown, one of the early settlers of that valley pronounced him " the best specimen of humanity I ever met with, either white or red." An incident in Logan's life finely illustrates his character at that time. One day while Judge Brown was away from home, Logan happened to go to his cabin. Mrs. Brown had a little daughter just beginning to walk, and she remarked that she wished she had a pair of shoes for her. When he was about to leave he asked Mrs. Brown to let the little girl go and spend the day with him.. Although greatly alarmed at the request the mother feared to refuse. Slowly the hours of the anxious day crept along, and there was many a look to see if the little girl was returning. At sunset Logan was seen approaching with the little girl on his shoulder, who soon hopped across the floor to her mother's arms, having on her feet a pair of neat fitting mocassins. In 1769 Logan came to the Allegheny, and, according to one account moved to Mingo Bottom, having several hunting camps on the Ohio and tributary streams. It is said that while he lived at Mingo an Indian council determined on war. Logan hearing of it, by a speech of great eloquence and wisdom induced them to bury the hatchet. The chief points in his speech were that the war would be wrong and that they now had the best hunting grounds in the world, and if they went to war they would lose them. This report is probably apocryphal, and if Logan ever lived at Mingo it was but for a short time as we find him in 1772 on the banks of the Scioto,


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which was his home until his death, although he continued his hunting camps at Beaver, Yellow creek and doubtless elsewhere. In conversation with Heckwelder in 1772 he said he intended to fix his permanent home on the Ohio and live among white people, that whiskey was his curse and that of his people, and faulted the whites for bringing it among them. He expressed great admiration for the better class of white men, but said : "Unfortunately we have only a few of them for neighbors."


Logan was out with a hunting party when the massacre occurred at Yellow creek, and when he returned it was only to find his home broken up and his relatives slain. As far as possible he buried the bodies of the slain, cared for the wounded, and gathering around him his braves he joined the Shawanese in the war they were inaugurating. His whole nature was changed. No longer Logan "the friend of the White Man," or "the advocate of Peace," he was now Logan the avenger, bent on bloody war. And a bloody one it was. He declared that he would take ten scalps for every one of his relatives slain, and there is no doubt that he accomplished his purpose.

The storm broke, not directly on the border but a considerable distance inside the range of settlements where it was least expected. Small parties under Logan penetrated up the Kanawha and Western tributaries of the Monongahela into what is now Pennsylvania, but was considered by them as Virginia territory. Up to the last of June, 1774, they had taken sixteen scalps, which seems temporarily to have appeased Logan's wrath, but not for long. Dr. Connelly by orders of Lord Dunmore sent word to the Shawanese demanding the delivery of Logan and his party with three prisoners they had taken, but nothing came of it.


On July 12, while William Robinson, Thomas Hellen and Coleman Brown were pulling flax in a field opposite the mouth of Simpson's creek, in what was then called West Augusta county on the west Fork of the Monongahela where nobody expected to see an enemy. They were suddenly attacked by Logan and his party. Brown fell instantly, being perforated by several balls, and the others fled. Both were soon captured and taken to the Indian towns on the Scioto. Hellen was at first cruelly treated but afterward adopted into an Indian family, but Robinson received more consideration. Logan told him he would not be killed, but must go with him to his town where he would probably be adopted. When they arrived there he was condemned and tied to a stake tp be burned, but Logan tied a belt of wampum around him as a sign of adoption, loosed him from the post, and carried him, to the cabin of an old squaw, where Logan pointed out 'a person who, he said, was Robinson's cousin, and he afterwards understood, that the old woman was his aunt, and the two others his brothers, and he now stood in the place of a warrior of the family who had been slain at Yellow creek. While there, Logan, who could neither read nor write himself, although he understood and spoke English procured Robinson to write a letter from ink made of gunpowder, which the chief stated he meant to carry and leave in some house where he should kill somebody. Robinson says he signed the letter with Logan's name and that the latter took it "and set out again for the war." What became of that letter is disclosed by a communication dated March 2, 1799 from Judge Harry. Innes, of Frankfort, Ky., to Thomas Jefferson as follows :


"In 1774 I lived in Fincastle County, Pennsylvania, now divided into Washington, Montgomery and part of Wythe. Being intimate in Colonel Prescott's family, I happened, in July, to be at his house when an express was sent to him as the county lieutenant requesting a guard' of the militia to be ordered out for the protection of the inhabitants residing low down on the forks of the Holston River. The express brought with him a war club and a note which was left tied to it at the house of one Robertson (Roberts), whose family was cut off by the Indians, and gave rise to the application to Colonel Prescott, of which the following is a copy, then taken by me in my memorandum book :


“ ‘Captain Cresap : What did you kill my people on Yellow Creek fore The white people killed my kin at Conestoga great while ago, and I thought nothing of that. But you killed my kin on Yellow Creek, and took


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my cousin prisoner. Then I thought that I must kill, too; I have been three times to war since; but the Indians are not angry—only myself.

" 'July 21, 1774. - CAPT. JOHN LOGAN.’ ”


While Logan here and in his subsequent " speech" charges Cresap with the Yellow Creek massacre, yet we have seen that he had nothing to do with it, and had left with Colonel Clark for Redstone, now Brownsville, Pa. before it occurred.



Although Logan declared that he was only carrying on a personal war, yet he was naturally protected by his people, and other bands of savages were not slow in finding any excuse to ravage the settlements. The situation had now become so serious that messages wen, sent to the Virginia Assembly then sitting at Williamsburg asking for help. It was charged then and has been since that Dunmore, the governor, through the medium of his subordinate Connelly, at Fort Pitt, instigated many of these Indian troubles in order to intimidate the provincials from entering upon the struggle with the mother country, and the circumstances then and after were such as to warrant that belief. However, the government was prompt in furnishing men and money, and two expeditions were planned. One under the command of Gen. Andrew Lewis was to rendezvous in Greenbriar County, while Lord. Dunmore was to assemble another at Fort Pitt, and descend the river to Point Pleasant at the mouth of the Kanawha. Crawford. was first sent out with a party of one hundred men to "watch the Indians," but as might have been expected with so small a force he returned without accomplishing anything. On June 13 he set out with a second company for the purpose of erecting a stockade fort at Wheeling which he called Fort Fincastle. On the 26th he left Wheeling with a force of four hundred men, and marched to the Indian town of Wakatomica, near the present site of Dresden, Ohio, where he dispersed a force of fifty Indians, burned the town, destroyed their crops and returned to Wheeling, taking with him three hostages who were sent to Williamsburg. With the with drawal of this little army the border was again exposed, and as there was now open war the. Indians ravaged the frontier without mercy.


On September 11th General Lewis at the head of 1,100 men left Greenbriar for Point Pleasant, distant one hundred and sixty miles, which was reached after a laborious march of nineteen days through the mountain wilderness. Here Lord Dunmore was to meet him, but no Dunmore was there, and after a delay of nine days he learned that the governor had come down the river to Wheeling which he reached on the 30th, and had marched across the country to Chillicothe, where he instructed Lewis to follow him. This was impossible as Lewis was already surrounded by a body of Delawares, Shawanese, Mingoes and others. If Dunmore had concluded to leave the Virginians to the fate, as was freely charged, he could not have planned better for their destruction as well as that of his own little army, for had the savages been victorious at Point Pleasant his forces would have been attacked at once, and we know pretty well what would have been the result to them, even though the governor might have been permitted through his understanding with the Indians to reach home in safety. Hence this battle has been considered to have been the opening gun of the revolution. As Mr. Hunter says in his "Pathfinders," "Had the battle of Point Pleasant been I ought on New England soil, the pages of history would have been 'filled with the name of Andrew Lewis," but while the people in this part of the world. were making history it was left to others to do most of the writing and at this distance from Boston events appeared in the same proportionate light as when the eye is applied to the large end of a field glass.


Cornstalk was in command of the Indians at Point Pleasant with Logan as his colleague. They had approached by stealthy marches, and expected to surprise the camp, but were themselves discovered by a couple of soldiers early .on the morning of the tenth. One of them named Hickman,




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was killed, but the other, Robertson, rushed back to camp with the intelligence "that he had seen a body of the enemy covering four acres of ground as closely as they could stand by the side of each other." General Lewis, who had served with honor under Washington understood Indian tactics, and pushed forward a detachment under Col. Charles Lewis and Feming, which was at once attacked by the Indians and driven back on the main body, Colonel Lewis being mortally wounded. But the whites now became the attacking body and forced the Indians back behind a. temporary intrenchment of logs and trees. The brave Virginians, hemmed in by the Kanawha River at their rear, the Ohio on one flank and Crooked Creek on the other were obliged to fight their foe squarely in front. It was one of the fiercest frontier contests ever recorded. At intervals Cornstalk's loud voice could be heard encouraging his followers and bidding them "be strong, be strong." All day the battle raged, and fearing the result if the Indians were not driven away before night General Lewis ordered three companies to steal through the weeds and bushes up Crooked Creek, get behind the flank of the enemy when he emerged from his covert, and attack him in the rear. The movement was a success, and the Indians finding themselves between two armies, and believing that this force was fresh troops which had been delayed, began to fall back. Fighting continued until darkness, when the baffled foe retreated across the Ohio and made for the Scioto towns. The victory was won, but with a loss of seventy-five killed and one hupdred and forty wounded.


It is said that on the evening preceding the battle, Cornstalk called a council of warriors and proposed to go personally to General Lewis and negotiate for peace, but was voted down. " Then," said he, " since you have resolved .to fight you shall fight. It is likely we will have hard work tomorrow; but if any warrior shall attempt to run away from the battle, I will kill him with my own hand," and it is said that at least one of his followers felt the force of this threat.

General Lewis leaving his sick and wounded at Point Pleasant with a guard crossed the Ohio on October 18th, joined Dunmore, who as we have seen had made a direct march for the Scioto country where he was to meet the Indian forces from Point Pleasant. Cornstalk was already there, and reminded the Chiefs of their obstinacy in preventing him making peace before the battle of Point Pleasant, and pertinently asked, "What shall we do now The 'Long Knives' are coming upon us by two routes. Shall we turn out and fight them?" No response. " Shall we kill our squaws and children, and then fight until we are all killed ourselves?" Still there was dead silence, when he rose up, and striking his tomahawk into the war-post in the middle of the council House said : " Since you are not inclined to fight, I will go and make peace."


The term "Long Knives" used above first applied by the Indians to the Virginians and afterwards to all the whites is said to have arisen from an occurrence in Jefferson County in 1759 ; in consequence of a settlement near Redstone (now Brownsville) having been destroyed and most of its inhabitants murdered by a party of Delawares and Mingoes, a detachment was sent from Fort Pitt under command of Capt. John Gibson to punish the marauders. They failed in their purpose, but accidentally came across a party of six or seven Mingoes on the upper waters of Cross Creek. Some of them were lying down, others were sitting around a fire making thongs of green hides. Kiskepila, or Little Eagle, a Mingo Chief, headed the party. As soon as he discovered Captain Gibson he raised the war whoop and fired his rifle —the ball passed through Gibson's hunting shirt and wounding a soldier just behind him. Gibson sprang forward, and swinging his sword with herculean force severed the head of Little Eagle from his body, two other Indians were shot down, and the re-


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mainder escaped to their towns on the Scioto. When the captives, who were restored under the treaty of 1764 came in, those who were at the Mingo towns when the remnant of Kiskepila's party returned, stated that the Indians represented Gibson as having cut off Little Eagle's head with a long knife. Several white prisoners were then sacrificed to appease the manes of the dead Kiskepila, and a war dance ensued, accompanied by terrific shouts and bitter denunciations of revenge on "the Big Knife warrior. This name was soon applied to Americans generally, and they are yet known among the northwestern Indians as "Big Knives" or "Long Knives."


Lewis's army reached a deserted village thirteen miles south of Chillicothe, on October 24, when a messenger was met with orders from Dunmore to halt, as he was already at the Chillicothe towns, and was about concluding a treaty. But Lewis having been fired on continued his march when another order came to halt, as the Shawanese had come to terms. He however went on to Grandiers Squaw's Town, five and one-half miles from old Chillicothe not far from the Indian towns. This alarmed the Shawanese, and Dunmore with the Delaware Chief, White Eyes, a trader John Gibson and fifty volunteers rode over to Lewis's Camp to stop him and reprimand him. Lewis's explanations satisfied 'Dunmore but lie and his command were ordered back to Point Pleasant to the great indignation of the provincials who had counted on punishing their enemy badly. It is said that it was necessary to treble the guards that night to prevent Dunmore and guards Eyes from being killed.


Dunmore had erected a palisade and temporary blockhouse naming the place after Queen Charlotte of England. The united forces of Dunmore and Lewis would have numbered 2,500 men and it was the realization that it would be useless to contend against such an army that induced Cornstalk to make peace. After various parleyings the Indians agreed to give up all their prisoners and stolen horses, cease from hostilities and molestation of travelers on the Ohio and "surrender all claims to the lands south of the Ohio." This latter provision has been disputed, and as there is no copy of the treaty in existence it cannot be verified, although as a matter of fact no Indian settlements were afterwards made south of that river. The Virginians regarded the victory as a barren one, but it accomplished a very important result, for as Roosevelt says "It kept the northwestern tribes quiet for the first two years of the Revolutionary struggle; and above all, it rendered possible the settlement of Kentucky, and therefore the winning of the West. Had it .not been for Lord Dunmore's War it is more than likely that when the colonies achieved their freedom they would have found their western boundary fixed at the Allegheny Mountains." At least it might have been the Ohio River.


But while Cornstalk and his followers unwillingly acceded terms of peace there was an Achilles who would have nothing to do with it. John Gibson was sent to Logan's tent with a request for him to take part in the conference. He disdainfully refused, and on being pressed took Gibson under a neighboring tree and there dictated that famous address which has been the model of every school boy orator, and the subject of controversy as to its genuineness the echoes of which have scarcely subsided even to this day. It was first published in the Virginia Gazette, and afterwards in Jefferson's notes on Virginia, which caused Jefferson himself to be charged with. its authorship and palming it off, as Logan's in order to combat the theories of some European scientists who maintained that American air and environment were not conducive to oratorical eloquence. It was declared that after all Logan was a drunken savage, who could not read or write, who could not even speak English, and was utterly incapable of making the address attributed to him. Jefferson indignantly repudiated the charge that he had composed the speech, and furnished a mass of


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evidence to the effect that not only had he received the same on the return of the Dunmore expedition, but direct testimony of those who had heard the speech rehearsed in camp, not spoken by Logan to Dunmore as many supposed, but the written document transmitted to him. Among those was a long affidavit from Gibson who was sent to Logan as related above, in which he says :


"This deponent further says that in the year 1774 he accompanied Lord Dunmore on the expedition against the Shawanese and other Indians on the Scioto, that on their arrival within fifteen miles of the towns they were met by a flag and a white man of the name of Elliott, who informed Lord Dunmore that the chiefs of the Shawanese had sent to request his lordship to halt his army and send in some person who understood their language ; that this deponent at the request of Lord Dunmore and the whole of the officers with him, went in ; that on his arrival at the towns, Logan, the Indian came to where this deponent was sitting with Cornstalk and the other chiefs of the Shawanese, and asked him to walk out with him, that they went into a copse of wood, where they sat down when Logan, after shedding abundance of tears, delivered to him the speech nearly as related to by Mr. Jefferson in his notes on the State of Virginia, etc." An eye witness testifies : "I saw John Gibson on Girty's arrival, get up and go out of the circle and talk with Girty, after which he (Gibson) went into a tent and soon after returning into the circle drew out of his pocket a piece of clean, new paper, on which was written in his own handwriting, a speech for and in the name of Logan."


It would be superfluous to accumulate evidence on this point. It is conclusive in that it narrows down the address to Logan or Gibson. It seems to be conceded that Gibson was an educated man, while Logan could not read or write, in which he was not very different from many of his white contemporaries, but the assertion that he could not speak English is absurd on its face. He was named after a Moravian missionary, and was associated with the whites from babyhood. Of course he could speak Indian and had he done so in this case, the published speech would be Gibson's translation. But this was entirely unnecessary, and if there had been such a proceeding Gibson would have doubtless have said so in his affidavit. Now as to the internal evidence of the speech itself. There have been some slight variations in the published reports of the address but the following which seems to have been the first published appears to be the most accurate :


"I appeal to any white man to say that he ever entered Logan's cabin but I gave him meat; that he ever came naked but I clothed him. In the course of the last war Logan remained in his cabin as an advocate for peace. I had such affection for the white people that I was pointed at by the rest of my nation. I should have even lived with them had it not been for Colonel Cresap, who, last spring, cut off in cold blood all the relations of Logan, not sparing women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any human creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it. I have killed many and fully glutted my revenge. I am glad that there is a prospect of peace on account of the nation; but I beg you will not entertain a thought that anything I have said proceeds from fear. Logan disdains the thought. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan? Not one."


Following is the version as published by Jefferson :


"I appeal to any white man to say if he ever entered Logan's cabin hungry and he gave him not meat ; if he ever became cold and naked and he clothed him not. During the course of the last and bloody war Logan remained idle in his cabin an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites that my countrymen pointed as they passed and said, 'Logan is the friend of the white men.' I had even thought to have lived with you but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood and unprovoked, murdered all the relatives of Logan, not even sparing my women and children. There is not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it. I have killed many. I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country I rejoice at the beams of peace—but do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan? Not one."


Aside from mistakes possibly arising in the act of copying there is an evident attempt to "improve" the original which is a dismal failure. We have given some previous examples of Indian oratory which


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was terse, epigrammatic, and while not lacking imagery yet does not descend to what is called flowery. There are some things education cannot do. Education did not and could not qualify Bacon to write Shakespeare's plays full of scientific and historic blunders as they are, the polished and cultivated Everett could not have composed the speech of Lincoln, the backwoodsman, at Gettysburg, and it is safe to say that neither Gibson nor Jefferson could have written Logan's speech; if it was they who tried to improve it they made a mess of it. Furthermore if the language of the first address is compared with the note sent to Cresap some time before the similarity of style will be manifest. It will be noted that Logan still maintains that one of the Cresaps had a hand in the Yellow Creek massacre, although Gibson says he told him otherwise. It should also be noted that Gibson in his affidavit speaks of Logan's speech being "nearly as related by Mr. Jefferson, "implying that alterations had been made by somebody.

Like Pontiac, having no object in life after the Dunmore war Logan took to drink, that bane of the red man. In 1775, Simon Kenton built a cabin for him, and in 1778 when Kenton was captured by the Shawanese and condemned to be burned, Logan saved his life. During the Revolutionary War he was on friendly terms with the British, but took no active part against the Colonists, and was the means of saving the lives of many prisoners captured in border foray. He believed that he had two souls, good and bad, that when his good soul was in the ascendant he could do nothing but good, but when his bad soul had control he wished to do nothing but kill—an aboriginal Dr. Jekyl and Mr. Hyde. He visited Detroit in 1779, and while in a fit of intoxication insulted an Indian who waylaid him on his way home. He was seated at a campfire with his blanket over his head, when the Indian crept up behind him and buried his tomahawk in his brains. There was none to mourn for Logan, but the descendants of his white contemporaries have learned to respect and esteem him.


Captain Cresap, who was so unfortunate as to have his name mixed up in the Yellow Creek tragedy, took an active part in the opening struggles of the Revolution. Having raised a company of Maryland riflemen, the beginning of the Continental army, he went to New York in the summer of 1775, where he sickened and died. He is buried in Trinity church yard in that city, and on his tombstone is the inscription: “In memory of Michael Cresap, First Capt. of the Rifle Battalions and son to Col. Thomas Cresap, who departed this life October 18th, 1775."


Cornstalk was brutally murdered while held as a hostage at Point Pleasant, with his son Elinipsico, a young warrior named Redhawk, and another Indian. This occurred in May, 1777 in revenge for the mur der of a white man with which event the great chief, who had come on an errand of peace and mercy, had nothing to do. As in the case of the Logan massacre the border suffered severly for this act of treachery, and there was no real peace thereafter until Wayne's victory in 1794.


CHAPTER VI


THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION


War Along the Border—Battle of Port Henry—Clark Secures- the Ohio Valley—The

Gnadenhutten Massacre and Crawford Expedition.


When Lord Dunmore arrived home he was warmly congratulated by the Legislature on the result of his expedition. But this good feeling was not of long duration. Resistance to the demands of Great Britain was to the front, and as the governor took the Royalist side the situation soon became too hot for him. On June 8, 1775 he took refuge on a British man of war, practically abdicating his functions, and the colony took steps to raise and equip at once nine regiments, which afterwards made a good record in the Continental army. Major Connelly had been arrested at Fort Pitt by a Pennsylvania sheriff for trespassing in that State, and left the country, and the fort passed into the hands of the Americans, who held it all through the war. Ohio County, Virginia, was organized in 1776, it including what is now the Pan Handle. The name of Fort Fincastle at Wheeling was changed to Fort Henry, and became famous afterwards as the scene of two bloody battles. As a whole the Dunmore treaty was observed by the Indians along the border, but this did not prevent sporadic raids by individuals or small bands, evidently incited by British influence. The outrages seemed to be mainly by Mingo banditti, and an expedition against them was talked of but not carried out. In the spring of 1777 apprehensions of an Indian. war became very acute, as border outrages were increasing. A council was held at Fort Pitt on March 24th, and twenty-five men sent to each of the following places : Logstown, Holliday's Cove opposite Steubenville, and Cox's about five miles below. The raids continued, and every here and there settlers were massacred with all the accompaniments of savage cruelty, their homes burnt and their wives and children murdered or carried into captivity. In the meantime Cornstalk and party had been murdered at Point Pleasant, an event calculated to excite the Indians to frenzy if they needed any such incitement. The number of warriors who could be brought against the settlements at this time was estimated at over 10,000, and when the weakness of the whites is considered, with the fact that the struggle for independence deprived them of any substantial aid from the east, truly the outlook was a gloomy one. 'The only strong positions along this border were at Fort Pitt, Redstone, Wheeling and Point Pleasant. There were blockhouses at Beech Bottom, Cross Creek and Grave Creek, and a small stockade on Short Creek, commanded by the famous Samuel McColloch. The Virginian government did what it could. Ammunition was forwarded, and the settlers advised to retire into the interior. Some did so, but the majority determined to remain and stand their ground. In August intelligence was received by


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some friendly Indians from the Moravian towns in Ohio that a large army had concentrated on the Sandusky River and would probably march towards the Ohio.


Quite a village had grown up around Fort Henry at the mouth of Wheeling Creek, and twenty or thirty houses dotted the bottom land, while flocks and herds ranged over the fields, an Acadia in the wilderness. There was no garrison in the fort, dependence being placed on the settlers to guard it in case of necessity. Scouts had returned from the up river country and reported no signs of Indians, but on the night of August 31st, 1777 a party of three hundred and eighty-nine warriors stealthily approached the village, and supposing from lights in the fort that it was guarded, posted themselves for an ambuscade the next morning. Early the following day a white man and negro were sent out to bring in some horses which were grazing in a field, who came across a party of six savages. They fled and the white man was shot down, but the negro fled to the fort and gave the alarm. Capt. Samuel Meason, who with Captain Ogle and some others were in the fort marched out with fourteen men, when they found themselves surrounded by a large body of Indians. They endeavored to retreat but were shot down one by one. Captain Meason, though badly wounded endeavored to reach the fort but was unable to do so, and concealed himself under some fallen timber until the battle was over. In the meantime Captain Ogle with twelve of his scouts sallied to the relief of those outside: They fell into the ambuscade and met the same fate as their companions. Captain Ogle was able to conceal himself in the briars where he lay until the next day. Of the twenty-six men led out by these two officers, only three escaped death, and two of these were badly wounded. While this was going on the inhabitants were hastening to the fort, and the gates were scarcely closed before the Indians were upon them. Three men who had left the fort to join their comrades met the enemy advancing in two ranks, their left flank extending to the river bank and their right to the woods. They ran back to the fort followed by a few random shots and a yell which made the valley ring. A few well directed rifle shots from the fort checked the advance of the Indians, but when the main body had been brought up a demand was made for surrender in the name of his Brittanic Majesty. An officer appearing at the window of a house said he had come with a large army to escort to Detroit such frontier inhabitants as would accept the terms offered by Governor Hamilton, namely renounce the cause of the Colonies and attach themselves to the interest of Great Britain. Protection was assured to all who would accept these terms, while those who refused would be left to savage vengeance. He read Hamilton's proclamation, and gave the inmates of the fort fifteen minutes to consider his proposition. Colonel Zane replied that they had consulted their wives and children, and that they were all resolved to perish sooner than place themselves under the protection of a savage army with him at the head, or abjure the cause of liberty and the colonies. The British Commander proceeded to depict in lurid colors the result of the obstinacy, but a shot from the fort caused his withdrawal, and the assault began.


There were in the fort but thirty-three men, another account says but twelve men and boys, to defend it against three hundred and eighty Indians, with the two terrible disasters of the morning to depress them. The Indians used the village as a cover, part of them behind the paling fence of Colonel Zane's yard, fifty or sixty yards from the fort, while a strong reserve was posted in the cornfield. Every man in the garrison was a sharpshooter, and made his shots tell, while the Indians did a great deal of wild firing against the fort and thus wasted their energy and ammunition. Shortly after dinner the Indians discontinued their firing and retired to the base of the hills. About 2:30 they again advanced on the fort, protecting themselves


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as before. There was an impetuous attack on the south side, drawing the garrison to the two lower blockhouses, where they poured a destructive fire on the enemy. While this was going on, eighteen or twenty Indians, armed with rails and wooden billets, rushed out of Zane's yard and attempted to force open the gate of the fort. Their design was discovered and after five or six had been shot down they retreated. They next attacked the fort simultaneously on three sides, the river side affording them no protection, and the battle raged furiously until evening. The rifles used by the settlers became so heated from continuous use that they were laid aside and recourse had to muskets, of which there was a supply in the storehouse. The battle lasted twenty-three hours, almost without intermission, women using guns alongside the men, while others engaged in moulding bullets others loaded rifles and passed them to the defenders, while some engaged in cooking, furnishing provisions, water, etc. Each realized that it was a life and death struggle.


A runner had been dispatched early in the day to Fort Van Metre on Short Creek, and Holliday's fort at the Cove, asking for assistance, and about daybreak on the morning of the 2d Major Samuel McColloch, with forty-five mounted men from the former place, arrived at the fort. Though closely beset by the Indians, McColloch's men entered the gate, but their commander was surrounded and forced back, and gal: loped off in the direction of Wheeling Hill. The savages could have shot him, but they wished to take him alive, as he was one of the greatest fighters along the border. His name had been a terror, and anticipating the delight of taking him alive for torture they sped after him. He reached the top of the hill and turned to the left towards Short Creek, when he ran into a party of Indians. He turned back and met his original pursuers, with a third party, coming up the hill. He was now hemmed in on three sides, with an almost perpendicular precipice in front, leading to Wheeling Creek. There was but a moment for decision. Taking his rifle in his left hand, and grasping his reins with the other, he urged his horse to the front of the bluff and leaped down the hill. It was a daring but successful chance. The noble steed with its rider went crashing through the underbrush and reached the bottom of the hill safe and sound. McColloch dashed across the creek and shouted defiance in response to the baffled cries of rage and disappointment which reached his ears.


By this time the Indians had become discouraged, and fearing they would be cut off by reinforcements, they concluded to retreat, so after burning all the houses and killing the live stock, they left as silently as they had come.


Capt. Andrew Swearingen, who was in command at Holliday's Cove when word came of the attack on Wheeling, collected fourteen volunteers and embarked in a large canoe. The night was dark and foggy, and fearing they might unknowingly pass Wheeling, they ceased rowing and drifted with the current. When daylight came, they found they had not made the distance expected and plied their oars vigorously. Soon they saw the blaze from the burning houses, and were uncertain whether the fort itself were not a heap of smoking ruins. Colonel Swearingen, Captain Bilderback and William Boshears volunteered to reconnoiter, and proceeding continuously soon reached the fort. It was still uncertain whether the Indians had departed or were lying in ambuscade, so the boatmen were cautiously guided into the fort, and a subsequent examination revealed the fact that they had indeed gone. The battle ground presented a grewsome sight. The twenty-three men who had been shot the preceding day were lying dead, many of them barbarously butchered with the tomahawk and scalping knife. Upwards of three hundred cattle, horses and hogs wantonly killed were lying around, the houses with their contents in ashes, for the settlers had not time to remove even their clothing to the fort. Of course, crops


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were all destroyed, and the settlers had scanty fare that winter. Inside the fort not a man was killed, the loss of life occurring during the ambuscade. The Indian loss was estimated at about one hundred. This was as much one of the battles of the Revolution as any contest on the Atlantic Coast, and for bravery and results accomplished the record is second to none. Shortly after, Captain Freeman came from the East and took command in this section, and was slain in an ambuscade below Wheeling. Like Braddock, he knew nothing of Indian warfare, and declined to take advice.


General Hand marched from Fort Pitt in February, 1778, against Cuyahoga, to capture arms and supplies said to have been sent there from Detroit, but stopped at Salt Licks in what is now Mahoning County, after killing and capturing a few squaws. From this, it was called the "Squaw Campaign."


All through this year there is direct evidence that Governor Hamilton was stirring up the Indians to border raids, with a measure of success. General McIntosh was appointed by Washington to the command of the Western Department, and came to Fort Pitt in May. He built a fort at the mouth of Beaver and called it Fort McIntosh, and in October headed an expedition to the Tuscarawas, where he constructed Fort Laurens. The next year it was attacked by the Indians, and after a futile attempt to hold it the fort was abandoned and McIntosh relieved at his own request.


In the meantime, there was a man who was studying over a project which meant something more than the raiding of a few Indian towns in reprisal for border outrages, which at best afforded but temporary relief. It was to strike at the fountain head, reduce the British forts in the Western country and not only break the mainspring which was moving the savages, but conquer the country for the Americans, who thus far had only the most shadowy title to it. This man was George Rogers Clark, a Virginian, then living at Harrodsburg, in the Kentucky country. As early as 1777 he had sent a couple of young hunters to Vincennes on the Wabash to ascertain just how strongly the French settlers in that section were attached to the British, to whom they had been subject since the treaty of 1763, although he disclosed nothing of his plans to them or to anybody else. They brought back word that the feeling was lukewarm at best, although they had a wholesome awe of the American backwoodsmen, concerning whom they had heard dreadful tales. That was all Clark wanted to know, and it being impossible to raise a sufficient force for his purpose from the scanty population of Kentucky, he started back to Virginia to lay the matter before Patrick Henry, the governor. Henry took up the project, but Virginia's resources were already taxed in the revolutionary struggle, and the peril of sending such a little army into the wilderness on such conditions were manifest. Then the Matter could not be brought before the Assembly, for absolute secrecy was necessary. Finally Henry authorized Clark to raise seven companies of fifty men each, advanced some money, and gave him an order on the authorities of Pittsburgh for boats and supplies. Thomas Jefferson, George Mason and George Wythe agreed in writing to do their best to induce the legislature to give each soldier three hundred acres of the conquered land if they were successful. He was to take his men solely from the frontier countries beyond the Blue Ridge. The ostensible object of the expedition was the relief of Kentucky. He had great difficulty in getting men, local jealousies and the feeling that soldiers were needed more in the East than in Kentucky hindered him greatly. But he worked along amid all discouragements and, in May, 1778, he left Redstone, touching at Pittsburgh for supplies and came on down the river in clumsy flatboats. He had one hundred and fifty volunteers, with a number of settlers for Kentucky. On May 27 lie reached the falls of the Ohio, where the


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families who were with him formed a settlement, afterwards named Louisville, in honor of the French king who had lately become our ally. Here Clark disclosed the object of the expedition, and some desertions was the result, but the remainder, with a number of Kentuckians, hailed the adventure with enthusiasm.


Clark, having weeded out all the incompetents, left the falls on June 24th with four companies aggregating less than two hundred men, but each man a host. He rowed down the river to the mouth of the Tennessee, where he met a small party of American hunters, who gave him valuable information and undertook to guide him to the towns. On the evening of July 4th, after a rapid march through the wilderness, the party reached the Kaskaskia River. They waited in the woods until dark and then marched along the river, stopping within a mile of the town. The townspeople appear to have heard some rumor of an approaching force, but paid no attention to it, although Rocheblave, the commander, when he heard of Clark's gathering in Kentucky, wrote to Detroit for reinforcements, and also to be replaced by a commander of English birth, as the Indians were uncertain, and the Frenchmen awed by reports of the ferocity of the back. woodsmen. Hamilton could not send reinforcements, but by the aid of Indians and creoles he had a respectable little army, three times the size of Clark's. An unusual exercise of generalship was necessary if anything was to be accomplished. Tinder cover of darkness Clark crossed the river and approached Kaskaskia, surrounding the town with one division of troops and leading the other up to the walls of the fort. A dance was in progress, and the sentries had left their posts to join it. A prisoner showed Clark a postern gate by the river, and, entering the fort, like Cyrus of old, he approached the revelers. While he was leaning silently against a doorpost watching the revelers, an Indian lying on the floor looked up and, seeing the stranger, sprang to his feet ut tering a war whoop. The dancing suddenly ceased, the women screamed, and the men rushed for the entrance. Clark did not move, but bade them "On with the dance," but to remember that they now danced under Virginia and not Great Britain. At this instant the French officers were seized, the streets secured, the people ordered to remain in their houses on pain of death, and by daylight everybody was disarmed. The French waited in silent terror, which Clark took no pains to diminish. Next morning a deputation of leading men called on Clark to beg for their lives, being willing even to go into slavery to save themselves and families. Clark saw his chance and embraced it. Although he had the people terrified, he knew that without their help he could not expect to hold the country with his little force. So he explained that it was not their design to enslave the people, and if they wished to become loyal citizens of the new republic they could do so, and the others might depart in peace. There was a prompt and enthusiastic response, led by the priest Pierre Gibault, to whom Clark had given immediate permission to open his church. Cahokia, a neighboring town, was next reached, and there was no trouble here, as the inhabitants had heard the news from Kaskaskia and were ready to acknowledge the new regime. Gibault volunteered to go to Vincennes and win over the people there, in which he was entirely successful, and an empire was gained without the loss of a man. But getting was not keeping, as Clark soon realized. He was in the midst of an unfriendly Indian country subject to British influence from Detroit, the terms of his men were expiring and they wanted to go home. By offering special inducements one hundred of them were persuaded to enlist for six months longer, and he succeeded in enlisting enough Creoles to bring his four companies up to their original strength. By a mixture of firmness and conciliation he finally secured a favorable treaty with the Indians, and for a time at least there was peace in that country.


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But Hamilton was not idle. A proposed expedition to Fort Pitt had been thwarted by Clark's movements, and now he proposed to recapture Vincennes. He missed no efforts to stir up the Indians, and on October 7 left Detroit with one hundred and sixty-seven regulars, which force was soon increased by accessions from the savages, so that when he reached Vincennes he had in all about five hundred men. Vincennes was not reached until December 17th, Hamilton's force having come by Lake Erie and the Maumee River, and then portaged to the Wabash, down whose waters he had floated. In the face, of this force Helm, the commander, was promptly deserted by tl^ creole militia, and being left with only two Americans surrendered, on condition that they should be treated with humanity. This agreement was kept, although the Indians plundered the fort and one house. The light-hearted French quickly transferred their allegiance to their present rulers, and Hamilton, with his five hundred men, felt very secure with Clark 240 miles away in the wilderness with only a hundred reliable soldiers. He was also near Detroit, his base of supplies, while Clark had no base whatever. Had he marched across the country he might have annihilated Clark, but the difficulties at that season seemed insuperable, and the idea that Clark would come his way never entered his head. But he did not know his man, and allowed the Indians to go home, as well as the Detroit militia, retaining thirty-four British regulars, forty French volunteers, and a dozen white Indian leaders, in a mixed company of about one hundred and sixty. He expected to take the field in the spring with over a thousand men, with artillery, reconquer the Illinois country and take Kentucky.


Clark knew he could not contend with the force that Hamilton proposed heading in the spring, and determined to forestall him. He learned that the Vincennes garrison had been reduced to eighty men, so gathering together a force of one hundred and seventy men he started, on February 7th, overland for that place. He had previously equipped a row galley with four small cannon and sent it to patrol the Ohio and Wabash, being the first gunboat on those rivers. We have not space to give a description of that march, it will be found in Roosevelt's Winning of the West. They had no tents, and waded or swam swollen streams, sometimes obstructed by ice, and in a little over a week reached the overflowed lands of the Wabash. As in the first expedition absolute secrecy was necessary, and as they were now near Vincennes they dared not fire a gun. The high water had driven away the game from the lowlands, and on the morning of the 20th the men had been without provisions two days. Clark kept up the spirits of his men, and one of the hunters killing a deer helped them out somewhat. Then they waded for three days in water often up to their chins, while the weak and famished were carried in canoes. Then there was a march of four miles through water, many on emerging falling flat on their faces from exhaustion, but, after much weary work, at last they saw the fort and town two miles away, which they hailed with as much joy as the crusaders did Jerusalem. A duck hunter having been captured gave the information that there was no suspicion of any enemy at hand, but that two hundred Indians had just come to town. This would make a force four times that of Clark's. He decided on a bold course, and sent the prisoner back to town with a message to the people to remain in their houses, and at sundown marched directly towards his foe, trusting to the dusk to conceal his numbers. He besieged the fort that night, and the next morning summoned it to surrender. While waiting for a reply, Clark's men took the opportunity of getting breakfast, the first for six days. Hamilton asked a three days' truce, which was refused, and the fort surrendered in the afternoon, with seventy-nine men. The Americans held this country until the close of the war, and secured it forever by the treaty of 1783. Clark risked his life and fortune in this


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enterprise, and the only reward he ever received was a sword voted by the Virginia Legislature, which, it is said, he indignantly threw away.


In his army was a soldier named John McGuire, originally of Winchester, Va., who never returned. His widow, Mary McGuire, moved to Jefferson County in 1798 and settled on what is now the Infirmary farm, afterwards moving to the West, where she died, leaving a number of descendants here.


Col. Daniel Brodhead succeeded McIntosh in command of the Department of the West, and conducted an important campaign up the Allegheny against the Iroquois, in which several from this section took part. The following year, 1780, the Delaware Indians joined the British and planned two raids along the border. One division crossed the Ohio below Wheeling and took a large number of prisoners, but being alarmed at reports of concentration of settlers, a retreat was determined upon, it being first resolved to murder all their male prisoners. The unfortunate men and boys were lashed to trees and brutally tomahawked and scalped in the presence of their wives and families, whose cries and tears were mingled with their dying groans. Such events as this were well calculated to create a frenzy along the border which did not discriminate when the victim was a friendly Moravian or a merciless foe. To check these outrages Colonel Brodhead began preparing for an expedition to the Muskingum. There were projects of a more extensive one to Detroit, which would have effectually checked the border raids could it have been carried out, but that was beyond the resources of the colonies. To facilitate operations Colonel Brodhead concluded to call on the small garrisons at Fort Henry and Holliday's Cove, but the season wore away without anything being accomplished. However, in April, 1781, a force of three hundred men was gathered at Wheeling, and making a rapid march, surprised the Indians on the Muskingum where Coshocton now stands. Sixteen cap tured warriors were scalped by direction of a council of war, and the following morning an Indian called from the opposite side of river for the "big Captain" (Brodhead), saying he wanted peace. Brodhead sent for his chief, who came over under a promise that he should not be killed, but it is said that when he got over he was tomahawked by the notorious Indian fighter Lewis Wetzell. After destroying a village a short distance below, the army started homeward up the Tuscarawas River towards Fort Pitt with twenty prisoners, all of whom were killed by the soldiers, except a few women and children, who were afterwards exchanged. Thus the massacre of the previous year was avenged.


On his return, Brodhead stopped at the Moravian villages of New Schonbrunn, Gnaddenhutten and Salem, in what is now Tuscarawas County, and advised them in view of their dangerous position to break up their settlements and accompany him to Fort Pitt, but they declined. It is said that a party of militia had resolved on destroying these villages, but were prevented by Brodhead and Colonel Shepherd, of Wheeling. Many of these same men came out with Williamson the following year, and satiated their thirt for blood.


In the summer of 1781 Colonel Lochry conducted a small expedition for the purpose of joining General Clark in the reduction of Detroit. It went down the river in boats, and shortly, below the mouth of Big Miami, was attacked by Indians from the shore. Colonel Lochry and forty-one of his command were killed, and the remainder captured, some of them being killed and scalped while prisoners. Among the members of this expedition were Capt. Thomas Stokely, the father of the late Gen. Samuel Stokely, of Steubenville, and Ensign Cyrus Hunter, great-grandfather of the late Will- iam H. Hunter, also of Steubenville, both of whom were among those who escaped with their lives. Captain Stokely gave an account of the affair to his son, M. S. Stokely, who in turn related it to Mr. Hunter. Captain Stokely was wounded by the


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volley fired by the savages just after the boat landed, but fearing he would be killed if he showed evidences of disability, he assumed to be sound and was permitted to accompany the Indians on their march to Detroit. On the way, however, they camped and made preparations to burn him at the stake. Stokely was tied to the stake and the fire lighted, when he made the Masonic sign of distress. He was immediately taken from the stake and permitted to accompany the Indians. However, with Captain Boyd, he succeeded in making his escape, and a year after appeared before the council of war in Philadelphia, and it is recorded in the Archives of Pennsylvania that the two men " appeared before the council and, stating that they were refugees, were given provisions and clothing to aid them on their way to Westmoreland County." The Masonic sign as a means of relief from Indian torture is questioned by historians. Dr. Egle says he has heard of but one authentic case of an Indian recognizing the Masonic sign; this was a Canadian Indian. The grandson of Captain Stokely says that he had always understood from his father's with the party that massacred Colonel Lochry and his soldiers was a Canadian Indian, and if the Canadian Indians were Masons, the story has foundation. Besides, it is known that the Indians that slaughtered Lochry and his men at the mouth of the Miami were commanded by a white man, perhaps a British officer sent out from Detroit, for the British officers at Detroit kept in touch with all the patriot expeditions by means of Indian spies.


Events were now tending rapidly toward an event which shocked even the blunted sensibilities of the fierce border characters, and left a stain on the history of that period which will never be wiped out, the slaughter of the Christian Indians at Gnaddenhutten, about fifty-five miles west of what is now Steubenville. We have seen that they had been warned of their danger by General Brodhead, but persisted in remaining in their homes, which were directly in the pathway of hostile forces from both sides, and charged with furnishing provisions to each in turn, which indeed they were obliged to do. In August, 1781, a force of three hundred warriors, accompanied by a British officer, appeared at their towns, and after remaining there a month compelled the Moravian missionaries and all their followers to go back with them to Sandusky. The object of this move was to enable the hostile tribes to reach the border without being observed and reported. This was noticed by General Brodhead, who took increased precautions. A raid was made on Wheeling in September, supposedly by the same force that abducted the Moravians, but beyond the burning of Colonel Zane's house it was unsuccessful.


When the Moravians were carried to Sandusky, their cattle, corn and other winter provisions were left behind. The missionaries were taken to Detroit and tried as American spies, but were acquitted and returned to Sandusky. Shortly after this, David Williamson, a militia col, oriel Of Washington County, Pennsylvania, marched to the Muskingum to compel the removal of the missionaries, but found they had been anticipated by the other side. They captured a small party who had returned from Sandusky to gather some standing corn, and brought them to the settlements. They were immediately freed by General Irvine, who had been placed in command at Fort Pitt. The abandoned towns were made the resting place of warriors going to or returning from the Ohio with scalps and prisoners, as well as small pursuing parties from the east, and a few Christian Indians escaped from Sandusky, a combination of circumstances not calculated to encourage peace and good feeling. The winter of 1781-2 was cold, and provisions at Sandusky running short about a hundred of the converts obtained leave to go back to the Tuscarawas for supplies. At the same time, hostiles were sent to raid the border, with the expectation that their pursuers would follow them to the Tucara-


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was towns, when they would find the Christian Indians gathering corn and dispatch them. It was a deep laid scheme, concocted by the British authorities to embroil the settlers with the Indians. In February, 1782, a party of warriors crossed the Ohio at Mingo and at the present site of Steubenville, and took a number of captives on Raccoon and Buffalo Creeks in Pennsylvania. Alarm and exasperation became general, and work was begun towards organizing the expedition afterwards commanded by David Williamson. It was early in the season for raids of this kind, which created the belief that the raiders were either Moravians or warriors who had their winter quarters in their towns. The raiders attacked the house of Robert Wallace on Raccoon Creek during his absence, and carried off his wife and three children. Wallace, returning home and finding everything destroyed, his cattle shot and his family missing, raised a party of neighbors and started after the raiders, but a snowstorm hindered them from overtaking the savages, and they were obliged to return. The mother and infant were soon tomahawked, and the two boys carried to Sandusky, where the elder died. Arriving at Gnadenhutten, they found the Christians gathering corn to carry to their starving brethren in the Northwest. Hearing the story of the warriors, the peaceful Indians became alarmed and ordered the unwelcome visitors away. Before going, the latter bartered the dress they had taken from Mrs. Wallace to some young Indian girls for provisions. After their departure, the Christians called a council at Salem, when it was decided.to remain and continue gathering the corn, trusting to their well known reputation for Christianity and peacefulness to insure their safety. It was agreed to begin preparations for the return with the corn for their famishing brethren on the Sandusky.


Colonel Williamson had gathered together about ninety men, who rendezvoused at Mingo Bottom on the night of March 2d, and the next morning started on their march up Cross Creek. On the evening of the second day's march they arrived within a mile of Gnadenhutten and encamped for the night. Had they been a day later they would have found the place deserted, the Moravians were already binding up their packages for departure. On their way to the town on March 6th, the whites met a young half-breed, Joseph Shabosh, who had come out early in the morning to catch a horse. He was killed and scalped while pleading for his life on the ground of being a Christian and a son of a white man. The murderers proceeded towards the town, passing Jacob, a brother-in-law of Shabosh, who was in a cornfield tying up some sacks recently filled. He was concealed by the standing corn, although the whites were so close that he recognized some who were in the party who took the Christian Indians to Fort Pitt the preceding fall. He was about to hail a former acquaintance when he heard a rifle crack, and an Indian who was in a canoe on the river dropped dead. Jacob fled into the forest, where he concealed himself for twenty-four hours until the murderers had departed. The whites, seeing some Indians in a cornfield on the opposite side of the river, sent a detachment of sixteen men to induce them to come over. They approached them as friends, shook hands, and asked them to recross to the town and prepare to return with the party to Fort Pitt, promising to supply them with everything needed. Putting faith in these promises, the Indians went back without hesitation. The net was not yet quite complete. From a hill across the river, John Martin and his son, Christian Indians, observed the friendly motions in the town, and the son went over, while the father went to Salem to inform the brethren there of what was going on. The Salem Indians sent two men with Martin to Gnadenhutten, when Williamson appointed a party of whites to go back with them and invite all from the lower town up to Gnadenhutten. When the latter arrived opposite Gnadenhutten, they noticed blood in the sand and on a canoe that


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was lying at the edge of the water. They had already surrendered all their weapons, under promise that they would be returned on their arrival at Fort Pitt. Reaching the town they found the inhabitants already confined preparatory to the slaughter, which was being arranged with as much coolness and deliberation as an ordinary feast. Having coral led their prey, the whites from professing friendship began to abuse the Indians, charging them with the responsibility of the border raids, pointing to pewter plates, cups, spoons, tea kettles, etc., as evidence of their robberies. It was useless to explain that they had bought these articles from the whites themselves. It the fable of the wolf and lamb over again, and when the bloody dress of Mrs. Wallace was recognized, there was no further need of witnesses, and the unfortunates were ordered to prepare for death. They begged a short interval for preparation, and while they were saying their last prayers their captors discussed the manner in which they should be slain. Some favored burning them alive, while others were willing to allow mercy to the extent of killing them first and then burning them after scalping. Williamson appears to have been in favor of saving the captives, but his authority over the motley crowd was limited, and the most lie could accomplish was to submit the matter to a vote. But eighteen out of the hundred favored sparing the lives of the prisoners, and they retired from the scene, calling the Almighty to witness that they washed their hands of the terrible crime about to be committed. It has always been difficult to get exact details of the terrible affair. Heck-welder says that the number killed exceeded ninety, all of whom except four were killed in the mission houses, they having been tied there and knocked in the head with a cooper's mallet. One man, taking up the mallet, began with an Indian named Abraham and continued knocking down until he counted fourteen ; he then handed the mallet to one of his fellows and said, "My arm fails me ; go on in the same way ;

I think I have done pretty well." In another house, where mostly women and children were tied, Judith, an aged and pious widow, was the first victim. After this party had finished, as they thought, they retreated a short distance, but, on returning to view the dead bodies, they found one of them, named Abel, scalped and mangled, attempting to raise himself from the floor. Him they dispatched, and having set fire to the house, went off shouting and cursing.


Sixty-two grown persons were slain in this massacre, one-third of them being women, the remainder being children. Among the incidents in the first house was that of a boy named Thomas. He was knocked down and scalped, but only stunned, and on recovering and looking around saw another boy named Abel, alive but scalped, with blood running down his face. Thomas laid down as if dead, when a party came in and finished Abel by chopping his head with a hatchet. Thomas afterwards crept over the dead bodies to the door, and on getting out hid himself until dark, when he made his way to Sandusky. A boy who was in the house with the women, got down into the cellar with another boy, where they lay concealed until the butchery was over. After dark they tried to get out through a window. One succeeded, but the other stuck fast, and the building being set on fire he was burned to death. The two who escaped made their way to Sandusky. One of the whites took home with him a boy of eight years whom lie brought up to manhood, when he returned to his tribe. So far as is known, these are the only ones who escaped the massacre in addition to the young man in the cornfield, although Mr. Hunter, in his Path finders, tells a romantic story of a young man named John Haverstock, who joined Williamson's force at Mingo, falling in love with a beautiful Indian maiden named "Sweet Corn" whom he found in the fields at Gnadenhutten, saved her life at the risk of his own, and married her, from whom the Haverstock family, of Bel-


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mont County, and the late W. T. Campbell, were descended. The white renegade, Simon Girty, now comes to the front urging the Indian tribes to avenge the massacre. He cared nothing for the Gnadenhutten Indians, but as agent of the British viewed the slaughter with satisfaction, as it enabled him to stir up the spirit of revenge on the part of the tribes.. And his task was not difficult. Although the Williamson raiders were allowed to march home without interruption, yet all along the border the tomahawk and the firebrand were soon busy. So far from the expedition striking terror into the savages the effect was just the opposite. While the warriors looked rather contemptuously on the Moravians, yet they were their relatives, and their slaughter called for bloody vengeance. Scalps taken were carried to the scene of the massacre, dried, painted red or black inside, with the picture of a bullet or hatchet in another color, to indicate how its owner died. A bunch of faggots on the smooth side represented death by fire. No human being resided in that valley for a number of years the bones of the martyrs lay scattered around, and the spring blossoms of the fruit trees planted by the villagers exhaled their fragrance only for the benefit of the solitary wanderer—the beast of the forest. Ninety years after, a monument was erected on the spot, bearing the following inscription : "Here triumphed in death ninety Christian Indians, March 8, 1782."


There has been considerable effort to palliate this horrible massacre, and especially to discredit the comments and conclusions of Rev. Dr. Doddridge, the early historian of this valley, to the effect that the expedition was an irresponsible one, that "each man furnished himself with his own arms, ammunition and provisions," that "the murder of the Moravians was intended," that "no resistance from them was anticipated," that "in the latter end of the year 1781, the militia of the frontier came to a determination to break up the Moravian villages on the Muskingum," and that "it (the massacre) was one of those convulsions of the moral state of society, in which the voice of the justice and humanity of a majority is silenced by the clamor and violence of a lawless minority."


This whole matter has been thoroughly investigated by William M. Farrar, of the State Archaeological Society, who sustains Dr. Doddridge in every particular. It is very probable that the latter secured most of his data from James Marshel, lieutenant of Washington County, Pennsylvania, at the time of the massacre, who would have had the ordering out of a regular military expedition had there been any such. About 1779, Colonel Marshel moved to Charlestown, Va., now Wellsburg, where he died in 1829. For years he was the neighbor of Dr. Doddridge, and when the latter's history was published, in 1824, they were intimate personal friends. Mr. Farrar also disposes of the Carpenter and impalement stories referred to later. That a strong public sentiment along the border palliated, if it did not attempt to justify the massacre, is undoubtedly true, although there were not wanting indignant protests, but eastward, as the details became known, the expression was one of almost universal horror. Whether Williamson held a commission as militia officer at the organization of the expedition is uncertain, although he did soon after. He was chosen commander after they had rendezvoused at Al ingo, and that was his real authority. As Mr. Farrar says :


"The expedition was neither infantry nor cavalry, mounted nor dismounted, but a mixed crowd made up from that reckless and irresponsible element usually found along the borders of civilization, boys from eighteen to twenty years of age, who joined the expedition from love of adventure, and partly of such well known characters as Capt. Sam Brady, of West Liberty, Va., and at least one of the Wetzels from near Wheeling, who from their experience and well known bravery as frontiersmen, are said to have exercised very great influence in deciding the fate of the Indians.


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Each man provided his own horse, arms and provisions, and it was noisy, turbulent and disorderly from the start, and the authority exercised by Williamson over it, about equivalent to that usually conceded to the leader of an ordinary mob. Who suggested that the question whether the Indians should be killed or taken prisoners to Fort Pitt he submitted to a vote is not known, but the fact that he did so, only serves to show the extent of Williamson's authority. He is represented, by those who knew him personally, as a man of naturally pleasant and agreeable disposition; six feet in height, rather fleshy in his makeup, of florid complexion, and of 'too easy a compliance with public opinion, as Doddridge says."


The story concerning John Carpenter is that about the time of the Wallace tragedy or very soon thereafter, he was captured on the waters of Buffalo Creek by six Indians, two of whom spoke good Dutch, and called themselves Moravians that he was carried a prisoner to the middle Moravian town, where, among other things, he saw the bloody dress of Mrs. Wallace, which was said to have inflamed the spectators to the point of massacre. Now, John Carpenter was among the first, and, with the exception of Maxwell, already mentioned, possibly the first settler west of the Ohio River. He lived for several years on Buffalo Creek, ten or twelve miles east of the river, but becoming familiar through his hunting expeditions with the rich lands on this side, and foreseeing that the Indian titles would soon be extinguished, determined to secure a claim here. Accordingly, in the summer and fall of 1781, he cleared a piece of land and built a cabin at the mouth of Short Creek (afterwards the Bayless property). While thus engaged in September, lie received warning of the second attack on Fort Henry, and hastily removed his family to the east side of the river to a place of safety. When the field was clear Carpenter returned to Ohio, and finishing his work late in the fall, went back to his home on Buffalo Creek with a full supply of wild game for his winter provision. He then took a pair of horses and started to Fort Pitt in order to secure a supply of salt, and while on his way was captured, taken to the Moravian town, and started from there in charge of two of his captors, from whom he escaped and made his way back to Fort Pitt, but all this took place two months or more prior to February, 17, 1782, when the Wallace cabin was destroyed, and the family carried off. We may add, that he returned to Short Creek the following summer, where his cabin was afterwards strengthened into a small blockhouse, known as Carpenter's fort. One day, while at work in his garden, he was fired at by an Indian in the woods and severely wounded. The Indian attempted to scalp him, but Mrs. Carpenter, a strong, resolute woman, came to the rescue, and made such vigorous resistance that her husband escaped into the cabin and the Indian fled. In 1801, Edward Carpenter, the oldest son of John Carpenter, took a government contract from Steubenville to the Wills Creek crossing of the Zane tract in Guernsey County, where the National Road could be reached, which is now the main county road leading from Steubenville westward. During the progress of his work he entered a quarter section of land in Section 26 of Township 11, range 6, where he resided until he died, .January 12, 1828. His son, Edward, lived there until March 22, 1882, when he died at the age of eighty years. He gave the facts to Mr. Farrar, as related above, and is certainly better authority than simply vague reports frequently started by interested parties.


The story of finding the dead body of Mrs. Wallace impaled near Mingo, which so excited the settlers that they became frenzied, is another of those apocryphal tales of later origin. The Wallace cabin stood a short distance north of what was known as Briceland's cross roads, and the Indians committing the outrage reached it by crossing the Ohio River at the mouth of Yellow Creek, and following a trail along the dividing ridge between the waters of


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King's Creek on the south, and those of Travis Creek on the north, and after killing the stock, plundering and burning the cabin, they retreated by the same route, taking Mrs. Wallace and her three children with them. The child proving an incumbrance to rapid travel, an Indian attempted to take it from her to kill it, but she resisted so vigorously that he became enraged and cleaved her skull with his tomahawk. The bodies of mother and child were carefully hidden, that they might not aid pursuit, and were not discovered until several years afterwards. This was, of course, some twenty miles north of Mingo, so the bodies could not have been discovered by the Williamson crowd, even if they had been impaled as stated. In fact, at this time, Robert Wallace supposed his wife was still alive and a prisoner among the Indians, and he knew no better until nearly three years later, when an Indian trader who had been among the Wyandots at Sandusky, learned that his younger son, Robert, was still living, the elder having died, and that the mother and baby had been killed before reaching the Ohio River. From a letter dated October 21, 1782, more than eight months after the capture, it appears that Wallace, believing his wife to be alive, was making efforts through General Irvine to find out where she was and effect her recovery. He finally found the younger boy, and ascertaining from him the locality where the mother and child had been killed, searched for and found the remains, which he disinterred and reburied in the graveyard at Cross Creek Village. In 1792 he married Mary Walker, having five children, and died in 1808. His son, Robert, died in 1855 at the age of seventy-seven years.


Mr. Farrar has collected considerable testimony to show that this raid had been planned for months previous, and when it was over the participants did not come home rejoicing as soldiers from a glorious war, but quietly, if not secretly, and few of them would ever converse on the subject. We will conclude this painful subject with the following from Mr. Farrar's article :

"A gentleman born in 1796 said that he was present at Burgettstown, Pa., in August, 1812, upon the day when volunteers were raised to march to Detroit to repel the British and Indians reported to be marching on the frontiers in consequence of Hull's surrender of the post at Detroit. It was a day of great excitement, and called together a large crowd of people from the surrounding country. Among other sights that drew the attention of a boy of sixteen years, he came across a crowd being entertained by an old pan much the worse for liquor, who was singing maudlin songs, when some person said, 'Now, Uncle Sol, show us how they killed the Indians.' At once the old fellow's whole manner changed from the gay to the grave, and he began cursing the cowards who killed women and children. Presently he ran forward, making motions as if throwing a rope over the heads of those in front of him, and then running backwards as if dragging an object after him, seized the large stick held in his hands, and began beating an imaginary object, all the time howling and cursing like a demon, when somebody pulled him away, saying it was a shame. My informant learned that Uncle Sol had been at the Moravian massacre, and when in his cups would show how they killed the Indians, but when sober could not be induced to open his mouth on the subject. The men concerned in the affair returned to their homes, where many of them lived to a good old age and spent exemplary lives, a number having become ruling elders and leading members in the churches at Cross Creek, Upper Buffalo and other places. And it is a curious fact that in the great religious movement that swept over western Pennsylvania during the latter part of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth centuries, many of these men were active and leading participants, and that the great religious movement had its origin at Vance's Fort and among the same men with whom the Moravian massacre originated. But time has drawn the veil of