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Congress to prevent complications and disturbances had in 1783 forbidden the purchase of lands from the Indians by individuals or companies. Regarding the situation at this time, Slocum in his "History of the Maumee Basin" says : "The impartial and unreserved historian must attribute a large proportion of the trouble the United States has had with the savages, including their many savage butcheries, to the perfidy and arrogant meddlesomeness of the British from the first. They were repeatedly importuned to withdraw from this territory according to the terms of the Treaty of Paris, and to let the savages in American territory alone. President Washington sent Baron von Steuben of the United States Army to Governor Haldimand 12th July, 1783, to ask that orders be issued for the withdrawal of British troops from Detroit and other posts in American territory whence they persisted in dominating the savages throughout Ohio and the southwest. The request was refused and statements made that the treaty was provisional, and that no orders had been received to surrender the posts. Gov. George Clinton of New York was refused the surrender of Fort Niagara May 10, 1784. Another unsuccessful demand was made for their surrender July 12, 1784, through the then Lieut.-Col. William Hull." As has been referred to and will be shown again, later, the British continued to hold the posts of Detroit, Michilimackinac, Niagara and Oswego until 1796; and in 1794, they built Fort Miami on the lower Maumee River by reason of which as will further appear, they frustrate(', peace in the Northwest Territory and caused the loss of hundreds of American lives.


CHAPTER XXIX


THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY


INDIAN TREATIES-OHIO COUNTRY LAND SURVEYS-BRITISH STILL ATTEMPT AMERICAN DISRUPTION-ORDINANCE OF 1787-OHIO COMPANY OF ASSOCIATES- SETTLEMENT AT MARIETTA-OFFICERS OF THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY-FORT WASHINGTON ESTABLISHED.


While the several states were relinquishing to the United States their claims upon this vast territory of the Northwest and the authorities were making treaties with the Indians for its possession, American leaders were before Congress with various propositions for a form of Government therefor.


On May 20th, 1785, Congress passed an ordinance for a survey and the disposition of that part of the territory purchased from the Indians at the treaties of Fort Stanwix and Fort McIntosh. A surveyor was appointed for each state interested, who were under the control of Thomas Hutchins, geographer of the United States, and who was the engineer of the Colonel Bouquet Ohio expedition of 1764.


The plan was to survey the lands into townships of six miles square by lines running north and south and east and west; and each township was to be divided into sections one mile square, making thirty-six sections to a township. The north and south lines six miles apart dividing the townships were called "ranges" and the east and west lines the same distance apart were called "township" lines. Section sixteen of each township was set apart for school revenues and the other lands sold for not less than one dollar per acre and the cost of surveying. Congress later, however, sold large tracts at a much lower price. The first survey was started at the point where the western boundary of Pennsylvania intersects the north bank of the Ohio River. A line run due west from this point was known as the geographers base line.


So far as northwestern Ohio is concerned, in this state's survey later, the 41st parallel of latitude running east from the Indiana line and dividing Paulding and Van Wert counties was established and surveyed as the base line by Sylvanus Bourne in May, 1819. The six miles in width strips north from this line are designated as "townships" one, two, three, four, north, etc.


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The boundary line between Ohio and Indiana was taken as the meridian and the "ranges" also in six mile strips are numbered east and west from this Ohio-Indiana boundary line—thus, range one, two, three and four east or west, etc. From various reservations and local land appropriations, many other terms are used in describing land locations in the Maumee and Sandusky regions.


Noting the settlement preparations the British continued to aid and abet many schemes to embarrass the progress of the new and struggling Republic, "to deprive it of its rights and even disrupt it altogether." Doctor John Connolly, the noted Virginia loyalist and who was a British subject and resident of Canada, in his activities in the years 1787-88 and 89, traversed the Maumee River between Detroit and Kentucky in his efforts to turn the Kentuckians against the states in the east and to make an alliance with the British for the purpose of capturing the Spanish lands on the Mississippi, and by gaining control of the Mississippi basin, possibly form a separate government. It was charged that Doctor Connolly in this work was a direct emissary from Lord Dorchester, then governor of Canada. Even Gen. James Wilkinson, who succeeded Wayne in the American Western command, was not free of the suspicion of encouraging the secession of Kentucky from the United States. Detroit's defenses were strengthened and Benedict Arnold in June, 1790, was reported as visiting Detroit and inspecting the British troops. President Washington, cognizant of the British military preparations, took official notice of the fact.


However, the background for this western settlement had long been in preparation. From 1776 up to the peace of 1783, Congress had made pledges of bounty lands to members of the Continental Army. Until the surrender of the various state claims and Indian rights, the government had no land to give or dispose of. As far back as in June, 1783, at Newberg, Washington's headquarters, "nearly three hundred officers of the Continental line" who were leaving the service in adverse financial condition, petitioned Congress to "work out a district between Lake Erie and the Ohio River as the seat of a new colony." Randall calls attention to the fact that the prime mover in this petition was Rufus Putnam, but nothing then came of the project.


It is not within the province of this story to go into all the details of the various proposals for the formation of a government for the territory, but Theodore Bland with the support of Alexander Hamilton, put such a proposition before Congress at


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nearly the same time that did the Continental army officers, and a committee headed by Thomas Jefferson appointed by Congress, on March 1, 1784, "the very day" Virginia ceded her claims, reported what was known as the Jefferson Ordinance. This document provided for the division into seventeen states of all the public territory east of the Mississippi, between latitudes thirty-one and forty-seven degrees north. Ten of these states were to be north of the Ohio River and were to be named Sylvania, Michigania, Cherronesus, Assenisipia, Metropotamia, Illinoia, Saratoga, Washington, Polypotamia and Pelisipia.


These states were to forever remain a part of the United States and slavery should cease therein after 1800. Randall observed that the only persons dwelling in the vast domain to be so divided, at this time "were about three thousand Louisiana French, mostly on the lower Mississippi, and the scattering French settlers in the northwest among whom were a few slaves." The settlers in the French towns in the territory taken by George Rogers Clark, claimed after the Revolution to be American citizens.


There, of course, were many other provisions in the ordinance. After some modification, it was passed by Congress April 23, 1784, and was practically in effect until the passage, July 13, of the later and now famous Ordinance of 1787; three other ordinance drafts in the meantime were considered.


Next to the Constitution of the United States, which was being considered in the Constitutional Convention at the same time, the Ordinance is perhaps the most noted document in American history, and had the attention of many able minds. Daniel Webster declared that—"We are accustomed to praise the law-givers of antiquity; we help to perpetuate the fame of Solon and Lycurgus, but I doubt whether one single law of any law-giver, ancient or modern, has produced effects of more distinct, marked and lasting character than the Ordinance of 1787." Manasseh Cutler was one of the chief characters at least in securing its passage and figures in its results prominently later.


The lands therein, known as the Northwest Territory, embraced the present states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin and practically the part of Minnesota east of the Mississippi. The officers were a governor appointed by Congress for a term of three years; a secretary to hold his office four years; a court consisting of three judges to hold their office during their good behavior and to have a common law jurisdiction. The gov-


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ernor and judges were to specify criminal and civil laws to be in force until the organization of a General Assembly and passages by this body of other laws. The governor was also designated as the commander-in-chief of the militia, was empowered to commission all officers below the grade of general, was also clothed with authority to lay out the lands, where Indian titles had been extinguished, into temporary counties and townships, with the power to appoint the civil officers for these divisions.


On October 5, 1787, to assume their duties February 1st, 1788, the following officers were selected by Congress : Governor, Maj.Gen. Arthur St. Clair; Secretary, Winthrop Sargent; Judges, Samuel H. Parsons, James M. Varnum and John Armstrong. John Cleves Symmes was subsequently appointed to the place declined by Mr. Armstrong. It was estimated that within the year after the organization of the Territory, twenty thousand men, women and children from the eastern states came down the Ohio River to settle in Kentucky and within the new Territory.


The plan of survey of these western lands has already been noted. The first surveying party under Hutchins, of which Gen. Benjamin Tupper was a member, got no further west than Pittsburg. In the winter of 1785-1786 he returned to Massachusetts, but in June, 1786, came west again and the survey of the seven ranges was completed under his leadership. He had noted the topography of the section, fertility of the soil and the advantages of the watercourses. His observations as to the "promised lands in the west" were placed before the soldiers of the Revolution who had been impoverished by the war. Plans had already been discussed for the formation of a land company made up mostly of Revolutionary officers; one of the leading movers as has been stated being Rufus Putnam. Tupper circulated a glowing report of the Ohio country as he viewed it and after many conferences and town meetings, the famous new Ohio Company was projected at the "Bunch of Grapes" tavern, Boston, Mass., March 1, 1786, and organized March 3rd with General Putnam president. Later Gen. Samuel H. Parsons, Gen. Rufus Putnam and Rev. Manasse Cutler were chosen directors, with Maj. Winthrop Sargent secre tary and Col. Richard Platt treasurer of the company. Gen James Varnum was later added to the list of directors.


Of course when the company was projected they had in min the successful passage of the ordinance for establishing a govern ment for the Northwest Territory. They could not utilize thei land purchase until Congress passed the proper legislation for th


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territorial organization. The same parties were interested in both propositions. In fact the "Ordinance of 1787 and the Ohio purchase were parts of one and the same transaction." The purchase would not have been made without the ordinance and Doctor Cutler was one of the prime factors in securing the passage of the ordinance by Congress, and it was he who made the contract for the purchase of the lands.


There were two contracts made with the government. One was by the Ohio Company for the purchase of a million and a half acres and another by private speculators, known as the Scioto Company, for the purchase of near three and a half million acres. Something less than one million acres, however, was secured to the Ohio Company and the failure of the Scioto Company does not belong to this story. The Ohio Company purchase was on the north side of the Ohio River and mostly west of the Muskingum, with a small portion east of the latter stream running north from where Marietta was established. The Scioto purchase was between the Ohio Company purchase and the Scioto River on the west, with the Ohio the southern boundary.


Arriving from different points in the east and starting on different dates this western Mayflower Expedition, in a galley, flatboat and several canoes, left Sumrill's Ferry, now West Newton, Pennsylvania, April 2nd, 1788. Passing down the Ohio the flotilla landed at the mouth of the Muskingum April 7th about noon—forty-seven men under Gen. Rufus Putnam. The next morning the surveyors started to lay off the settlement lands into eight acre lots, tree felling and cabin raising began, and on July 2nd the town was named Marietta in honor of Marie Antionette "the Queen of that French king and nation who had helped these brave men in the times that tried men's souls.


"On the morning of the 9th of July the boom of a boat's gun awoke the echoes between the forest-lined banks of the broad Ohio, and soon a barge, hurried by the swift current and twelve stalwart watermen, turned into the Muskingum and swung up to the rude landing-place. The governor of the Northwest Territory had arrived at the capital. It was a great day for the new colony." The governor and judges began the promulgation of laws and there came the dawn of a new era. The laws declared operative, however, did not affect the Maumee and Sandusky country for many years, by reason of the Indians and British dominance.


While civilization was gaining a foothold on the southern borders of now Ohio the British were adding to their military


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strength at Detroit. This latter renewal of activities and the apparent encroachment upon their domains on the Ohio had a disturbing effect upon the Indians and overtures of peace to them by the American government were without satisfactory results. To neutralize the savage restlessness, Congress on July 21, 1787, directed the Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Northern Department, or General Josiah Harmar, to make a treaty with the Indians of the Wabash country, the Shawnees of the Upper Maumee section and of the Scioto; and to grant them such assurances as the dignity of the United States would permit. No satisfaction forthcoming, Governor St. Clair was instructed to investigate with great care the attitude of the Indians; remove the causes of trouble if possible and establish good will between the tribes and the government; regulate the Indian trade; take advantage of all opportunities to extinguish the Indians' land claims as far west as the Mississippi and northward to the completion of the forty-first degree north latitude; ascertain the names of the real head men and warriors of the various tribes and to use all possible means to attach these leaders to the interests of the United States. Lastly to frustrate and defeat all Indian combinations and confederations and conciliate the white frontiersmen towards these forest inhabitants.


One of Governor St. Clair's first acts was to create the county of Washington which comprised nearly all the eastern and southern portions of now Ohio.


On January 9th, 1789, Governor St. Clair after much effort, made a further treaty at Fort Harmar, mouth of the Muskingum opposite Marietta, with the Six Nations and the Chippewas, Delawares, Ottawas, Pottawatomies, Sacs and Wyandots, confirming the boundary land claims of the Indians to be limited within the boundaries of the Cuyahoga and Maumee rivers and Lake Erie and north of a line extending from Fort Laurens to Loramies; practically later the Greenville Treaty line, with many reservations therein to the United States government. Trouble with the Wabash and Illinois Indians was still on and President Washington requested that war with them be avoided if possible, but authorized Governor St. Clair to call one thousand militiamen from Virginia and five hundred from Pennsylvania if necessary, to cooperate with Federal troops for the protection of the western interests of the Americans. Later in the fall of 1789, Major Doughty with a detachment of troops built a defense which General Harmar on his arrival soon after named Fort


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Washington on the site of now Cincinnati. About January 1, 1790, Governor St. Clair and the territorial judges left Marietta for the western country going down the Ohio. Stopping at Fort Washington they established the county of Hamilton and changed the name of the settlement from Losantiville to Cincinnati. They arrived at Clarksville January 8th and reaching the Illinois section, they organized all the lands west of Hamilton County into St. Clair County.


Efforts were still continued among the Indians along the Maumee and Wabash rivers to bring about an understanding and while the older men of the less prominent tribes were seemingly for peace the younger warriors were reported as constantly encouraged by the British not to make terms. At the villages at the head of the Maumee (Fort Wayne) the Miamis, Delawares, Shawnees and Pottawatomies informed an American ambassador they could come to no terms without consulting the British commandant at Detroit. They promised within thirty days after the conference on the Maumee to send their answer to Major Hamtramck at Vincennes. Commissioner Gamielin failing of results at the head of the Maumee, on May 2nd, started for Vincennes, where it was reported that three days after his departure all the tribes had sent out war parties who were committing depredations and that even a white captive at the head of the Maumee had been roasted and eaten by the savages. In the situation the government decided upon action. Leaving the instructions of Congress relative to the lands and settlements along the Wabash in the hands of Secretary Winthrop Sargent, who thereupon organized the county of Knox, Governor St. Clair by the rivers route returned from Kaskaskia to Fort Washington. Here still further Indian depredations and raids were reported to the governor by General Harmar, who had in April that year (1790) made a demonstration against the Indians on the Scioto River. With one hundred regulars, supported by Gen. Charles Scott a veteran of the Revolution in command of two hundred and thirty Kentucky volunteers, Harmar "made a dash by a circuitous route" to the Upper Scioto and in the vicinity of Paint Creek, from where he marched down the Scioto to the Ohio with a view of chastising the savages. However, the Indians scattered before his little army and the expedition availed little, while a demonstration by Hamtramck on the Wabash had only slightly more favorable results.


CHAPTER XXX


CAMPAIGN OF GENERAL HARMAR


HIS ARMY A MOTLEY GATHERING-MARCHES NORTH FROM FORT WASHINGTON -REACHES HEAD OF MAUMEE RIVER-GLARING DISPLAY OF INEFFICIENCY OF OFFICERS AND MEN-HIS DEFEAT AT SITE OF PRESENT FORT WAYNE-RETREAT OF DISORGANIZED FORCES-HARMAR RESIGNS COMMAND-ELATION OF VICTORIOUS SAVAGES.


It was in the summer of 1790 that Congress authorized President Washington to call out the militia of Virginia, Western Pennsylvania and of Kentucky to assemble at Fort Washington by the 15th of September. The British at Detroit believed the movement of the American troops was to secure Detroit and other lake posts, but assurances were given to the contrary. The expedition under General Harmar was to be conducted against the Maumee Indian towns "the residence of all the renegade savages and from whence issued all the parties who infested the frontiers." Another object of Harmar was to "build by the Maumee one or more forts and to establish a connecting line of refuge posts for supplies and from which sorties could be mad to intercept the savages."


Harmar's command consisted of 320 regulars, including an artillery company carrying three light brass cannon; 1,133 militia from Kentucky, including a battalion of mounted riflemen; and one battalion of infantry from Pennsylvania. Many of the Kentucky militia were without guns when they arrived at the fort and many guns they had needed repairing. The artificers were kept busy repairing the locks, stocks and barrels. The character of the troops was disheartening to the general, "one-half certainly served only to swell the number." The colonels disputed about the commands and there was much trouble in keeping the officers with their commands in proper order—all according to Major Denny's Military Journal and the account of Capt. John Armstrong, from whose reports this story is taken. The Pennsylvania contingent was little better.


On September 26th a detachment of the militia set out from Fort Washington, followed soon by the regulars. On October 3rd the advance forces encamped on the Little Miami River thirty-one


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miles from Fort Washington and next day reached a branch of this stream ten miles farther north; on the sixth they made camp six miles north of Old Chillicothe and on the seventh reached Mad River. On 'the 10th they crossed the Great Miami and following that stream, on October 11, passed Loramies store 112 miles from their starting point; and on the 12th crossed a stream running to the northeast, about a mile at which was (James) Girty's home (trading post) on the St. Marys River, now St. Marys. On the sixteenth Colonel Hardin, who had been sent forward with a detachment, reached the Miami towns, junction of the St. Marys and St. Josephs rivers, head of the Maumee, and on the following day the main army arrived. .The Indians had retreated and left behind some cows and large quantities of corn and vegetables. The militia here in parties of thirty or forty regardless of discipline, strolled about in search of plunder. Denny further said that there were "several tolerably good log houses in the village said to have been occupied by British traders, a few pretty good gardens with some fruit trees and vast fields of corn in every direction."


General Harmar, supposing that the Indians with their families and baggage had encamped at some point not far from these Miami Towns, determined to make an effort to discover the place of their encampment and to bring them to battle. Accordingly, on the morning of the 18th, he detached Colonel Trotter, Major Hall, Major Ray and Major McMullen, with a force of 300 men, of which thirty were regulars under Capt. John Armstrong; also forty of Major Fontaine's light horse and 230 active riflemen. The detachment was supplied with three days rations and ordered to examine the country around the Miami villages.


After these troops under the command of Colonel Trotter had moved about one mile from the encampment, says Captain Armstrong in his story, the light horsemen discovered, pursued, and killed an Indian on horseback. Before this party returned to the columns, a second Indian was discovered, when the four field officers left their commands and pursued the Indian—leaving the troops for the space of about half an hour without any directions whatever. The flight of the second Indian was intercepted by the light horsemen, who dispatched him after he had wounded one of their party. Colonel Trotter then changed the route of his detachment and marched in various directions until night, when he returned to the camp at the Miami village.


The return of Colonel Trotter to camp on the evening of the


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18th was unexpected by General Harmar, and did not receive his approbation. Colonel Hardin asked for the command of the same detachment for the remaining two days (first allotted Trotter) and his request was granted. On the morning of the 19th the detachment under command of Colonel Hardin marched a northwest course on the Indian path which led towards the Kickapoo towns; and after passing a morass about five miles distant from the Miami village, the troops came to a place where, on the preceding day, a party of Indians had encamped. At this spot the detachment made a short halt, and the commanding officer stationed the companies at points several rods apart. After the lapse of about half an hour the companies in front were ordered to move on; and Captain Faulkner's company was left on the ground, the colonel having neglected to give him orders to march. The troops moved forward about three miles, when they discovered two Indians on foot, who threw off their packs and, the brush being thick, made their escape. About this time Colonel Hardin dispatched Major Fontaine with part of the cavalry in search of Captain Faulkner, supposing him to be lost; and soon afterwards Captain Armstrong, who commanded the regulars, informed Colonel Hardin that a gun had been fired in front which might be considered as an alarm gun, and that he had seen the tracks of a horse that had come down the road and returned. The colonel, however, moved on without giving any order or making any arrangements for an attack; and when Captain Armstrong discovered the fires of the Indians at a distance, and informed Colonel Hardin of the circumstance, that officer, saying that the Indians would not fight, rode in front of the advanced columns until the detachment was fired on from behind the fires. The militia, with the exception of nine who remained with the regulars and were killed, immediately gave way and commenced an irregular retreat, which they continued until they reached the main army. Hardin, who retreated with them, made several ineffectual attempts to rally them. The small band of regulars, obstinately brave, maintained their ground until twenty-two (of the thirty) were killed, whereupon Captain Armstrong, Ensign Hartshorne, and five or six privates, escaped from the carnage, eluded the pursuit of the Indians, and arrived at the camp of General Harmar. The number of Indians who wer engaged on this occasion could not be ascertained. (There wer about 150). They were led by a distinguished Miami chief who name was Mish-e-ken-o-quoh, which signifies the Little Turt


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The ground on which the action took place lies about eleven miles from Fort Wayne, and near the point at which the Goshen State Road crosses Eel River.


On the morning of the 19th the main body of the army under Harmar, having destroyed the Miami village, moved about two miles to a Shawnee village, which was called Chillicothe, where was published the following orders:


"Camp at Chillicothe, one of the Shawnee towns, on the Omee (Maumee) River, October 20th, 1790.


"The party under command of Captain Strong is ordered to burn and destroy every house and wigwam in this village, together with all corn, &c. which he can collect. A party of one hundred men (militia) properly officered, under the command of Colonel Hardin, is to burn and destroy effectually, this afternoon, the Pickaway town (of the Delawares by the River St. Mary) with all the corn, &c. which he can find in its vicinity.


"The cause of the detachment being worsted yesterday was entirely owing to the shameful cowardly conduct of the Militia who ran away and threw down their arms without firing scarcely a gun. In returning to Fort Washington, if any officer or man shall presume to quit the ranks, or not to march in the form that they are ordered, the General will most assuredly order the artillery to fire on them. He hopes the check they received yesterday will make them in the future obedient to orders.


"Josiah Harmar, Brig. General."


At 10 o'clock, A. M. on the 21st, the army moved from the ruins of the Chillicothe village, marched about seven miles on the route to Fort Washington, and encamped. The night being very clear, Colonel Hardin informed General Harmar that he thought it would be a good opportunity to steal a march on tie Indians, as he had reason to believe that they had returned to the towns as soon as the army left them. Harmar did not seam willing to send a party back; but Hardin urged the matter, in forming the general that, as he had been unfortunate the other day, he wished to have it in his power to pick the militia and try it again; and at the same time endeavored to account for the men's not fighting; and desired an opportunity to retrieve the credit of the militia. In order to satisfy the request of Hardin, and to give the Indians a check and thus prevent their harassing the army on its return to Fort Washington, General Harmar determined to send back a detachment of 400 men. Accordingly,


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late in the night of the 21st, a corps of 340 militia, and sixty regular troops under the command of Major Wyllys, were detached, that they might gain the vicinity of the Miami village before day-break and surprise any Indians who might be found there. The detachment marched in three columns. The regular troops were in the center, at the head of which Capt. Joseph Ashton was posted, with Major Wyllys and Colonel Hardin in his front. The militia formed the columns to the right and left. Owing to some delay occasioned by the halting of the militia, the detachment did not reach the bank of the Maumee till some time after sunrise. The spies then discovered some Indians and reported to Major Wyllys, who halted the regular troops and moved the militia on some distance in front where he gave his orders and plan of attack to the several commanding officers of the corps. Major Wyllys reserved to himself the command of the regular troops. Major Hall with his battalion was directed to take a circuitous route around the bend of the Omee (Maumee) River, cross the Pickaway fork (the River St. Mary) and there, in the rear of the Indians, wait until the attack should be brought on by Major M'Mullen's battalion, Major Fontaine's cavalry, and the regular troops under Major Wyllys, who were all ordered to cross the Omee (Maumee) at and near the common fording place. After the attack commenced the troops were by no means to separate, but were to embody, or the battalions to support each other as circumstances required. From this disposition i appeared evident that it was the intention of Hardin and Wyllys to surround the Aborigine encampment; but Major Hall, who had gained his position undiscovered, disobeyed his orders by firing at a single Indian before the commencement of the action. Several small parties of Indians were soon seen running in different directions, and the militia under M'Mullen and the cavalry under Fontaine pursued them in disobedience to orders, and left Major Wyllys unsupported. The consequence was that the regulars, after crossing the Maumee, were attacked by a superior force of Indians and compelled to retreat with the loss of Major Wyllys and the greater part of their corps. Major Fontaine, a the head of the mounted militia, fell, with a number of his followers, in making a charge against a small party of Indians; and on his fall the remainder of his troops dispersed, leaving the federal troops unsupported to become an easy sacrifice to much the largest party of savages that had been seen that day. While the main body of the Indians, led by the Little Turtle, were e


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gaged with the regulars near the banks of the Maumee, some skirmishing took place near the confluence of the rivers St. Mary and St. Joseph, between detached parties of Indians and the militia under Hall and M'Mullen. After the defeat of the regulars, however, the militia retreated on the route to the main army; and the Indians having suffered a severe loss, did not pursue them.


About 11 o'clock A. M. a single horseman reached the camp of Harmar with news of the defeat of the detachment. The general immediately ordered Major Ray to march with his battalion to the assistance of the retreating parties; but so great was the panic which prevailed among the militia that only thirty men could be induced to leave the main army. With this small number Major Ray proceeded a short distance towards the scene of action, when he met Colonel Hardin on his retreat. On reaching the encampment of Harmar, Colonel Hardin requested the general to march back to the Miami village with the whole army; but Harmar said to him, "You see the situation of the army; we are now scarcely able to move our baggage; it would take up three days to go and return to this place; we have no more forage for our horses; the Indians have got a very good scourging; and I will keep the army in perfect readiness to receive them if they think proper to follow." The general at this time had lost all confidence in the militia. The bounds of the camp were made less and, at 8 o'clock in' the morning of the 23rd of October, the army took up the line of march for Fort Washington and reached that place on the 4th of November, having lost in the expedition 183 killed and thirty-one wounded. Among the killed were Major Wyllys and Lieut. Ebenezer Frothingham of the regular troops; and Major Fontaine, Captains Thorp, M'Murtrey and Scott, Lieutenants Clark and Rogers, and Ensigns Bridges, Sweet, Higgins and Thielkeld, of the militia. The Indians, whose loss was about equal to that of ours, did not annoy the army after the action of the 22nd of October. Several of the missing, however, were evidently Kentucky militia deserters.


The account of General Harmar's expedition tells its own story of incompetency of the officers, and the striking lack of efficiency and discipline of the militia. Harmar was charged with incompetency and even drunkenness during his campaign. The latter charge was probably untrue, but in March, 1791, he was suspended as commander of the army and General St. Clair was


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selected to take his place. Col. Richard Butler was advanced to a major-general and appointed second in command.


Had Harmar been a George Rogers Clark or a Wayne, with the regular troops showing the spirit they did, the campaign could have resulted in an unquestionable success. As it was, General Harmar requested a court of inquiry as to his conduct. President Washington granted his request. After considering the evidence, the court acquitted the general. The matter of his failure to build forts as ordered was passed over, although his command had been specially equipped for such a purpose. With a formidable fort built at the head of the Maumee and the vast acreage of corn and other products gathered there instead of being destroyed, and a cordon of communicating posts built towards Fort Washington, Harmar had the opportunity of placing his name in history as one of the successful commanders of the American frontier. In January, 1791, Harmar resigned his command, was made adjutant-general of Pennsylvania in 1793, and actually rendered good service to his country by furnishing troops for the campaign of General Wayne which followed.


The loss of the Indians in Harmar's defeat was reported through the British authorities as only about twenty, much below the actual facts as usual. As was their custom after a raid or a victory, the savages repaired to Detroit, where they celebrated by parading the grounds displaying aloft the scalps of their upper Maumee victims strung on long poles. The British, gratified with the success of their savage allies, furnished supplies and equipped them for further depredations. The Americans themselves, however, were not blameless in all cases in their conduct.


Just here it may be mentioned that Chief Little Turtle at the head of the Indians in the defeat of Harmar, had in one of his former Kentucky raids, captured a boy about eleven years of age named William Wells, who was or had been living with the Kentucky family of Nathaniel Pope. As the boy developed he won the favor and affection of Little Turtle and his squaw and was adopted as their son. They had a beautiful daughter so it is said named Waumaughapith, meaning Sweet Breeze, whom in due time young Wells married. Becoming a brave warrior, William was a prominent factor in the defeat of General Harmar and his story will come later. The union was evidently a happy one and descendants of Wells and his Miami spouse have long been identified with the early history of Maumee City on the lower Maumee, Fort Wayne and other valley points.


CHAPTER XXXI


CAMPAIGN OF GENERAL ST. CLAIR


MACHINATIONS OF THE BRITISH-BIG BOTTOM MASSACRE-EXPEDITION OF SCOTT AND WILKINSON-ST. CLAIR GATHERS FORCES-HIS ADVANCE NORTH FROM NEAR FORT WASHINGTON-SURPRISE ATTACK OF THE SAVAGES AT SITE OF LATER FORT RECOVERY-DEFEATED AMERICANS RETREAT IN DISORDER-PRESIDENT WASHINGTON ON ST. CLAIR'S DEFEAT-RESIGNATION OF ST. CLAIR.


It is an axiomatic law of nature that the incongruity between civilization and savagery could never be satisfactorily reconciled. The Indian could survive, or at least live in contentment, only in nature's environment--the woods and waters where game ran wild and the echo of the white man's ax among the hills and valleys was never heard. From the coming of Columbus and the landing of the Pilgrims the fateful story of the savage began to unfold. When civilization reached the western slope of the Allegheny barrier it was the opening chapter in the narrative of the savage decline in the Ohio country and the broad expanse of the West.


The instructions to Lord Dorchester, who was Guy Carleton before his elevation to the peerage, and when he became governor-general of Canada, upon his arrival at Quebec late in the year 1786, were, to "prevent if possible the Indians bringing on war with the Americans." Yet, if a student of history will read the policy pursued by this same Lord Dorchester, it will be found that at the period now being written about (1791) the tribes of the Northwest were, so far as possible, kept hostile to the new United States; while the latter government earnestly made the attempt for Indian conciliation. The failure of the success of this endeavor on the part of the American leaders, made it necessary to subdue the tribes of the Ohio region or drive them entirely from the valleys of the Maumee and Sandusky.


At the very opening of 1791 occurred one of the most bloody tragedies of the decade, known in history as the Big Bottom massacre. Above Marietta on the Muskingum, on January 2nd, twenty-five Delawares and Wyandots swooped down upon an uncompleted blockhouse and a couple of nearby cabins and out of


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thirty-six members of this embryo white settlement, eleven men, one woman and two children were dispatched in a barbarous manner. Not satisfied, the savages made a pyre of the structures upon which they burned their victims.


What methods were to be used in subduing the savages without an open breach with the British was a problem. Randall puts the situation at this juncture as follows: "The wily go-between in the international sparring was Chief Joseph Brant, at that time undoubtedly the most influential warrior of his people. Great Britain and the United States eagerly competed for the friendship and services of the great Mohawk, who amidst it all moved mysteriously among the Six Nations, the Ohio tribes and the Canadian authorities. Without doubt he secretly hoped and intrigued for a new western Indian confederacy, with British support hostile to the Americans. Simon Girty likewise temporarily left his abiding place on the Canadian side of the Detroit River and mingled with the Ohio tribes, brooding mischief among the warriors by instigating them against the Americans.


"But Washington, undeceived and undaunted, decided there should be made without delay, martial incursions into the enemy's country, preliminary to an invasion of overwhelming magnitude. In May, Gen. Charles Scott, accompanied by Col. James Wilkin- f son, with a force of 800 mounted men, left the Ohio River at the mouth of the Kentucky and rapidly advanced to the Wea villages of the Wabash. Their tribal center Ouiatenon (Ouia was the French for Wea) and other towns in the vicinity were destroyed, the surrounding country laid waste and Indians killed and captured. Two months later (July) General Wilkinson commanding 550 mounted Kentuckians speedily proceeded from near Fort Washington to the Indian village Kenapacomaqua (L'Anguielle, French for eel) on the Eel River. The Indian inmates attempted flight by the river and five canoes were seized and all the savages with whom the boats were crowded were taken and killed. The towns and other villages of the Miamis and Kickapoos were wiped out, hundreds of acres of corn, chiefly in the milk, laid waste and considerable numbers of prisoners captured, among them the sons and sisters of the king of the Kickapoos. This expedition was conducted with such celerity and success as to draw forth a letter of thanks to Wilkinson from General Knox, secretary of war." ,


There was much delay in gathering the troops for General St. Clair's invasion of the Maumee. region, much more formidable


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than that of Harmar. The advance was not begun until September 17, 1791, when the start was made, again from the vicinity of Port Washington, with a force of about 2,300 men, mostly regulars. On the west bank of the Great Miami River, within the present limits of Hamilton, Ohio, was constructed Fort Hamilton. Arriving six miles south of where is now Greenville, Ohio, on October 12, the construction of Fort Jefferson was begun. It was twelve days before the army again started on its march and progress was slow and tedious. The evening of November 3rd found the forces on the bank of the Wabash River, one-half mile east of the present Ohio-Indiana state line. During the night the pickets were continually annoyed by lurking Indians and the outposts in consequence did considerable firing. Reconnoitering by a detachment of troops made no important discoveries.


Early on the morning of the 4th, the Indians suddenly opened a furious attack on St. Clair's men who at the time numbered about 1,400 regulars and militia, with some eighty-six officers, The savages were of about equal strength, in command of Little Turtle, Blue Jacket, Buckongaleas and others, including the renowned Brant. Tecumseh in the beginning of his career led a party of spies. Ebenezer Denny, adjutant, who was also with Harmar, again tells the story starting November 4, 1791, as follows:


"The troops paraded this morning at the usual time, and had been dismissed from the lines but a few minutes, the sun not yet up, when the woods in front rung with the yells and fire of the savages. The poor militia, who were but 300 yards in front, had scarcely time to return a shot—they fled into our camp. The troops were under arms in an instant, and a smart fire from the front line met the enemy. It was but a few minutes, however, until the men were engaged in every quarter. The enemy from the front filed off to the right and left, and completely surrounded the camp, killed and cut off nearly all the guards, and approached close to the lines. They advanced from one tree, log, or stump to another, under cover of the smoke of our fire. The artillery and musketry made a tremendous noise but did little execution. The Indians seemed to brave everything, and when fairly fixed around us they made no noise other than their fire which they kept up very constant and which seldom failed to tell, although scarcely heard.


"Our left flank, probably from the nature of the ground, gave way first; the enemy got possession of that part of the encamp-


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ment but, it being pretty clear ground, they were too much exposed and were soon repulsed. I was at this time with the General (St. Clair) engaged toward the right; he was on foot (he had been sick some days) and led the party himself that drove the enemy and regained our ground on the left. The battalions in the rear charged several times and forced the savages from their shelter, but they always turned with the battalions and fired upon their back; indeed they seemed not to fear anything we could do. They could skip out of reach of the bayonet and return as they pleased. They were visible only when raised by a charge.


"The ground was literally covered with the dead. The wounded were taken to the center, where it was thought most safe, and where a great many who had quit their posts unhurt had crowded together. The General, with other officers, endeavored to rally these men, and twice they were taken out to the lines. It appeared as if the officers had been singled out; a very great proportion fell, or were wounded and obliged to retire from the lines early in the action. • General Butler was among the latter, as well as several other of the most experienced officers. The men, being thus left with few officers, became fearful, despaired of success, gave up the fight, and crowded in toward the center of the field, and no exertions could put them in any order even for defense; (they were) perfectly ungovernable. The enemy at length got possession of the artillery, though not until the officers were all killed but one and he badly wounded, and the men (gunners) almost all cut off, and not until the pieces were spiked.


"As our lines were deserted the Indians contracted theirs until their shot centered from all points, and now meeting with little opposition, took more deliberate aim and did great execution. Exposed to a cross fire, men and officers were seen falling in every direction; the distress, too, of the wounded made the scene such as can scarcely be conceived—a few minutes longer, and a retreat would have been impossible—the only hope left was, that perhaps the savages would be so taken up with the camp as not to follow. Delay was death ; no preparation could be made; numbers of brave men must be left a sacrifice, there was no alternative. It was past 9 o'clock when repeated orders were given to charge toward the road. The action had continued between two and three hours. Both officers and men seemed confounded, incapable of doing anything; they could not move until it was told that a retreat was intended. A few officers put themselves in front, the men followed, the enemy gave way, and perhaps not


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being aware of the design, we were for a few minutes left undisturbed. The stoutest and most active now took the lead, and those who were foremost in breaking the enemy's line were soon left behind.



"At the moment of the retreat one of the few horses saved had been procured for the General; he was on foot until then; I kept by him, and he delayed to see the rear. The enemy soon discovered the movement and pursued, though not more than four or five miles, and but few so far; they turned to share the spoil. Soon after the firing ceased I was directed to endeavor to gain the front and, if possible, to cause a short halt that the rear might get up. I had been on horseback from the first alarm, and well mounted; (therefore) pushed forward, but met with so many difficulties and interruptions from the people that I was two hours at least laboring to reach the front. With the assistance of two or three officers I caused a short halt; but the men grew impatient and would move on. I got Lieutenants Sedam and Morgan, with half a dozen stout men, to fill up the road and to move slowly; I halted, myself, until the General came up. By this time the remains of the army had got somewhat compact, but in the most miserably and defenseless state. The wounded who came off left their arms in the field, and one-half of, the others threw theirs away on the retreat. The road for miles was covered with fire-locks (flintlocks), cartridge boxes and regimentals. How fortunate that the pursuit was discontinued; a single Indian might have followed with safety upon either flank. Such a panic had seized the men that I believe it would not have been possible to have brought any of them to engage again.


"In the afternoon Lieutenant Kersey with a detachment of the first regiment met us. This regiment, the only complete and best disciplined portion of the army, had been ordered back upon the road on the 31st October. They were thirty miles from the battle ground when they heard distinctly the firing of the cannon, were hastening forward and had marched about nine miles when met by some of the militia who informed Major Hamtramck, the commanding officer, that the army was totally destroyed. The Major judged it best to send on a subaltern to obtain some knowledge of things, and to return himself with the regiment to Fort Jefferson eight miles back, and to secure at all events that post. He had made some arrangements, and as we arrived in the evening, found him preparing again to meet us. Stragglers continued to come in for hours after we reached the fort.


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"The remnant of the army, with the first regiment, were now at Fort Jefferson, twenty-nine miles from the field of action, without provisions, and the former without having eaten anything for twenty-four hours. A convoy was known to be upon the road, and within a day's march. The General determined to move with the First Regiment and all the levies (militia) able to march. Those of the wounded and others unable to go on were lodged as comfortably as possible within the fort. Accordingly we set out a little after ten and continued our route until within an hour of daylight, then halted and waited for day and until the rear came up. Moved on again about 9 o'clock; the morning of the 5th we met the convoy; stopped a sufficiency to subsist us to Fort Hamilton; sent the remainder on to Jefferson under an additional escort of a captain and sixty men; proceeded, and at the first water halted, partly cooked and eat for the first time since the night preceding the action. At 1 o'clock moved on, and continued our route until nine at night when we halted and made fires within fifteen miles of Fort Hamilton. Marched again just before clay, the General soon after rode on to the fort. Troops reached (there) in the afternoon.


"November 7, 1791. Fort Hamilton command was ordered off with a small supply for the wounded, &c. About twelve same day continued our march, and halted before night within fifteen miles of Fort Washington, which place we reached the afternoon of the 8th.


"The prediction of (defeat by) General Harmar before the army set out on the campaign was founded upon experience and particular knowledge of things. He saw of what material the bulk of the army was composed; men collected from the streets and prisons of the cities, hurried out into the enemy's country, and with the officers commanding them totally unacquainted with the business in which they were engaged, it was utterly impossible they could be otherwise (than routed). Besides, not any one department was sufficiently prepared; both quarter-master and the contractors extremely deficient. It was a matter of astonishment to him (General Harmar) that the commanding general (St. Clair), who was acknowledged to be perfectly competent, should think of hazarding with such people and under such circumstances, his reputation and life, and the lives of so many others, knowing too, as both did, the enemy with whom he was going to contend; an enemy brought up from infancy to war, and perhaps superior to an equal number of the


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best men that could be taken against them. It is a truth, I had hopes that the noise and show which the army made on their march might possibly deter the enemy from attempting a serious and general attack. It was unfortunate that both the general officers were, and had been, disabled by sickness; in such situation it is possible that some essential matters might be overlooked. The Adjt.-Gen. Col. Winthrop Sargent, an old Revolutionary officer, was, however, constantly on the alert; he took upon himself the burden of everything, and a very serious and troublesome task he had. But one most important object was wanting, can't say neglected, but more might have been done toward obtaining it; this was a knowledge of the collected force and situation of the enemy; of this we were perfectly ignorant. Some few scouts out but to no great distance."


One feature of the expedition seems strange in these later years, the wives and women of the families of many of the soldiers were allowed to accompany the army most of the way. They of course were favored on the journey north, but several of them were slain by the Indians in the terrible rout. St Clair's loss was 593 privates killed and missing. Thirty-nine officers were killed including Maj.-Gen. Richard Butler, one lieutenant-colonel, three majors, twelve captains, ten lieutenants, eight ensigns, two quartermasters, one adjutant and the surgeon. Thirty-one officers and 252 privates were wounded. The artillery, supplies, clothing, 200 tents, 300 horses, some 130 beef cattle, were among the losses, not to mention the muskets and material thrown away in the rout. Material of the estimated value of nearly thirty-three thousand dollars was taken to the Indian camps on the Maumee and Auglaize rivers to be distributed and divided as the spoils of war.


Six weeks after the defeat, on December 19th, Lieut. Denny, St. Clair's aide, on horseback, arrived at Philadelphia and placed before General Knox the report. It is recorded in history, that President Washington was giving a formal dinner when the news of the disaster was in low tones revealed to him by his secretary, Tobias Lear. In calmness and serenity he kept his seat and following the dinner held a reception. It was the president's habit to keep early hours and the ceremony was over by 10 o'clock. Retiring to his private room with his secretary, he calmly closed the door and paced the floor without speaking for several minutes. He then took a seat on a sofa by the fire and requested his secretary to take a seat also. The president again arose, and as


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he walked back and forth Mr. Lear saw that a storm was gathe ing. In the agony of his emotion, he struck his clenched han with fearful force against his forehead, and, in a paroxysm anguish exclaimed:


"It's all over ! St. Clair's defeated—routed; the officers nearl all killed—the men by wholesale—that brave army cut to piec —the rout complete ! Too shocking to think of—and a surpri in the bargain !"


He uttered all this with great vehemence. Then, pausing for moment, he walked about the room several times, greatly agitate but saying nothing. Near the door he stopped short and sto still a few seconds; then, turning to the secretary, who sto amazed at this spectacle of Washington, the President, in wrath, again broke out, saying:


"Yes, sir, here, in this very room, on this very spot, I too leave of him; I wished him success and honor. You have yo instructions, I said, from the secretary of war, I had a strict to them, and will add but one word—beware of a surprise! Y know how the Indians fight us. He went off with that as my solemn warning thrown into his ears. And yet, to suffer th army to be cut to pieces, hacked by a surprise—the very thing guarded him against ! Oh God ! Oh God! he's worse than murderer ! How can he answer it to his country? The blood the slain is upon him—the curse of widows and orphans—t curse of heaven !"


This explosion came out in appealing tones. His frame w shaken with his emotion. Presently the President sat down the sofa once more. He seemed conscious of passion and unco fortable. He was silent as his wrath began to subside. He length said, in an altered voice:


"This must not go beyond this room."


Another pause followed—a longer one—when he said in a to quite low:


"General St. Clair shall have justice. I looked hastily throu the dispatches—saw the whole disaster, but not all the partic lars. I will hear him without prejudice, he shall have full justic yet, long, faithful, and meritorious services have their claims. And absolute justice was accorded him. One of the strong records in St. Clair's favor is the fact that he retained the " diminished esteem and good opinion of President Washingto The popular clamor was tremendous, and General St. Clair manded, as was usual, a court of inquiry. This request was co


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plied with and the court exonerated him of all blame. He followed the example of General Harmar and resigned his commission.


In January, 1792, General Wilkinson visited this battlefield, which was in now Mercer County, with 150 volunteers. They found scattered along the way the remains of many Americans, who had been pursued and killed by the savages, or who had perished of their wounds while endeavoring to escape. The field was strewn with remains, showing the horrible multilations by the bloodthirsty savages. Limbs were separated from bodies and the flesh had been stripped from many bones; but it was impossible to tell whether this had been the work of the wolves or the Indians. It was at this time that Fort Recovery was built on the site of the disaster. As late as 1830 a brass cannon was found buried near the scene of the conflict.


CHAPTER XXXII


PRELIMINARIES TO A THIRD MAUMEE EXPEDITION


BORDER SETTLERS PETITION FOR PROTECTION-AMERICAN-BRITISH SITUATION- AMERICANS STILL TRY FOR PEACE-BRITISH ATTEMPT TO BLOCK INDIAN- AMERICAN TREATIES-SPAIN ALSO FERMENTS INDIAN ANTAGONISM-WAR THE ONLY ALTERNATIVE.


The two American defeats such as administered to Harmar and St. Clair were serious blows to the government and the charge of inefficiency and incompetency laid against the Washington administration was not without warrant. The people of the new states failing to comprehend the importance of success in the West, resulted in the lack of support for a sufficient army to carry out the plans as mapped out. The frontier settlers the larger proportion of whom were along the Muskingum from Marietta up, and upon the Ohio tributaries the Miamis, took refuge in their stockades and there was panic and dismal forebodings upon all quarters.


In their situation the frontier people forwarded more urgent petitions to the state and national authorities asking for protection. Those from Kentucky declared in their appeal that at least fifteen hundred of their people—men, women and children, had been murdered or carried away as captives by the Indians within the past seven years, and the statement was made that the losses from Virginia and Pennsylvania were nearly as severe; also that the savages were under the present conditions more active than ever.


The British on their, part noting the increase of the western settlements despite their defeats and knowing the temper of the Americans, realized that the situation meant that a still more formidable American army would invade the Maumee section in due time. With the falling off of their fur trade and other profitable dealings with the Indians, the Montreal merchants in December, 1791, petitioned the Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, Colonel Simcoe for protection to their interests; asked a more intimate connection with the savages and the continued occup tion of the forts in American territory held by the British.


So far as President Washington was concerned, he had re son to believe that men with the records of Harmar and St. Cla


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would be competent commanders in the tasks assigned them, but Indian forest warfare required different tactics than used in combat between two civilized forces, and therefore demanded a leader of an extraordinary type. Realizing this, Washington did not propose to make a mistake in his third selection of a commander for another and still more vigorous campaign. Among those considered were Generals Henry Lee, Daniel Morgan, Anthony Wayne, Andrew Pickens, Charles Scott, James Wilkinson, Alexander M'Gillivray, and the Marietta leader Rufus Putnam. The choice after careful deliberation fell to the redoubtable Anthony Wayne, early in 1792.


However, the United States still tried the expedient of peace which the savages were, after their two victories, much more disinclined to favor, considering the fact that they had rejected the American overtures made even before the campaign of Harman They saw now visions of complete success such as was planned by Pontiac in 1763. Knowing their temper and realizing the false economy in sending out ill prepared expeditions, Washington instructed Secretary Knox in equipping Wayne's expedition to rectify this error and General Wayne soon after his appointment issued a statement to relieve the fears of the border settlers, informing them of the movements to secure peace with the Indians by treaty if possible and requesting that all persons, so far as possible, avoid further savage antagonism.


In March, 1792, Maj. John F. Hamtramck on the part of the United States made treaties at Vincennes with small numbers of the Eel River and Wabash tribes and also sent ambassadors of peace to the Indians on the Maumee. By request, some fifty chiefs of the Six Nations also visited Philadelphia and made peace on the terms offered them. On April 7, the same year, two messengers, Girard and Freemen, visited the Miamis of the Maumee with messages of peace from General Wilkinson but never returned. May 20th, Col. John Hardin and Maj. Alexander Truman, official spies, the former to the Northwest and the latter to the Sandusky, were murdered by the Indians. Gen. Rufus Putnam, with Heckewelder the missionary, appointed assistant commissioner by the War Department, on September 27th, at Vincennes, made terms of peace with thirty chiefs representing ten of the Wabash and Illinois tribes.


In the American State Papers for Indian Affairs are found the records of councils and treaties made from the summer of 1792 until the fall of 1793, at the Rapids of the Maumee, The


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Auglaize, Sandusky, Detroit, Niagara, and at other places. The most conspicuous of the British representatives were McKee, Elliott, Simcoe and John Butler; while for the Americans the commissioners were such men as Timothy- Pickering, Benjamin Lincoln and Beverly Randolph. For the Indians the,wiley Brant who had visited Philadelphia, Red Jacket and Cornplanter were the leading speakers. Many of the chiefs wished to disregard the former treaties of Stanwix and Fort McIntosh and insisted that the Indian (it might be said British) boundary should be the Ohio River. A few chiefs were for peace, but the Shawnees were uncompromising in their attitude for war. As Randall says: "The British at first pretending passivity, gradually revealed their hostile attitude, insidiously urging on the tribesmen to an offensive action, and becoming almost insolent in their expressions touching their policy toward the young Federal Republic."


Regarding the various diplomatic activities at this time, Doctor Chas. E. Slocum in his writings has this :


"Of the secret efforts to learn more regarding the relations between the British and the savages, to be the better able therefrom to appease the latter, but one succeeded on account of the vigilance of both the British and savages. William May was started from Fort Hamilton the 13th May, 1792, to follow on the trail of Major Truman. He was captured by the savages, as expected, and after escaping many dangers was taken along the Maumee, and sold to Matthew Elliott then British Assistant Agent to the Indians, from whose service he finally escaped and gave sworn testimony before General Wayne at Pittsburg 11th October, 1792. This evidence detailed some items of interest, among which are the following : There were gathered in the summer of 1792 by the Maumee River at the mouth of the Auglaize then the headquarters of near-by tribes, three thousand and six hundred warriors of many tribes, and more were often arriving at the time of William May's sojourn there, all of whom received daily rations from the British at Detroit.


"This was the largest council of Indians held in America, and it appeared to the British as the culmination of their hopes and efforts for their confederation. The Seneca Chief Cornplanter and forty-eight other chiefs of the Six Nations of New York were there for the Americans in the interest of peace; and Chief Cornplanter reported to General Wayne that * * * we cannot tell the names of the nations present. There were present three men from the Gora nations; it took them a whole season to come;


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and twenty-seven nations (tribes) from beyond Canada. The whole of them know that we, the Six Nations, have General Washington by the hand.' * * This reference was to their recent visit to Philadelphia by invitation, and the peace treaty there effected. Other tribes were expected at this Grand Council at the mouth of the Auglaize River;and they came later. A like council was called for the next year, 1793, and runners were sent with invitations to the most distant tribes in all directions, including the Creeks and Cherokees of the south, urging their attendance.


"William May, having been a sailor, was kept by his purchaser three months in the transportation service on board a schooner that carried about one hundred and sixty barrels as a load between Detroit and the foot of the lowest Maumee Rapids, where was situated the great supply house of the British Indian agent Alexander McKee, from whom the savages received their supplies of firearms and ammunition with which to raid and murder Americans wherever possible.


"A number of small forts were built along the frontier as bases of supplies and protection and places of refuge for the remaining American settlers. In addition to the attacks on individuals and families along the borders, a company of mounted Kentucky riflemen under Major John Adair was suddenly attacked November 6, 1792, near Post St. Clair about twenty-five miles north of Fort Hamilton, by a party of savages who exhibited a degree of courage that bespoke them warriors indeed,' reads the report of the Major; and six Americans were killed, five wounded, and four were missing. The savages also killed a number of pack-horses and captured others. Their loss of men was thought to be about the same as that of the Kentuckians.


"For the purpose of continuing the efforts to secure peace with the savages by further treaty, President Washington the 2nd March, 1793, appointed Gen. Benjamin Lincoln of Massachusetts, Beverly Randolph of Virginia and Timothy Pickering of Pennsylvania, Commissioners to attend the great council to be held at the foot of the lowest Rapids of the Maumee, or at Sandusky the 1st of June. The 17th May Messrs. Randolph and Pickering arrived at Fort Niagara and there received a note from Lieut-Gov. and Col. John Graves Simcoe to be guests at his home, Navy Hall, nearly a mile from the fort; and there being no other suitable place for them to stop the invitation was accepted. General Lincoln arrived 25th May. Meantime a letter was received


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from Colonel M'Kee, British Indian Agent, stating that the tribal councils would probably not end by the Maumee before the latter part of June, and the Commissioners would best remain at Niagara until he notified them that the Indians were ready to receive them.


"Col. John Butler, a leade'r in the Wyoming Massacre in July, 1778, now British Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and Capt. Joseph Brant of like notoriety, with a picked company of fifty savages, arrived at Niagara July 5th from the large collection of Indians then at the British distributing house at the foot of the Maumee Rapids (now the Village of Maumee) and requested explanation of the 'unfair and unwarrantable' warlike preparations of General Wayne ; and they desired to know the authority for the trespassing of the Americans north of the Ohio River, all of which they claimed as territory belonging to the Indians. The Commissioners in reply cited the several treaties of previous years and the subsequent mauradings of the savages in explanation, and expressed desire for peace ; and agreement was made to meet in full council at Sandusky.


"The Commissioners left Niagara the 10th July and, awaiting a favorable wind, the British sloop sailed from Fort Erie opposite the present City of Buffalo the 14th, and arrived at the mouth of the Detroit River the 21st where they were received, and entertained during their enforced stay there of nearly four weeks by Capt. Matthew Elliott, British Assistant Agent to the Indians. They frequently urged an early meeting of the Council at Sandusky, the place named by the British.


"The 29th July, a deputation of over twenty Indians arrived at Captain Elliott's from the grand council that had for weeks been in progress at the foot of the Maumee Rapids, with the notorious Simon Girty as interpreter. After a brief preliminary they presented to the Commissioners a short written communication from the council, the principal sentence being that 'If you seriously design to make a firm and lasting peace you will immediately remove all your people from our side of that river' (the Ohio). The Commissioners delivered to them in writing a long and carefully prepared reply in which the treaties of 1768, 1784-85-86 and 17789 were referred to in justification of the advance of American immigrants into the territory north of the Ohio, and with reasons why it was impossible at this late date to make this river the boundary; that the United States Government was willing to make liberal concessions to the Indians, as the treaty with


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Great Britain declared the middle of the Great Lakes and the waters which unite them to be the boundary of the United States ; and they closed with the desire to soon meet the general council in treaty.


"The 8th and 9th of August the Commissioners received reports that all the tribes represented at the Maumee Council were for peace excepting the Shawnees, Wyandots, Miamis and Delawares, and that they were yielding; that many Indians were tired of the long delays and were departing for their respective villages. The Commissioners desired to go directly to the Maumee Council, but this action the British would not permit.


"The 14th they (the Americans) wrote to the chiefs of the council again urging a meeting for a treaty; also to Colonel M'Kee that his aid to this result would be gratefully acknowledged. The 16th August a long and carefully written reply was received at Captain Elliott's by the Commissioners, closing with the assertion that if the Commissioners would not agree to the Ohio River being the boundary 'a meeting would be altogether unnecessary.' Appended to this paper was written the following names of `Nations' represented, viz : Wyandots, Seven Nations of Canada, Delawares, Shawnees, Miamis, Ottawas, Chippewas, Senecas of the Glaise (Auglaize River), Pottawotamis, Connoys, Munses, Nantakokias, Mohicans, Messasagoes, Creeks, Cherokees.


"This communication was, undoubtedly, fully conceived and written by the British authorities; it was certainly approved by their censors. This general council, as well as the one the year before by the Maumee at the mouth of the Auglaise, was the result of British efforts for many years to federate all the savages that their dictated decision in council, and united action in war, might become irresistible to the Americans. Joseph Brant, leader in the Six Nations and generally a stanch friend of the British, declared that such united action 'caused the defeat of two American armies (Harmar's and St. Clair's) * * * But to our surprise, when upon the point of entering upon a treaty with the (American) Commissioners, we found that it wap opposed by those acting under the British government.' * * * In reply the American Commissioners sent to the chiefs and to the British Colonel M'Kee, regretfully, the statement that their efforts for negotiations were at an end; including with the letters copies of the former treaties. The 23rd August, the Commissioners on their return arrived opposite Fort Erie where they dispatched, by different runners, letters to General. Wayne and to General


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Knox, Secretary of War, announcing their failure to secure terms for peace."


The situation of the young Republic at this period was made more precarious by "the active but clandestine" policy of Spain who was inciting the southern Indian tribes to make war against the Americans whose commissioners were meeting in council the Creeks, Cherokees and other nations, for the purpose of retaining the friendship of these people. It was reported that through Spanish influence the Cherokees and allied southern tribes were making preparation to join the northern Indians in war against the Americans by reason of the "promised support of the Spaniards, the expected support of the British, and victories obtained by the northern tribes over the armies of the United States." In fact the British efforts were continued with the Creeks, Cherokees and other tribes to hostility against the United States, and attempts were made also to revive the slumbering idea among a few of the people west of the Alleghenies for a separation from the eastern section.' The Ohio and Mississippi were the natural outlets for the products of the new settlements this side of the Allegheny barrier, and therefore the western settlers were anxious for a good southern outlet. This the statesmen of the east discouraged, as they believed an addition in that quarter to United States territory would make the country too large to be governed from one central point and would also divert trade from the eastern seaboard. The Spanish and French agitators availed themselves of these disturbing features to circulate their propaganda among the settlers of Kentucky and north and west to the Illinois section. General Wayne called this complication of enemies (British, Indian and Spanish) "an Hydra" and considered that delay in striking would be most injurious to the American cause. He had spent the summer of 1792 at Pittsburg where about twenty-five hundred newly enlisted men were organized into cavalry, infantry and artillery.


CHAPTER XXXIII


CAMPAIGN OF GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE .


WAYNE ASSEMBLES AN ARMY-MOVES TOWARD THE MAUMEE-ESTABLISHES FORT GREENVILLE-POSSESSION OF FORT RECOVERY SITE-ATTACK BY LITTLE TURTLE-BRITISH OCCUPY FORT MIAMI-WAYNE BUILDS FORT DEFIANCE- ADVANCE DOWN THE MAUMEE-FORT DEPOSIT AND ROCHE DE BOEUF-ADVANCE TO PRESQUE ISLE AND FALLEN TIMBERS-DEFEAT AND PANIC OF INDIANS- WAYNE DESTROYS CROPS AND VILLAGES-NEAR CLASH WITH BRITISH AT FORT MIAMI-AMERICANS RETURN TO DEFIANCE AND FORT WAYNEINDIANS DESIRE PEACE TREATY-STORY OF WILLIAM WELLS AND WILLIAM MAY.


For one reason to protect the Virginia frontier, in the fall of 1792, Wayne's army was moved down the Ohio twenty miles to Legionville near old Logstown where quarters were taken up until April, 1793, when they descended the Ohio to near Fort Washington. The infantry and artillery made camp at a point they named "Hobson's Choice"—for the reason that "it was the only ground which was in any degree calculated for the purpose." To show Wayne's efficiency, the four companies of cavalry were sent across the river into Kentucky where they prepared a camp, where all summer, they practiced bushwhacking and charging and counter charging through the woods, brush and broken country on the Licking River. Wayne kept continually drilling his men until October, when he considered the army sufficiently disciplined to begin a forward movement towards the enemy ; although from Kentucky disappointments and sickness, his force was disappointingly small.


On October 6, he began his advance "in order to gain a strong position about six miles beyond (north) of Fort Jefferson, so as to keep the enemy in check." The position was fortified and named Fort Greenville, for General Nathanial Greene an old Revolutionary friend of Wayne's. Here Wayne made the following report:


"We have recently experienced a little check to one of our convoys which may probably be exaggerated into something serious by the tongue of fame before this reaches you; the following is, however, the fact, viz: Lieutenant Lowry, of the 2nd sublegion and Ensign Boyd of the 1st with a command consisting of ninety


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non-commissioned officers and privates, having in charge twenty wagons belonging to the quartermaster-general's department loaded with grain and one of the contractor's loaded with stores, were attacked early in the morning of the 17th instant about seven miles advanced of Fort St. Clair (twenty-nine miles above Fort Hamilton) by a party of Indians; those two gallant young gentlemen (who promised at a future day to be ornaments to their profession) together with thirteen non-commissioned officers and privates, bravely fell after an obstinate resistance against superior numbers, being abandoned by the greater part of the escort upon the first discharge. The savages killed or carried off about seventy horses, leaving the wagons and stores standing in the road which have been all brought to this camp without any other loss or damage except some trifling articles * * * It is reported that the Indians at Au Glaize (present Defiance) have sent their women and children into some secret recess or recesses from their towns; and that the whole of the warriors are collected or collecting in force. * * * A great number of men as well as officers have been left sick and debilitated at the respective garrisons, from a malady called the influenza; among others General Wilkinson has been dangerously ill; he is now at Fort Jefferson and on the recovery. * * * The safety of the Western frontiers, the reputation of the legion, the dignity and interest of the nation, all forbid a retrograde manoeuvre, or giving up one inch of ground we now possess, until the enemy are compelled to sue for peace."


A portion of Wayne's army passed the winter at Fort Greenville and on December 22nd, Maj. Henry Burbeck with artillery and eight companies of infantry was ordered on to the battle-field of General St. Clair, where a stockade with blockhouses was constructed and named Fort Recovery.


At this juncture peace with the Indians might have been made but for the machinations of the British, who continued in their efforts to unite the tribes "for their better control" and by advocating the Ohio River as the boundary line for "Indian occupation," while they were in fact advancing this idea in the interests of their own trade and for the purpose of eventually gaining control of the Ohio country and the northwest. The reasons for the weakening of the Indian hostile attitude towards the Americans, was the advance of Wayne who built fortifications on his route as the savages retreated.


Realizing the coming of another conflict, the Indians rallie


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all their available warriors, the Miamis under Little Turtle, the Shawnees under Blue Jacket, the Delawares under Buckongehelas, with bands of Wyandots, Ottawas, Pottawatomies, Kickapoos and other contingents. They kept in close touch with the British at Detroit and runners were kept busy with communication between the two interests hostile to the Americans—with McKee on the Maumee, with Elliott, with Simcoe and finally the Governor-General of Canada, Lord Dorchester.


In February 1794, in a speech to a delegation of chiefs Lord Dorchester said : "Children, since my return I find no appearance of a line remains and from the way in which the people of the United States push on and act and talk * * * I shall not be surprised if we are at war with them in the course of the present year; and if so, a line must then be drawn by the warriors. * * * We have acted in the most peaceable manner and born the language and conduct of the people of the United States with patience; but I believe our patience is almost exhausted." The British lord in this declaration referred to the vital question of the boundary line and to General Wayne's advance.


It was in consequence of this situation that Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe was sent to Detroit where he was located in the middle of February 1794. A letter dated at Detroit April 17th says that "we have lately had a visit from Governor Simcoe : he came from Niagara through the woods * * * he has gone to the foot of the Rapids (Maumee River) and three companies of Colonel England's regiment have followed him to assist in building a fort there." (For a further account of the construction of Fort Miami, attention is called to a letter set forth in the later chapter reciting the many official British communications. The letter is dated at Navy Hall, Upper Canada, April 29, 1794 and addressed by Simcoe to Lord Dorchester; also a letter written by Alexander McKee dated at Maumee Rapids July 26, 1794, evidently at McKee's store, and addressed to Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe).


These documents show clearly that the stronghold, the lower Maumee Fort Miami (within the limits of present Maumee City) was built within American territory as a defense 'against the advance of Wayne. It was situated a mile and a half below McKee's store or British agency house on the opposite bank of the river at about the site of where later was built Fort Meigs. All the movements of Wayne, including his being reinforced by Kentucky troops, were reported to Fort Miami, then to Fort Lernoult


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at Detroit. At Wayne's advance Fort Miami was strengthened, further garrisoned, larger defense guns added and its first commandant Captain Caldwell was succeeded in command by Maj. William Campbell. To all of this aggressive movement President Washington entered a protest without receiving satisfactory replies.


By reason of confidence gained in the defeat of Harmar and St. Clair, the Indians took the aggressive and the first important engagement with Wayne's forces was at Fort Recovery where St. Clair had met his rout. From his headquarters at Greenville, General Wayne on July 7, reported the Indian attack as follows:


"At seven o'clock in the morning of the 30th ultimo, one of our escorts consisting of ninety riflemen and fifty dragoons commanded by Major McMahon, was attacked by a numerous body of Indians under the walls of Fort Recovery, followed by a general assault upon that post and garrison (of about two hundred men) in. every direction. The enemy were soon repulsed with great slaughter, but immediately rallied and reiterated the attack keeping up a very heavy and constant fire at a more respectable distance for the remainder of the day, which was answered with spirit and effect by the garrison and a part of Major McMahon's command that had regained the post. The savages were employed during the night (which was dark and foggy) in carrying off their dead by torch light, which occasionally drew a fire from the garrison. They, nevertheless, succeeded so well that there were but eight or ten bodies left upon the field, and those close under the range of the guns of the fort.


"The enemy again renewed the attack on the morning of the 1st instant, but were ultimately compelled to retreat with loss and disgrace from that very field where they had upon a former occasion been proudly victorious. * * * "


Thus upon St. Clair's battle-ground, "that very field where they had upon a former occasion been proudly victorious," the Indians with a British contingent, were "compelled to retreat with loss and, disgrace." It was the turning of the tide in favor of the Americans as the continuation of this story will reveal. The attackers were evidently greatly disappointed in not finding the cannon lost by General St. Clair which when captured by the Indians had been hidden in fallen tree tops and debris. All but one of these pieces had been found by the Americans and were used against the assailants. The one missing cannon, according to a Shawnee, was buried in the river near at hand. There were,


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as the evidence showed, a number of British and militia in the Fort Recovery assault and the Indians were equipped with the very latest pattern of firearms and an abundance of ammunition. There were a number of ounce balls and buckshot found lodged in the blockhouses and stockade of the fort after the assault, mute proof of British connivance. The American loss was twenty-two killed, thirty wounded and three missing. Fifty-nine horses were killed, twenty-two wounded and two hundred and twenty-one were missing. However, Wayne said the loss would not delay his advance after the arrival of the mounted troops from Kentucky.


Further communication was being held by the British with the Mississippi Spanish and the latter were promising their aid. In addition to the official correspondence of the British which is set forth later, their reprehensible attitude is shown by the following letters written by Alexander McKee, British agent to the Indians, addressed to Col. Richard England the commandant a Detroit.


(Maumee) Rapids, July 5, 1794.


Sir: I send this by a party of Saganas (Saginaw Indians) who returned yesterday from Fort Recovery where the whole body of Indians, except the Delawares who had gone another route, imprudently attacked the fort on Monday the 30th of last month, and lost sixteen or seventeen men besides a good many wounded.


Everything had been settled prior to their leaving the fallen timber, and it had been agreed upon to confine themselves to taking convoys and attacking at a distance from the forts, if they should have the address to entice the enemy (Americans) out; but the impetuosity of the Mackinac Indians and their eagerness to begin with the nearest, prevailed with•the others to alter their system, the consequences of which from the present appearance of things may most materially injure the interests of these people. Both the Mackina and Lake Indians seemed resolved on going home again, having completed the belts they carried with scalps and prisoners, and having no provisions there at the Glaize (the present Defiance) to subsist upon, so that His Majesty's posts will derive no security from the late great influx of Indians into this part of the country, should they persist in their resolution of returning so soon.


The immediate object of the attack was three hundred packhorses going from this fort (Recovery) to Fort Greenville, in


TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 337


which the Indians completely succeeded, taking and killing all of them. But the commanding officer, Captain Gibson, sending out a troop of cavalry, and bringing his infantry out in the front of his post, the Indians attacked him and killed about fifty, among whom is Captain Gibson and two other officers. On the near approach of the Indians to the fort, the remains of his garrison retired into it, and from their loopholes killed and wounded as already mentioned. Captain Elliott writes that they are immediately to hold a council at the Glaize (site of the present Defiance, Ohio) in order to try if they can prevail upon the Lake Indians to remain; but without provisions, ammunition, &c., being sent to that place, I conceive it will be extremely difficult to keep them together.


With great respect, I have the honor to be


Your obedient and humble servant,

A. McKEE.


Another letter from McKee to Colonel England seven days before the Battle of Fallen Timber, reads as follows :


(Maumee) Rapids, August 13, 1794.


Sir: I was honored last night with your letter of the 11th, and was extremely glad to find you are making such exertions to supply the Indians with provisions.


Captain Elliott arrived yesterday; what he has brought will greatly relieve us, having been obliged yesterday to take all the corn and flour which the traders had here.


A scouting party from the Americans carried off a man and a woman yesterday morning between this place and Roche de Bout, and afterwards attacked a small party of Delawares in their camp; but they were repulsed with the loss of a man, whom they either hid or threw into the river. They killed a Delaware woman. Scouts are sent up to view the situation of the army; and we now muster 1,000 Indians. All the Lake Indians from Sagina downwards should not lose one moment in joining their brethren, as every accession of strength is an addition to their spirits.


I have the honor to be, with very great respect sir,


Your most obedient and very humble servant,

A. McKEE.


It was after wintering in Kentucky that Maj.-Gen. Charles Scott with nearly sixteen hundred volunteer cavalry of that state, July 26, 1794, joined General Wayne at Greenville where the com-


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mander had with him approximately two thousand soldiers. An immediate order to advance the 28th was given. It was unquestionable that the fate of the great northwest this side of the Alleghenies and north of the Ohio River depended upon the success or failure of this campaign. With a third defeat all this territory would henceforth become a part of the British domain. The expedition to the west by George Rogers Clark has been produced in these pages through Clark's own account and Hamilton's own story. As the campaign of Wayne was also of vital importance to the Maumee and Sandusky valleys the log of Wayne's movements as written by Lieutenant Boyer is also here produced as follows :


Fort Greenville, where we were employed in erecting huts, and remained until the 28th July, 1794.


Camp at Stillwater, (Miami tributary) 28th July, 1794. Agreeable to the general order of yesterday, the legion took up their line of march at eight o'clock, and encamped at half past three on the bank of Stillwater, twelve miles from Greenville. The weather extremely warm—water very bad. Nothing occurred worth noticing.


Camp one mile in advance of Fort Recovery 29th July, 1794. At five o'clock left the camp—arrived on this ground at one o'clock, being fifteen miles. Nothing took place worth reciting. I am now informed that tracks were perceived on our right flank, supposed to be runners from the Oglaize. (Auglaize).


Camp Beaver Swamp, eleven miles in advance of Fort Recovery, 30th July, 1794. This morning the legion took up the line of march, and arrived here at three o'clock. The road was to cut, as will be the case on every new route we take in this country. The weather still warm—no water except in ponds, which nothing but excessive thirst would induce us to drink. The mosquitoes are very troublesome, and larger than I ever saw. The most of this country is covered with beech, the land of a wet soil intermixed with rich tracts, but no running water to be found. A bridge to be built over this swamp to morrow, which prevents the march of the legion till the day after. We are informed there is no water for twelve miles.


July 3 1st, 1794. Commenced building the bridge, being seventy yards in length, which will require infinite labor; it will be five feet deep, with loose mud and water. One hundred pioneers set out this morning, strongly escorted, to cut a road to the St.


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Mary River, twelve miles. I expect the bridge will be completed so as to march early in the morning.


Camp St. Mary River, 1st August, 1794. Proceeded on our way before sunrise, and arrived at this place at three o'clock, being twelve miles aforesaid. Our encampment is on the largest and most beautiful prairie I ever beheld, the land rich and well timbered; the water plenty but very bad—the river is from forty-five to fifty yards wide, in which I bathed. I am told there is plenty of fish in it.


August 2nd, 1794. The legion detained here for the purpose of erecting a garrison (Fort Adams) which will take up three days. This day one of the deputy quartermasters was taken by the Indians (deserted). Our spies discovered where four of the enemy had retreated precipitately with a horse, and supposed to be the party the above person had been taken by. It is hoped he will not give accurate information of our strength.


August 3rd, 1794. An accident took place this day by a tree falling on the Commander-in-Chief (Wayne) and nearly putting an end to his existence; we expected to be detained here some time in consequence of it, but fortunately he is not so much hurt as to prevent him from riding at a slow pace. No appearance of the enemy to-day, and think they are preparing for a warm attack. The weather very hot and dry, without any appearance of rain.


Camp Thirty-one miles in advance of Fort Recovery, 4th August, 1794. The aforesaid garrison (Adams) being completed, Lieutenant Underhill with one hundred men left to protect it; departed at six o'clock and arrived here at three o'clock, being ten miles. The land we marched through is rich and well timbered, but the water scarce and bad; obliged to dig holes in boggy places and let it settle.


Camp Forty-four miles in advance of Fort Recovery, 5th August, 1794 (near Fort Jennings, Putnam County). We arrived at this place at four o'clock, nothing particular occurring. The land and water as above described—had some rain today.


Camp Fifty-six miles from Fort Recovery, 6th August, 1794. Encamped on this ground at two o'clock. In the course of our march perceived the track of twenty Indians. I am informed we are within six miles of one of their towns on the Oglaize River supposed to be the upper Delaware town (Carloe, Paulding County). If so, I expect to eat green corn tomorrow. Our march


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this day has been through an exceeding fine country, but the water still bad; the day cooler than heretofore.


Camp Sixty-eight miles from Fort Recovery, 7th August, 1794. This day passed the upper town on the Oglaize (Auglaize) which the Indians evacuated some time. ago. I expect to see one of their new towns, where I am told there are all sorts of vegetables, which will be very acceptable to the troops. We have had no appearance of Indians today.


Camp Grand Oglaize (Defiance) 8th August, 1794. Proceeded on our march to this place at five o'clock this morning, and arrived here at the confluence of the Miami (Maumee) and Oglaize rivers at half past ten, being seventy-seven miles from Fort Recovery. This place far excels in beauty any in the western country, and believed equalled by none in the Atlantic States. Here are vegetables of every kind in abundance, and we have marched four or five miles in corn fields down the Oglaize and there are not less than one thousand acres of corn round the town. The land in general of the fir nature. (Red Cedar). This country appears well adapted for the enjoyment of industrious people, who cannot avoid living in as great luxury as in any other place throughout the states. Nature having lent a most bountiful hand in the arrangement of the position, that a man can send the produce to market in his own boat. The land level and river navigable, not more than sixty miles from the lake (Erie). The British have built a large garrison (Fort Miami) about fifty miles from this place, and our spies inform us that the enemy are encamped about two miles above it by the river.


Grand Oglaize, 9th August, 1794. We remain here. The Commander-in-Chief has ordered a garrison (Fort Defiance) to be erected at the confluence of the Miami (Maumee) and Oglaize rivers, which was begun this morning, and will take up some time; by this means the troops will be much refreshed, as well as the horses and cattle, the latter being much wearied and in need of a recess of labor. No appearance of an enemy.


Grand Oglaize, 10th August, 1794. The troops in good spirits. No interruption from, or account of, the enemy. We have plenty of vegetables. One of our militia officers was wounded by his own sentinel by mistake.


Grand Oglaize, 11th August, 1794. Nothing occurs to preve the completion of our work.

General Wayne had hoped to surprise the enemy at this jun tion of the Auglaize and Maumee rivers, but the deputy quarte


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master who had deserted to the British and Indians August 2nd, probably informed the latter of the size of Wayne's army and not an Indian was to be seen when the forces arrived. On account of the strength of the fortification, at the suggestion of General Scott, it was named Fort Defiance. The great central gathering point and agricultural fields of the savages was styled by Wayne "the Grand Emporium of the hostile Indians of the West."


Wayne was referred to by the savage foe as "the Chief who never sleeps" from the fact that he employed continuously a company of trained spies. From the information received through these scouts as well as from his own judgment of the situation, the commander believed that a conflict could not be avoided. However, he sent forward one more offer of peace but did not wait for a reply before he advanced. August 15th he took up the line of march from. Fort Defiance and arrived at the site of Snake-town where is now the village of Florida, Henry County, without any special happening and where were plenty of vegetables. Continuing the log of Lieutenant Boyer, he says :


Camp Nineteen miles from Oglaize, 16th August, 1794. Our march this day was through a bushy ground, and the road generally bad. Miller (with flag of truce) returned this day from the enemy with information from the tribes, that if the Commander-in-Chief would remain at Grand Oglaize ten days they would let him know whether they would be for peace or war.


Camp Thirty-one miles from Camp Oglaize, 17th August, 1794. This day a small party of the enemy's spies fell in with ours; both parties being for discoveries, they retreated, at which time the enemy fired and wounded one of our horses. Our camp, head of the Rapids.—(where is now Providence).


Camp Forty-one miles from Grand Oglaize (at Roche de Boeuf ) 18th August, 1794. The legion arrived on this ground, nothing particular taking place. Five of our spies were sent out at three o'clock—they fell in with an advanced body of the enemy, and obliged to retreat; but May, one of our spies, fell under the enemy's hold. What his fate may be must be left to future success. (May's fate has already been told; he was dispatched at where is now Maumee).


Camp Deposit, 19th August, 1794. The legion still continued in encampment, and are throwing up works to secure and deposit the heavy baggage of the troops, so that the men may be light for action, provided the enemy have presumption to favor us with an interview, which if they should think proper to do, the troops are


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in such high spirits that we will make an easy victory of them. By this morning's order, the legion is to march at five o'clock.


Camp in sight of a British garrison on the Miamis of the Lake, (Fort Miami) August 20, 1794. One hundred and fifty miles from Greenville. This day the legion, after depositing every kind of baggage, took up the line of march at 7 o'clock and continued their route down the margin of the river without making any discovery until eleven o'clock, when the front guard, which was composed of mounted volunteers, were fired on by the enemy. The guard retreated in the utmost confusion through the front guard of the regulars, commanded by Captain Cook and Lieutenant Steele, who, in spite of their utmost exertion, made a retreat. These fell in with the left of Capt. Howell Lewis' company of light infantry, and threw that part of the men into confusion, which Captain Lewis observing, he ordered the left of his company to retreat about forty yards, where he formed them and joined the right which had stood their ground. They continued in this position until they were joined by part of Captain Springer's battalion of riflemen, which was nearly fifteen minutes after the firing commenced, who drove the enemy that had attempted to flank us on the right. Nearly at the same time, the right column came up, and the charge was sounded—the enemy gave way and fired scattering shots as they run off. About the time the right column came up, a heavy firing took place on the left, which lasted but a short time, the enemy giving way in all quarters, which left us in possession of their dead to the number of forty. Our loss was thirty killed and one hundred wounded. Among the former we have to lament the loss of Capt. Campbell of the dragoons, and, Lieut. Henry B. Fowles of the 4th sub-legion; and of the latter, Captains Prior of the first, Slough of the fourth, and Van Rensselaer of the dragoons, also Lieut. Campbell Smith of the fourth sub-legion. The whole loss of the enemy cannot at present be ascertained, but it is more than probable it must have been considerable, for we pursued them with rapidity for nearly two miles.


As to the number of the enemy engaged in this action, opinions are so various that I am at a loss to know what to say; the most general opinion is one thousand five hundred, one-third of which are supposed to be Canadians; I am led to believe this number is not over the mark. After the troops had taken some refreshment, the legion continued their route down the river, and


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encamped in sight of the British garrison. One Canadian into our hands, whom we loaded with irons.


Camp Foot of the Rapids 21st August, 1794. We are now lying within half a mile of a British garrison (Fort Miami). A flag (of truce) came to the Commander-in-chief, the purport of which was that he, the commanding officer of the British fort, was surprised to see an American army so far advanced in this country; and why they had the assurance to encamp under the mouths of his Majesty's cannons! The Commander-in-chief answered, that the affair of yesterday might well inform him why this army was encamped in its present position, and had the fleeing savages taken shelter under the walls of the fort, his Majesty's cannons should not have protected them.


Camp Foot of the Rapids 22nd August, 1794. We have destroyed all the property within one hundred yards of the British garrison. The volunteers were sent down eight miles below the fort, and have destroyed and burnt all the possessions belonging to the Canadians and savages. The Commander-in-chief led his light infantry within pistol shot of the garrison to find out the strength and situation of the place, and in hopes of bringing a shot from our inveterate but silent enemies. They were too cowardly to come up to our expectations, and all we got by insulting the colors of Britain was a flag (of truce) the amount of which was, that the commanding officer of the fort felt himself as a soldier much injured by seeing His Majesty's colors insulted, and if such conduct was continued he would be under the necessity of making a proper resentment; upon which the Commanderin-chief demanded the post, it being the right of the United States, which was refused. A small party of dragoons were sent over the river to burn and destroy all the houses, corn &c., that were under cover of the fort, which was effected. [This included McKee's store].


General Wayne's own report of the battle contains the following :


"The legion was on the right, its flank covered by the Maumee; one brigade of mounted volunteers on the left, under Brig.-Gen. Todd, and the other in the rear, under Brig.-Gen. Barbee. A select battalion of mounted volunteers moved in front of the legion, commanded by Major Price, who was directed to keep sufficiently advanced so as to give timely notice for the troops to form in case of action, it being yet undetermined whether th Indians would decide for peace or war.


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"After advancing about five miles, Major Price's corps received so severe a fire from the enemy, who were secreted in the wood and high grass, as to compel them to retreat. The legion was immediately formed in two lines, principally in a close thick wood, which extended for miles on our left, and for a very considerable distance in front; the ground being covered with old fallen timber, probably occasioned by a tornado, which rendered it impracticable for the cavalry to act with effect, and. afforded the enemy the most favorable covert for their mode of warfare. The savages were formed in three lines, within supporting distance of each other, and extending for near two miles at right angles with the river. I soon discovered, from the weight of the fire and extent of their lines, that the enemy were in full force in front, in possession of their favorite ground and endeavoring to turn our left flank. I therefore gave orders for the second line to advance and support the first; and directed Major-General Scott to gain and turn the right flank of the savages with the whole force of the mounted volunteers by a circuitous route; at the same time I ordered the front line to advance and charge with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their coverts at the point of the bayonet, and when up, to deliver a close and well-directed fire on their backs, followed by a brisk charge, so as not to give them time to load again.


"I also ordered Captain Campbell, who commanded the legionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next the river, and which afforded a favorable field for that corps to act in. All these orders were obeyed with spirit and promptitude; but such was the impetuosity of the charge by the first line of infantry, that the Indians and Canadian militia and volunteeks were drove from all their coverts in so short a time that, although every possible exertion was used by the officers of the second line of the legion, and by Generals Scott, Todd and Barbee, of the mounted volunteers, to gain their proper positions, but part of each could get up in season to participate in the action; the enemy being drove, in the course of one hour, more than two miles through the thick woods already mentioned, by less than one-half their numbers. From every account the enemy amounted to two thousand combatants. The troops actually engaged against them were short of nine hundred. This horde of savages, with their allies, abandoned themselves to flight, and dispersed with terror and dismay, leaving our victorious army in full and quiet


13-VOL. 1


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possession of the field of battle, which terminated under the influence of the guns of the British garrison. * * *


"The bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the army, from the generals down to the ensigns, merit my highest approbation. There were, however, some whose rank and situation placed their conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and which I observed with pleasure, and the most lively gratitude; among whom I must beg leave to mention Brigadier-General Wilkinson and Colonel Hamtramck, the commandants of the right and left wings of the legion, whose brave example inspired the troops. To those I must add the name of my faithful and gallant aides-de-camp, Captains De Butt and T. Lewis, and Lieutenant Harrison (General Harrison), who, with the Adjutant-General, Major Mills, rendered the most essential service by communicating my orders in every direction, and by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops to press for victory.


"The loss of the enemy was more than that of the federal army. The woods were strewed for a considerable distance with the dead bodied of Indians and their white Auxiliaries, the latter armed with British muskets and bayonets.


"We remained three days and nights on the banks of the Maumee, in front of the field of battle, during which time all the houses and cornfields were consumed and destroyed for a considerable distance, both above and below Fort Miami, as well as within pistol-shot of the garrison, who were compelled to remain tacit spectators to this general devastation and conflagration, among which were the houses, stores and property of Colonel McKee, the British Indian agent and principal stimulator of the war now existing between the United States and the savages."


Still another account says: "The loss of the Americans in this battle was 33 killed and 100 wounded, including 5 officers among the killed, and 19 wounded. One of the Canadians taken in the action estimated the force of the Indians at about 1,400. He also stated that about seventy Canadians were with them, and that Col. McKee, Capt. Elliott and Simon Girty were in the field but at a respectful distance, and near the river. When the broken remains of the Indian army were pursued under the British fort the soldiers could scarcely be restrained from storming it. This independent of its results in bringing on a war with Great Britain, would have been a desperate measure, as the fort mounted ten pieces of artillery, and was garrisoned by four hundred and


348 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY


fifty men, while Wayne had no armament proper to attack such a strongly fortified place. While the troops remained in the vicinity, there did not appear to be any communication between the garrison and the savages. The gates were shut against them, and their rout and slaughter witnessed with apparent unconcern by the British. That the Indians were astonished at the lukewarmness of their real allies, and regarded the fort, in case of defeat, as a place of refuge, is evident from various circun stances, not the least of which was the well-known reproach of Tecumseh, in his celebrated speech to Proctor, after Perry's vi tory. The near approach of the troops brought forth a letter of remonstrance from Major Campbell, the British commandant,) General Wayne. A sharp correspondence ensued, but without any especial results. The morning before the army left, General Wayne, after arranging his force in such a manner as to sho they were all on the alert, advanced with his numerous staff and small body of cavalry to the glacis of the British fort, reconnoiter- ing it with great deliberation, while the garrison were seen wit lighted matches, prepared for any emergency. It is said tin Wayne's party overheard one of the British subordinate office] appeal to Major Campbell for permission to fire upon the cava cade, and avenge such an insulting parade under his majesty guns; but that officer chided him with the abrupt exclamation "Be a gentleman! be a gentleman !"


Two of the letters exchanged between the commanders rea as follows:


"Miami (Maumee) River,

"August 21st, 1794.


"Sir :—An army of the United States of America, said to under your command, having taken post on the banks of t Miami for upwards of the last twenty-four hours, almost withi the reach of the guns of this fort, being a post belonging to Hi Majesty the King of Great Britain, occupied by His Majesty' troops, and which I have the honor to command; it becomes duty to inform myself, as speedily as possible, in what light am to view your making such near approaches to this garriso I have no hesitation, on my part, to say, that I know of no existing between Great Britain and America.


"I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your obedient and very humble servant,


"WILLIAM CAMPBELL,


"Major 24th Reg't Comd'g a British Post on the banks of Miami.


TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 349


To Major General Wayne, etc."




"Camp, on the Banks of the Miami,




"August 21st, 1794.


"Sir have received your letter of this date, requiring from ne the motives which have moved the army under my command o the position they at present occupy, far within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States of America. Without questioning the authority, or the propriety, sir, of your interroatory, I think I may without breach of decorum, observe to you, hat were you entitled to an answer, the most full and satisfactory one was announced to you from the muzzles of my small arms, yesterday morning, in the action against the horde of savages in the vicinity of your post, which terminated gloriously to he American arms; but, had it continued until the Indians, etc., vere driven under the influence of the post and guns you mention, they would not have much impeded the progress of the victorious army under my command, as no such post was established it the commencement of the present war, between the Indians and he United States.


"I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most &client and very humble servant,



"ANTHONY WAYNE,


“Major General, and Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Army. `To Major William Campbell, etc."


Jonathan Alder, who was at this time living with the Indians, has given in his MS. autobiography the Indian account of the battle of Fallen Timbers. He says, after describing the attack on Fort Recovery and the retreat to Defiance :


We remained here (Defiance) about two weeks, until we ward of the approach of Wayne, when we packed up our goods Ind started for the old English fort at the Maumee rapids. Here we prepared ourselves for battle, and sent the women and children lown about three miles below the fort; and as I did not wish to fight, they sent me to Sandusky, to inform some Wyandots there of the great battle that was about to take place. I remained at Sandusky until the battle was over. The Indians did not wait more than three or four days, before Wayne made his appearance at the head of a long prairie on the river, where he halted, and waited for an opportunity to suit himself. Now the Indians are very curious about fighting, for when they know they are going into a battle they will not eat anything just previous. They say that if a man is shot in the body when he is entirely empty, there