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ids, it brought great cheer. The river was so high that the pilot declined to run the boats over the rapids at night. Captain Hamilton with a subaltern and canoe was immediately dispatched to meet General Clay, and convey to him this command : "You must detach about eight hundred men from your brigade, who will land at a point I (Hamilton) will show, about one or one and a half miles above Fort Meigs, and I will conduct them to the British batteries on the left bank of the river. They must take possession of the enemy's cannon, spike them, cut down the carriages, then return to their boats and cross over to the Fort. The balance of your men must land on the Fort side of the river, opposite the first landing, and fight their way to the Fort through the savages. The route they must take will be pointed out by a subaltern officer now with me, who will land the canoe on the right bank of the river to point out the landing for the boats."


General Clay himself remained in charge of the troops landing on the right bank of the Maumee. But the subaltern was not at the rendezvous, and some confusion resulted. Sorties were made from the garrison to aid these. They were subjected to a galling fire from the British infantry and the Indians under Tecumseh, but safely reached the fortress. Another detachment under. Colonel Boswell landed and drove away the threatening savages. For their relief General Harrison dispatched several hundred men under command of Colonel John Miller, who attacked the nearest battery and drove away the enemy four times as numerous. The troops advanced with loaded but trailed arms. The first fire of the enemy did little damage, but the Indians proved to be good marksmen. Then it was that a charge was ordered, and the enemy fled with great precipitation. The American troopers and militia alike covered themselves with glory in this encounter. Twenty-eight Americans were killed in this sortie and twenty-five were wounded. Forty-three prisoners were brought back to the fort. It was one of the bravest incidents of the entire siege.


THE DUDLEY MASSACRE


Had the wise orders of General Harrison been carried out in full, the terrible massacre which occurred would have been avoided. Colonel Dudley executed his task gallantly and successfully up to the point of the capture of the batteries, and without the loss of a man. He reached them unobserved, and the gunners fled precipitately. The Americans rushed forward and spiked eleven of the largest guns, hauling down the enemy's flag. Great and loud was the applause that reached them from the fort across the river. But most of Dudley's troops were unused to warfare with the savages. They were extremely anxious for a combat—and they were Kentuckians. This sometimes meant rashness rather than prudence in border warfare.


Colonel Dudley had landed with 866 men. Of these only 170 escaped to Fort Meigs. Elated with their initial success, and being fired upon by some of the Indians, the Kentuckians became infuriated and boldly dashed after their wily opponents without any thought of an ambuscade. The commands of Colonel Dudley and warnings from the fort were alike unheeded by these impetuous southerners. They thought that the victory was already won, and thoughtlessly rushed into the ambuscade that had been prepared for them near the site of the old courthouse in the Village of Maumee.


" They are lost ! they are lost !" exclaimed General Harrison, as he saw this move. " Can I never get men to obey orders?" He offered a reward of $1,000 to any man who would cross the river and apprise Colonel Dudley of his danger. This duty was promptly undertaken by an officer, but the enemy had arrived on the opposite bank before he


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could reach it. Many indeed were those killed, including Colonel Dudley himself, in the fierce contest that waged for about three hours. Many more were wounded, and the others were taken prisoners. Those who could perambulate were marched towards Fort Miami. Those who were wounded too badly to move were immediately slain and scalped by the savages, and an equally sad fate met those who were taken to the fort. The Kentuckians had become demoralized as their commanding officers were killed and shots reached them from all sides. The companies became mixed, and it developed into each man fighting for himself as best he could in the confusion.


Lieutenant Underwood has left a vivid account of the battle, from which the following is taken :


"While passing through a thicket of hazel, toward the river in forming line of battle, I saw Colonel Dudley for the last time. He was greatly excited ; he railed at me for not keeping my men better dressed (in better line). I replied that he must perceive from the situation of the ground, and the obstacles that we had to encounter, that it was impossible. When we came within a small distance of the river we halted. The enemy at this place had gotten in the rear of our line, formed parallel with the river, and were firing upon our troops. Having nothing to do, and being without orders, we determined to march our company out and join the combatants. We did so accordingly. In passing out we fell on the left of the whole regiment and were soon engaged in a severe conflict. The Aborigines endeavored to flank and surround us. We were from time to time ordered to charge. The orders were passed along the line, our field officers being on foot. * * * We made several charges afterwards and drove the enemy a considerable distance. * * * At length orders were passed along the lines directing us to fall back and keep up a retreating fire. As soon as this movement was made the Aborigines were greatly encouraged, and advanced upon us with the most horrid yells. Once or twice the officers succeeded in producing a temporary halt and a fire on the Aborigines, but the soldiers of the different companies soon became mixed, confusion ensued, and a general rout. took place. The retreating army made its way towards the batteries; where I supposed we should be able to form and repel the pursuing Aborigines. They were now so close in the rear as to frequently shoot down those who were before me. * * * In emerging from the woods into an open piece of ground near the battery we had taken, and before I knew what had happened, a soldier seized my sword and said to me, ' Sir, you are my prisoner !' I looked before me and saw, with astonishment, the ground covered with muskets. The soldier observing my astonishment, said 'your army has surrendered' and received my sword. He ordered me to go forward and join the prisoners. I did so."


Tecumseh was far more humane than his white allies. While the bloodthirsty work was proceeding a thundering voice in the Indian tongue was heard from the rear, and Tecumseh was seen approaching as fast as his horse could carry him. He sprang from his horse, rage showing in every feature, we are told. Beholding two Indians butchering an American, he brained one with his tomahawk and felled the other to the earth. He seemed torn with grief and passion. Seeing Proctor standing there, he rode up to him. 2


2 One of the prisoners has left this picture of Tecumseh on this occasion: " The celebrated chief was a noble, dignified personage. He wore an elegant broadsword, and was dressed in Aborigine costume. His face was finely proportioned, his nose inclined to be aquiline, and his eyes displayed none of that savage and ferocious triumph common to the other Aborigines on that occasion. He seemed to regard us with unmoved composure and I thought a beam of mercy shown in his countenance, tempering the spirit of vengeance inherent in his race against the American people."


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"Why don't you stop this?" sternly inquired the Indian Chief.


Drawing his tomahawk, he threw himself between the Americans and Indians, and dared an Indian to murder another prisoner. They were all confounded and immediately desisted.


"Sir," said Proctor, "your Indians cannot be commanded."


"Begone," said Tecumseh, "you are unfit to command ; go and put on petticoats."


After this incident, the prisoners were not further molested. It is certainly convincing proof that the British authorities did not dis- courage the inhumanities of their savage allies, and it is believed that many of the officers encouraged them in their savagery and atrocities. Inimical as was Tecumseh toward the Americans, insatiable as was his hatred of us, we cannot but admire him as a man. In personal courage he was excelled by none. In oratory few were his peers, but in humanity be stood out in striking contrast to the customs of his own tribe, one of the most savage of all. He was never guilty of wanton bloodshed, and ever used every effort to restrain his followers from all deeds of cruelty and torture in dealing with their captives. All honor to a chieftain of that kind. In his opposition to Americans, he was simply endeavoring to save and protect his own people in their ancestral rights,—and this is the measure of patriotism even among our own people.


A British officer, who took part in the siege, tells of a visit to the Indian camp on the day after the massacre. The camp was filled with the clothing and plunder stripped from the slaughtered soldiers and officers. The lodges were adorned with saddles, bridles, and richly ornamented swords and pistols. Swarthy savages strutted about in cavalry boots and the fine uniforms of American officers. The Indian wolf dogs were gnawing the bones of the fallen. Everywhere were scalps and the skins of hands and feet stretched on hoops, stained on the fleshly side with vermillion, and drying in the sun.


"As we continued to advance into the heart of the encampment," says Major Richardson, " a scene of a more disgusting nature arrested our attention- Stopping at the entrance of a tent occupied by the Minoumini (Menomeni) tribe we observed them seated around a large fire over which was suspended a kettle containing their meal. Each warrior had a piece of string hanging over the edge of the vessel, and to this was suspended a food which, it will be presumed we heard not without loathing, consisted of a part of an American. Any expression of our feelings, as we declined the invitation they gave us to join in their repast, would have been resented by the savages without ceremony ; we had, therefore, the prudence to excuse ourselves under the plea that we had already taken our food, and we hastened to remove from a sight so revolting to humanity."


Some of the soldiers, who finally escaped from their captivity, have left us terrible tales of their treatment by the savages, all of which was done without a word of protest from the English officers. The young men were generally taken by the savages as prisoners back to their villages, and some of them were never heard of afterwards by their friends. Most of them, however, were embarked on board boats bound for Malden.


"I saved my watch by concealing the chain," says Lieutenant. Joseph R. Underwood, " and it proved of great service to me afterwards. Having read when a boy Smith's narrative of his residence among the Aborigines, my idea of their character was that they treated those best who appeared the most fearless. Under this impression, as we marched down to the old garrison (Fort Miami) I looked at those whom we met with all the sternness of countenance I could command. I soon caught the eye of a stout war-


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rior painted red. He gazed at me with as much sternness as I did at him until I came within striking distance, when he gave me a severe blow over the nose and cheek-bone with his wiping stick. I abandoned the notion acquired from Smith, and went on afterwards with as little display of hauteur and defiance as possible. On our approach to the old garrison the Aborigines formed a line to the left of the road, there being a perpendicular bank at the right on the margin of which the road passed- I perceived that the prisoners were running the gauntlet and that the Aborigines were whipping, shooting and tomahawking the men as they ran by their line. When I reached the starting place, I dashed off as fast as I was able, and ran near the muzzles of their guns, knowing that they would have to shoot me while I was immediately in front or let me pass, for to have turned their guns up or down the lines to shoot me would have endangered themselves as there was a curve in their line. In this way I passed without injury except some strokes over the shoulders with their gun-sticks. As I entered the ditch around the garrison the man before me was shot and fell, and I fell over him. The passage for a while was stopped by those who fell over the dead man and me. How many lives were lost at this place I cannot tell, probably between twenty and forty."


"We heard frequent guns at the place during the whole time the remaining prisoners were coming in," wrote Leslie Combs. "Some were wounded severely with war clubs, tomahawks; etc. The number who fell after the surrender was supposed by all to be nearly equal to the killed in the battle. As soon as all the surviving prisoners got within the stockade the whole body of Aborigines, regardless of the opposition of our little guard, rushed in. There seemed to be almost twice our number of them. Their blood-thirsty souls were not yet satiated with carnage. One Aborigine shot three of our men, tomahawked a fourth, and stripped and scalped them in our presence. * * * Then all raised the war-hoop and commenced loading their guns * * * Tecumseh, more humane than his ally and employer (Proctor) generously interfered and prevented further massacre. Colonel Elliott then rode slowly in, spoke to the Aborigines, waved his sword, and all but a few retired immediately."


The fifth day of May was indeed a sad day for Fort Meigs. The Dudley massacre was the third great loss suffered by the American armies of the Northwest in less than a year after the beginning of the War of 1812- Harrison said that " excessive ardor * * always the case when Kentucky militia were engaged * * * was the source of all their misfortunes. "


The main body of the savages now withdrew from the British command, partly because they were tired of the continued siege, and partly because their thirst for blood and butchery was satiated. But Proctor did not retire until he had dispatched another white flag, with a demand upon General Harrison to surrender. The reply was such as to indicate that the demand was considered an insult. His gunboats were moved up the Maumee, as near to Fort Meigs as possible. Because of the withdrawal of his dusky allies General Proctor felt himself compelled to give up the siege on the 9th instant and return with his remaining forces to Amherstburg, Canada, where he disbanded the militia. Before finally withdrawing he gave a parting salute from his gunboats, which killed ten or a dozen and wounded twice that number. "However," says one of those present, "we were glad enough to see them off on any terms." The British forces are estimated to have numbered more than 3,000 men. Of these 600 were British regulars, 800 were Canadian militia, and 1,800 were Indians- Harrison's forces at the maximum did not much exceed 1,000 effective men. This does


HISTORY OF NORTHWEST OHIO - 129


not of course, include those under Colonel Dudley.


The total loss at the fort during the entire siege was eighty-one killed and 189 wounded. The British reported loss of only fifteen killed, forty-seven wounded, and forty-one taken prisoners. The men welcomed the relief from the terrible tension to which they had been subjected. They were glad to get to the river and wash themselves up, for there had been a great scarcity of water within the stockade. Many had scarcely any clothing left, and that which they wore was so begrimmed and torn that they looked more like scarecrows than human beings.


Of the part taken by his troops, General Harrison had only words of commendation. In his reports to the secretary of war, he described the savages as the most effective force. A long list of names received special mention. Among these were General Clay, Major Johnson, Captain Wood, Major Ball, Colonel Mills, Captain Croghan, and many others. The Pittsburg Blues, the Pittsburg volunteers, the Kentuckians, and some of the United States regulars were also given special praise-


After the enemy had withdrawn, Fort Meigs was greatly strengthened. The damage which the British guns had wrought was repaired, the British battery mounds were leveled, while the open space in front was extended; better drainage and sanitary conveniences were also established, for the lack of which the garrison had suffered considerable sickness. Reinforcements were hurried forward from Upper Sandusky, while General Harrison made a tour of the various other fortresses within his jurisdiction. The extent of the frontier under his command was indeed extensive, and it required constant watchfulness as well as great executive ability to guard against invasion and to prevent the advance of the enemy within it- At Lower Sandusky he met Governor Meigs, with a strong force of


Vol. I-9


Ohio volunteers hastening to the relief of Fort Meigs. General Clay was again left in charge of Fort Meigs. 3


Comparative calm followed the abandonment of the siege of Fort Meigs for a couple of months. But Harrison was not inactive during this time- He fully appreciated the strength of the Indian allies of Britain, and also realized that Tecumseh was endeavoring to draw to his support the Indians in Northwest Ohio- Heretofore it had been the American policy not to employ friendly Indians in its service, except in a few instances. This policy the Indians could not understand. In order to clarify the situation, a council was called at Franklinton (Columbus) on the 21st of June- The Wyandots, Delawares, Shawnees, and Senecas were represented by fifty of their chiefs and head men. The most influential chief present was Tarhe, chief sachem of the Wyandots, and he became the spokesman of all tribes present. Harrison said that the time had come for an expression of the tribes as to their stand, for the Great Father wanted no false friends- As a guarantee of their good intentions, the friendly tribes should either move into the settlements, or their warriors should accompany him in the ensuing campaign. To this proposal all the warriors present unanimously agreed, asserting that they had long been anxious for an opportunity to fight for the Americans- Harrison promised to let them know when their services were wanted. He promised to deliver Proctor into their hands


3 In June, 1870, a party of veterans who had served with the army in the movements about Fort Meigs met at Perrysburg and Maumee- Fifty-seven years had passed and these men were now truly veterans. Michael Morgan, eighty-nine, was the oldest, and Peter Navarre, eighty-five, was a prominent member of the little company. Horace Thatcher, sixty-nine, was the youngest. About half of those present lived in Kentucky. It was indeed a memorable occasion, and these gray-haired survivors, many of them with tottering steps, were made to feel that the citizens of Perrysburg and Maumee welcomed the surVivors of the eVents of more than half a century earlier which freed this village from danger of saVages and white enemies as well.


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on condition that they should do no other harm than to put a petticoat on him. The satisfactory outcome of this council caused a spirit of safety and confidence to spread over this section. Although the tribes were not called upon to take part in the war, many of the Indians of their own free will did accompany Harrison in his later campaigns.


In July General Proctor again headed an expedition for the mouth of the Maumee. On the 20th of the month the boats of the enemy were discovered ascending the Maumee toward Fort Meigs. With him was an army estimated to number at least 5,000. The Indians also began to appear in the neighborhood in considerable numbers. It is believed that they were in greater force than ever before. A picket guard, consisting of a corporal and ten soldiers, was surprised about 300 yards from Fort Meigs on the night of their arrival, and all but three were killed or captured. Fourteen soldiers, whose term of enlistment had expired, desired to return home on foot by way of Fort Winchester. They were attacked by savages when only a few miles above the fort, and only two escaped. Reinforcements arrived at the fort, which greatly added to its strength. Among these were Lieutenant Montjoy, with twenty United States troops, who reached the fort from the blockhouse on the Portage River with the loss of one man. The American force within the fort was small and numbered only a few hundred. They were in charge of General Clay, who immediately sent word to General Harrison at Lower Sandusky. Captain McCune, the messenger, made two trips back and forth between Lower Sandusky and Fort Meigs, and on the last trip narrowly escaped capture or death. Harrison said that he was unable to send additional troops at once, but advised great precaution against surprise and ambuscade by the wily enemy.


"On the afternoon of the 25th, Captain McCune was ordered by Harrison to return to the fort and inform General Clay of his situation and intentions. He arrived near the fort about daybreak on the following morning, having lost his way in the night, accompanied by James Doolan, a French Canadian. They were just upon the point of leaving the forest and entering upon the cleared ground .round the fort, when they were intercepted by a party of Indians. They immediately took to the high bank with their horses, and retreated at full gallop up the river for several miles, pursued by the Indians, also mounted, until they came to a deep ravine ; putting up from the river in a southerly direction they turned upon the river bottom and continued a short distance, until they found their further progress in that direction stopped by an impassable swamp. The Indians, foreseeing their dilemma, from their knowledge of the country, and expecting they would naturally follow up the ravine, galloped thither to head them off. McCune guessed their intention, and he and his companion turned back upon their own track for the fort, gaining, by this maneuvre, several hundred yards upon their pursuers. The Indians gave a yell of chagrin, and followed at their utmost. speed. Just as they neared the fort, McCune dashed into a thicket across his course, on the opposite side of which other Indians had huddled, awaiting their prey. When this body of Indians considered them all but in their possession, again was the presence of mind of McCune signally displayed. He wheeled his horse, followed by Doolan, made his way out of the thicket by the passage he had entered, and galloped around into the open space between them and the river, where the pursuers were checked by the fire from the block-house at the western angle of the fort."


It was probably due to the information brought by Captain McCune that another disaster or massacre was averted. Proctor and Tecumseh had formulated a plan for the


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capture of Fort Meigs by strategy. A sham battle was staged by Tecumseh along the road toward Lower Sandusky, near enough so that the noise might be distinctly heard by the troops in the fort. When the Indian yells, intermingled with the roar of musketry, reached the garrison, the men instantly flew to arms. Thinking that. a severe battle was being fought, the men could hardly be restrained from marching out to the defense, as they supposed, of their gallant commander-in-chief. This was precisely the purpose of the enemy- The shooting was intended to convey the impression to the besieged that an advancing force of reinforcements was . being attacked by the Indians, thus hoping to draw out the garrison. General Clay had had too much experience, however, in Indian warfare, and refused to be drawn into their plans. Furthermore, he did not think that Harrison would come thus unannounced so soon after the messenger. After several futile attempts to draw the Americans from their protection, the enemy departed from Fort Meigs on July 27th, having been in its vicinity less than two days. After leaving Fort Meigs for the second time, a part of the British army sailed around through Lake Erie and up the Sandusky River to Fort Stephenson, hoping to find it an easy prey. The result is related in another chapter, for it is a fascinating story in itself.


It is rather interesting to read of the doings about camp in this early day. There-were a number of court martials that we have a record of for drunkenness and insubordination at Fort Meigs. Herewith are two general orders issued at that fortress that make interesting reading in this day and age- The first relates to what was probably the first official celebration of our national natal day in this vicinity.


(General Order)

"Camp Meigs, July 4, 1813.

" The General commanding announces to the troops under his command the return of this day, which gave liberty and independence to the United States of America ; and orders that a national salute be fired under the superintendence of Captains Gratiot and Cushing. All the troops reported fit for duty shall receive an extra gill of whisky. And those in confinement and those under sentence attached. to their corps, be forthwith released and order to join their respective corps.


" The General is induced to use this lenience alone from consideration of the ever memorable day, and flatters himself that in future, the soldiers under his command will better appreciate their liberty by a steady adherence to duty and prompt compliance with the orders of their officers, by which alone they are worthy to enjoy the blessings of that liberty and independence the only real legacy left us by our fathers.


"All courts martial now constituted in this camp are hereby dissolved. There will be fatigue this day.


"ROBERT BUTLER,

"A. Adjt. Gen."


(General Order)

"Camp Meigs, July 8, 1813.

" The commanding General directs that the old guard, on being released, will' march out of camp and discharge their arms at, a target placed in some secure position, and as a reward for those who may excel in shooting, eight gills of whisky will be given to the nearest shot, and four gills to the second. The officer of the guard will cause a return, signed for that purpose, signifying the names of the men entitled to the reward.

"By order of G. CLAY, Gen. Com.

"ROBERT BUTLER, A. Adjt. Gen."


CHAPTER XII


THE DEFENSE OF FORT STEPHENSON


"A hundred leagues from Niagara, on the south side (Lake Erie) is a river called Sandosquet, which the Indians of Detroit and Lake Huron take when going to war with the Flatheads and other nations toward Carolina. They ascend this river Sandosquet two or three days, after which they make a small portage of about a quarter of a league- Some make canoes of elm bark and float down a small river (Scioto) that empties into the Ohio. Whoever would wish to reach the Mississippi easily, would need only to take this beautiful river or the Sandosquet ; he could travel without any danger of fasting, for all who have been there have repeatedly assured me that there is so vast a quantity of buffalo and of all other animals in the woods along that beautiful river, they were often obliged to discharge their guns to clear a passage for themselves. They say that two thousand men could easily live there."


Thus writes an anonymous scribe in a report upon the Indians of Canada, in the year 1718. In early maps and writings the name is variously spelled. In a map published in London in 1733, the bay is called "Lake Sandoski." An Amsterdam cartographer of a few years earlier designated it as "Lac Sandouske." Early English traders speak of the river as St. Dusky and St. Sandoske, and there are still other variations in the spelling. It was not until about the time of the Revolution that the modern orthography of the name became fixed. The name is said to be derived from the term Tsaendoosti, pronounced Sandoos-tee, and the meaning is "it is cold and fresh," as applied to water, or "at the cold water."


The beautiful Sandusky River rises in Richland County, and from there flows through the counties of Crawford, Wyandot, Seneca, and Sandusky, with many graceful bends until it finally mingles its waters with those of the bay of the same name. Although not more than ninety miles in a direct line, because of its many meanderings the distance traversed by the Sandusky is a half greater than a direct course would be.


It seems almost impossible to believe that less than 100 years ago, the Valley of the Sandusky, with its broad and fertile fields, productive orchards and sightly woodlands, and the site of such thriving cities as Fremont, Tiffin, Upper Sandusky, and Bucyrus, was a favorite resort of Indians with their primitive agriculture, rude cabins, and picturesque council fires. Right here at Lower Sandusky was one of the most important Wyandot villages. For centuries the red men had their homes along the banks and swarmed in the forests and plains of the valley of their beloved river, named Junque-in-dundeh, which, in the Wyandot language, noted for its descriptive character, signifies "at the place of the hanging haze or mist (smoke)." The name was not inappropriate when one considers the surrounding forests, prairies, and marshes, and the burning leaves and grass at certain seasons of the year. Through this village passed one of the main Indian trails from the Ohio country to Detroit. There was good navigation from here to Detroit and


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Canada, and it required only a short portage not far from Bucyrus from the Sandusky to the Scioto on their way to the Ohio River, and from there down to the Mississippi. In the high waters of spring, this portage did not exceed half a mile.


Much of what is now marshland at the mouth of the Sandusky was originally prairie. It has gradually been inundated, however, until it forms the excellent hunting grounds of today. The shores of the mainland have receded as much as forty rods in places since the first recorded government surveys, less than a century ago. It is known that heavy timber grew a century ago where there are now two or three feet of water. This has been caused by the terrific lashings of the nor'easters. Eagle Island, right at the mouth, contained an area of 134 acres in 1820, according to a survey of that date, and was covered with heavy timber, mostly locust and walnut. Today there is scarcely an eighth of an acre of dry ground, and it is indicated only by a few willows. Peach, Graveyard, and Squaw islands, where Nicholas and his band sought asylum, would scarcely furnish enough dry land today on which to set up their tepees. Many believe that the real site of Fort Sandoski is at least an eighth of a mile out in the bay, and under water all the time. In the early days the muskrat were plentiful and these, together with the mink and otter, also found here, furnished much of the medium of exchange. In the year 1800 one firm shipped 20,000 muskrat hides and 8,000 coon skins. The former were worth 25 cents each, and the latter 50 cents per pelt. Thousands of muskrats are still caught here each year, but the mink and marsh raccoon are being rapidly exterminated. The waters are still alive with, fish, and in the spring and fall many hunters gather here to shoot the ducks and geese as they halt on their migrations. Pigeons are said to have been so plentiful that they darkened the air around their roosting places. Al- though buffalo were reported near Lake Erie as late as 1772, by the first George Croghan, it is extremely doubtful whether they were in such numbers as mentioned by the writer quoted at the beginning of this chapter.


The first foothold established by the white man in Northwest Ohio was at a site not far from Port Clinton, and facing Sandusky Bay, on the Marblehead peninsula. It was on an old established portage where Indians and trappers crossed the mile or more of this peninsula in order to avoid the dangers that lurked around Marblehead point and the islands, and it also saved some fifty miles or more of travel. It is now known as the "de Lery portage," because of the leader of a French expedition in 1754, of which journals have been preserved. This was also one of the routes utilized by the French on their way from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi. They carried their canoes around Niagara Falls, hugged the south shore of Lake Erie, and landed near here. Then they ascended the Sandusky River, and portaged to the Scioto on their southerly journeys.


Fort Sandoski was erected on this spot by English traders who were conspiring with the famous Wyandot, Chief Nicholas, to drive the


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French from Detroit and all the upper posts. Thus it is that memories of French monks and traders are intertwined with visions of British redcoats. This was in the year 1745. It is said to be the first fort erected by white men in Ohio. The conspiracy of Nicholas, like that of Pontiac, a little later, failed through the treachery of one of his followers, who in this case was a woman. After his defeat Nicholas destroyed his fort and all his villages, and removed his warriors and their families to the Illinois country.


It was in 1748 that old Fort Sandoski was destroyed, both the English and the Indians taking their departure. The French re-established their fort for a time, and we 'read from an old manuscript of an English captive as follows : "The French go in three days from Fort Detroit to Fort Sandusky, which is a small palisaded fort with about twenty men, situated on the south side of Lake Erie and was built in the latter end of the year 1750." The English traders returned soon afterwards, however, which caused the French to send a formidable force to establish their possessions along the south shore of Lake Erie. As a result, they built Fort Junandat in 1754, on the opposite side of Sandusky Bay from old Fort Sandoski.


The fort was reconstructed by the British in 1751, after the surrender of Quebec, and was finally destroyed at the outbreak of Pontiac's Conspiracy, on May 18, 1763. On this occasion the fort was burned and the entire garrison massacred with the exception of the commandant, Ensign Pauli, as related elsewhere. There he was given a punishment which may have been worse than that meted out to his compatriots, for he was condemned to marry an Indian squaw. A British relief expedition arrived at this fort only to discover the fort destroyed and the garrison massacred. Captain Dalyell was so incensed at the horribly disfigured bodies, that he delayed here long enough to make an excur sion into the' Indian country and destroyed the Wyandot camp at the Lower Falls of the Sandusky (now Fremont).


In the following year Colonel Bradstreet entered Sandusky. Bay and encamped a short distance west of the portage. The Indians failed to appear according to promise, and he proceeded with his troops up to the lower rapids to the Wyandot village. With this expedition was Israel Putnam, who afterwards distinguished himself at Bunker Hill. During the Revolutionary war Samuel Brady, while on a scout, was captured near Fremont and sentenced to death at .the stake. On the day assigned for the execution a large body of Indians assembled. But the withes with which he was bound were loosened and he found that he could free himself. A chief's squaw was near, so he caught her and threw her on the burning pile. In the confusion that followed Brady escaped.


The "de Lery portage" was also used by General Harrison and his entire army in September, 1813, when he moved his forces from Fort Seneca. Following. his predecessors he hauled his vessels and supplies over this portage. He constructed a fence across the peninsula in order to confine the thousands of horses, cows, et cetera, with his command, until he should return from his expedition across the lake. Here they were left guarded by a few soldiers. After the battle upon the Thames, the victorious army returned to Port Clinton, gathered up their horses, and started upon their homeward journey. The site of this old fort is now indicated by a pyramidal monument of boulders, which was dedicated on May 30, 1912, and on the four sides of which appear tablets with appropriate historical inscriptions. It is believed that the exact site of old Fort Sandoski has been established. This was due to the painstaking work of Col. Webb C. Hayes and Charles W. Burrows in locating and studying the de Lery journals found in the Laval University, Quebec. In


HISTORY OF NORTHWEST OHIO - 135;


one of the journals maps" were found, solar observations, and descriptions of the daily journeyings of the expedition that seem to have settled a matter long in doubt. The monument was placed there by the Ohio State Archaeological and. Historical Society.


From the time that the Caucasian first planted his foot in the lower Sandusky Valley, it became an important military center, and every narrative relating to the place is an enlightening glimpse into the enemy's camp. At that time the Wyandots had cornfields all along the river bottom, which were cultivated by the squaws and boys, each family having an allotment with no fences separating them. The plains now covered by the lower part of the City of Fremont were cleared land when first seen by white men, and produced corn season after season. As much of this section of the state was an almost impenetrable swamp at certain seasons of the year, the Sandusky River, like the Maumee, became a common thoroughfare for all the Indian tribes. War parties usually came to this point on foot or in canoes down the river. If captives were to be taken to the north from the interior, they were generally brought here and transported in canoes to points in Detroit or Canada, where they were disposed of either to the French or to the English. Preceding and following the Revolutionary War, more captives were brought here than to any other place in Ohio. Among the famous captives who passed through here in the custody of the aborigines were Daniel Boone and Simon Kenton, in the year 1778. The white savages, McKee, Elliott, and Simon Girty, likewise journeyed this way on their journey to Detroit to join the notorious Hamilton and lead the red savages in their attacks upon the settlers.


During the period of the Revolution a party of negroes were captured by the Indians in Virginia and brought to the Sandusky River, where they were held as slaves. They were placed in charge of a tract of land about four miles below Fremont, which they cultivated for the Indians, and their help no doubt was very grateful to the squaws. Even to this day the name "Negro Point," or "Nigger


136 - HISTORY OF NORTHWEST OHIO


Bend," is commonly applied to this particular spot along the river.


At the beginning of the War of 1812, there was no such place as Fremont. There was a Government reservation here known as Lower Sandusky, which could hardly claim rank as a civilized town, for it was rather a village of Wyandot Indians than a settlement of white people. Its history dates from a treaty entered into at Fort McIntosh, on the 21st of January, 1785, when a two-mile tract was ceded to the United States Government. This was reaffirmed by the Treaty of Greenville. It is now comprised within the corporate limits of Fremont, and has constituted a distinct military or civil jurisdiction since the date of the original treaty. The name Lower Sandusky was sometimes understood to apply to all that section of the Sandusky River below an undefined line separating it from Upper Sandusky. It gradually came to be applied exclusively, however, to the town growing up around Fort Stephenson and within the reservation. In 1829, it was incorporated by the Legislature as the "Town of Lower Sandusky," and, just a score of years later, the name was changed to Fremont. It is really a matter of regret that this historic place does not bear a designation connected in some way with its history. The change was Made in order to avoid confusion over a name borne in some form or other by several other places within the state, and just at that time the name of General Fremont loomed large upon the horizon.


Fort Stephenson was erected upon a pretty


HISTORY OF NORTHWEST OHIO - 137


knoll overlooking the Sandusky River, which is now occupied by the City Hall, the Birchard Library, and a monument. It would hardly be classed as a fort by modern military experts, for it was nothing more than a feeble earth works, surrounded by a ditch and stockade, with a little blockhouse at one corner, which served as a sort of bastion to sweep the ditch- Its garrison was only a handful of men, as modern armies go, and its only artillery was a little six-pound gun, which could hardly be classed as a cannon by the side of a modern forty-two centimeter monster.


There was at this time no legalized settlement of the Caucasians west of the newly established Village of Cleveland. The whole of Northwest Ohio was then Indian territory, and its tribes had been confederated through the genius of the master mind of Tecumseh. This Indian chieftain was a man of no ordinary power, and he had gathered together the aborigines in order to resist any farther advance of the whites. If a white man, he would rank high as a patriot. It was to meet such a condition that Fort Stephenson was built here at Lower Sandusky, on what was called the hostile (west) side of the river, so that a crossing might always be available for troops. It. also promised to be a frontier place of importance, because of the opportunity it afforded for trade with the Indians in times of peace, and a depot of supplies for interior settlements whenever they might be formed. It was named after Colonel Stephen-


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son, who at one time commanded the post, and it is supposed to have been constructed under his personal supervision in 1822.


Like the usual fort, or stockade, in this heavily timbered section, the walls of Fort Stephenson were made of logs about 18 inches thick and 10 feet or more in height, some of which were round and others flat on one side. These logs were set perpendicularly in the earth, each one being crowded close against its neighbor and sharpened at the top. The entire enclosure measured about an acre. When Captain Crogan arrived at Fort Stephenson, he labored day and night to place it in a state of defense. He excavated a ditch several feet deep and about nine feet wide, throwing the earth against the foot of the pickets, and grading it sharply dawn to the bottom of the ditch. A little later the enclosure was doubled in size and, in order to prevent the enemy from scaling .the walls, large logs were placed on top of the fort and so adjusted that the least weight would cause them to fall from their position upon any one attempting to climb over.


As heretofore mentioned, Gen. William Henry Harrison had been placed in command of all the troops operating. in Ohio. His headquarters were at Fort Seneca, 1 or Seneca Town, as it is sometimes called, about nine miles up the river from Fort Stephenson. As his main stores were kept at Upper Sandusky, this advantage of nine miles was of great advantage. General Harrison examined Fort Stephenson and the surrounding heights,


1 It was about the 1st of July, 1813, a detachment of men under the command of General Harrison erected a stockade upon the west bank of the Sandusky River, about eight miles above Lower Sandusky. To this was given the name of Camp Seneca. It was situated upon a bank about forty feet above the bed of the river and close to the old army road. It was built in the form of a square surrounded by pickets of oak timber a foot in thickness and twelve feet high, and included about an acre and a half of ground. Between this stockade and the river were several springs of water, one of which was inside of the pickets. A blockhouse was erected at the southwest corner, sixteen feet high and about twenty-five feet square. It consisted of large logs with port-holes for a cannon and small arms. There was a projection at the northwest corner, which was probably used as a magazine, and there were two small blockhouses at each of the other corners with port-holes. The timber has long since disappeared, but traces of the embankments and ditches can still be found. A marker, with an appropriate inscription, has been placed on the site of the fort, which is within the present limits of the Village called Fort Seneca.


and seriously considered the question of transferring the fort to a more commanding eminence on the opposite side of the river. Captain Croghan expressed his willingness to make this change, but the order was never given by Harrison. That General Harrison did not consider Fort Stephenson strong enough to resist an attack of an enemy provided with what was then considered heavy artillery was well known.


Harrison expected that if the English attacked at all they would convey their forces by water from Detroit, and would bring with them artillery which would make Fort. Stephenson untenable. It was because of this that he left with. Croghan these orders: "Should the British troops approach you in force with cannon and you discover them in time to effect a retreat, you will do so immediately, destroying all the public stores. You must be aware that an attempt to retreat in the face of an Indian force would be vain. Against such an enemy, your garrison would be safe, however great the number."


In order to facilitate the assembling of his expected army, General Harrison had proceeded to Fort Ferree, at what is now known as Upper Sandusky, from which place he hoped to be able to take the offensive against the enemy. His anticipated reinforcements were so slow in arriving, however, and the Indians were swarming so thickly in the woods, 'that he feared there would be an immediate attack upon either Fort Stephenson


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or Fort Seneca. 2 He therefore called a council of war, consisting of his generals, and it was the unanimous opinion of these con-senors that Fort Stephenson must inevitably fall in an attack by artillery, and as its retention did not signify much, the garrison should be withdrawn and the place destroyed. This order was dispatched by a messenger accompanied by a couple of Indians, but they lost their way and did not reach Fort Stephenson until 11 o'clock the next day. As an additional security, in the event of a disaster; a small stockade, known as Fort Ball, was constructed several miles farther up the river, the site of which is now within the corporate limits of Tiffin.


The order of General Harrison reads as follows: "Immediately on receiving this letter you will abandon Fort Stephenson, t fire to it, and repair with your command this night to headquarters. Cross the river and come up on the opposite side. If you should deem and find it impracticable to make good your march to this place, take the road to Huron, and pursue it with the utmost circumspection and dispatch." When Croghan received this curt and peremptory command, belated over night, he felt that a retreat could not be safely undertaken, for the Indians were already hovering around the fort


2 While General Harrison was at Fort Seneca, he narrowly escaped being murdered by an Indian. A number of friendly Indians had joined Harrison's troops, and among these was one by the name of Blue Jacket, a Shawnee. He did this with a treacherous purpose. Before joining the troops, he had communicated his intention of killing the American general, said he, "even if I was sure that the guard would cut me into pieces not bigger than my thumb-nail." It was the good fortune of General Harrison that this confidant of Blue Jacket was a young Delaware chief by the name of Beaver, who was also bound to the general by ties of friendship. The Beaver was in a quandary, as it was absolutely against the Indian principles to betray a confidant. While in a state of indecision, Blue Jacket came up to the camp somewhat intoxicated, and this raised the Beaver to such a state of indignation that he seized his tomahawk, and, with one blow, stretched the unfortunate Blue Jacket at his feet.


in considerable numbers. For this reason, he sent back the following answer : " Sir, I have just received yours of yesterday, ten o'clock P. M., ordering me to destroy this place and make good my retreat, which was received too late to be carried into execution. We have determined to maintain this place, and By Heavens! we can."


The tenor of this reply nearly cost Croghan his command. General Harrison was extremely angry, and summoned Croghan before him at Fort Seneca. At the same time, another officer was placed temporarily in command. But when the gallant Croghan appeared at headquarters and made his explanation, the commanding general's wrath was soon appeased. Croghan explained that he expected the dispatch would fall into the enemy's hands, and he wished to impress upon them the danger of an assault. He again received orders to destroy the fort, but the swift approach of the enemy prevented their execution. 3


When Colonel Ball, with a squadron of about 100 horsemen, was escorting Colonel Wells, who was on his way to relieve Croghan of command, he fell in with a body of hostile savages, and fought what has since been called Ball's Battle, on the 20th of July. None of the troops were killed and only one was


3 That Croghan 's ability was fully appreciated is shown by the following letter from General Harrison to Governor Meigs:


Headquarters, Seneca Town, 2d August, 1813.


Dear Sir : The enemy have been, since last evening, before Lower Sandusky, and are battering it with all their might- Come on, my friend; as quickly as possible, that we may relieve the brave fellows who .are defending it. I had ordered it to be abandoned. The order was not obeyed. I know it will be defended to the last extremity, for earth does not hold a set of finer fellows than Croghan and his officers- I shall expect you tomorrow certainly.

Yours, etc.,

HARRISON.


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wounded, and that slightly. The scene of this engagement was about 11/2 miles southwest of of Fremont. An old ash tree used to stand there upon which were several hacks, signifying the number of Indians killed at this spot. The squadron were moving toward the fort when they were fired upon by the Indians in ambush. Ball immediately ordered a charge, and himself struck the first blow. He darted in between two savages and struck one down. Before the other could do him harm, another trooper shot him. Nearly all the savages, numbering about twenty, were killed in the encounter, and the forces then moved without further molestation to Fort Stephenson, where they arrived late in the afternoon.


The first sight of the approaching enemy was on the evening of the 31st of July, 1813. A reconnoitering party that had been sent to the shore of the lake discovered enemy vessels approaching. They returned to the fort, and it was not many hours before the advance guard of the enemy made their appearance. There were at least 500 British regulars, veteran troops of European wars, and 1,000 or 2,000 Indians, according to the best reports. As soon as the Indians appeared on the hill across the river, they were saluted by a charge from the six-pounder, which soon caused them to retire. Shortly' after the British gunboats hove in sight, Indians showed themselves in every direction, demonstrating that the entire fort was surrounded, and a retreat was absolutely impossible. The gun was fired a few times at the gunboats and the shots were returned by the enemy, but without any serious damage resulting on either side. The British troops landed about a mile below the fort. .


While looking out from his post of observation. Croghan noticed two of the enemy approaching under a flag of truce. He immediately despatched Ensign Shipp to meet them and receive the message. The purpose was correctly divined. What shall the answer be ? He gazed around at his intrepid little band of 160 men. His eye fell upon old Betsy, as yet almost untried. He surveyed his surroundings. The British were plainly visible down the river, and he had witnessed their guns being dragged into strategic positions. The befeathered heads of the dusky warriors might be seen dodging here and there at the edge of the forests. Shall I surrender, or shall I trust to fate ? The gallant Irishman hesitated not- Ensign Shipp was fully informed of the decision.


"I am instructed by General Proctor to demand the surrender of the fort," began Major Chambers after the usual exchange of courtesies.


Shipp replied that the commandant of the fort and its garrison were determined to defend it to the last extremity, and that no force, however great, could induce them to surrender. They were resolved to maintain their post or bury themselves in the ruins.


"But," expostulated Dickson, who accompanied Chambers, " General Proctor is anxious to avoid the effusion of human blood- It would be a pity for so fine a young man to fall into the hands of the savages. Our Indians cannot be restrained in the event of success for our arms. Sir ! for God's sake, surrender, and prevent the dreadful massacre that will be caused by your resistance-"


" Sir," was the ensign's reply, "the commander says that when the fort is taken, there will be no survivors left to massacre- It will not be given up so long as there is a man able to resist."


With these words the parley ended, and the men retired to their respective lines. The enemy promptly opened fire with their howitzer and six-pounders, the firing continuing throughout the night with little intermission, and with little effect as well. The Indians were in charge of Dickson, but the entire force was under the command of General Proctor in person. Tecumseh was stationed on the road


HISTORY OF NORTHWEST OHIO - 141


to Fort Meigs, with a couple of thousand Indians for the purpose of intercepting the reinforcements expected by that route. During the battle Croghan occasionally fired his six-pounder, changing its position from time to time in order to convey the impression that he had several cannon. As it was producing very little execution, and in order to preserve his ammunition, however, he eventually discontinued firing the gun. From apparent indications he decided that the enemy would attack the fort from the northwest angle- Hence it was that he removed his six-pounder to a blockhouse, from which he could cover this angle. The embrasure thus made was masked; the piece was loaded with half a charge of powder, and a double charge of slugs and grape shot.


After landing the howitzer and six-pounders during the night, the British commander planted them in a point of the woods distant about 250 yards from the fort. Croghan promptly strengthened his little fort in that direction as much as possible with bags of sand and flour, and whatever else was available. Late in the evening of that day, when the fort was almost completely enveloped by smoke from the guns, the enemy proceeded to make an assault. A couple of feints were attempted from the southern angle, but at the same time a column of several hundred men was discovered advancing through the smoke toward the northwestern angle, as anticipated by Captain Croghan. Tramp, tramp, tramp came the advancing columns of British veterans through the dense smoke of their artillery. It was only when the columns were quite near that the men could be distinguished by the besieged. They were then thrown into confusion by a galling fire of musketry directed towards them from the fort. Colonel Short, who was at the head of the advancing column, soon rallied his men, however, and led them with commendable bravery to the brink of the ditch- Pausing for a moment, he leaped into the ditch and called upon his men to follow him.


" Cut away the pickets, my brave boys, and


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show the d—d Yankees no quarter," Short shouted, and his words were carried across the palisades..


In a few minutes the ditch was filled with men. Then it was that the masked porthole was opened and the six-pounder, at a distance of only thirty feet, poured such destruction upon the closely packed body of "red coats" that few were fortunate enough to escape. This. brief assault, which lasted about half an hour, cost the British twenty-seven lives, including two officers- Colonel Short, who himself had been telling his men to give the Americans no quarter, fell mortally wounded. A handkerchief raised on the end of his sword was a mute appeal for the mercy which he had a few moments before denied to the Americans.


A precipitate retreat of the enemy followed this bloody encounter. The column approaching from the other side was also routed by a destructive fire. The whole of the attacking troops then fled into an adjoining woods, where they were beyond the reach of the guns of the fortress. The loss of the British and Indians was 150, including about twenty-six prisoners, most of them badly wounded. The casualties of the garrison were one man killed and seven slightly wounded. The one man who was killed met his death because of his recklessness, by reason of his desire to shoot a red coat. For this purpose he had climbed on the top of the blockhouse, and, while peering over to spot his victim, a cannon ball took off his head.


This long planned and carefully arranged assault by a powerful enemy lasted less than an hour. With it the storm cloud which had been hovering over this section passed northward and westward. At the same time Napoleon, at the head of 100,000 men, was approaching Dresden, where he defeated an army of the allied forces half again as large. And yet, here on the banks of the peaceful Sandusky, not on the famous Elbe, utterly devoid of the pomp and circumstances of gigantic war, was fought a battle for freedom and democratic government which meant more for the world than the battles of Napoleon at the contemporaneous period- The bravery of this American boy and his dauntless band exceeded in results for the betterment of humanity and the advance of civilization all the campaigns waged by the Corsican and his antagonists. Croghan gathered together his gallant little band, uttering words of praise and grateful thanksgiving. As darkness had gathered, he feared to open the gates of the fort because of the lurking savages.


"Water ! Water!" came the pitiful appeal from the ditch filled with the dead and dying. But Captain Croghan hesitated to throw open the gates, not knowing what the enemy might be planning. At first he contrived to convey water over the pickets in buckets for their relief. As the darkness became more intense, the sounds and confusion of arms died away. It was not all silence, however, for the cry of "Water !" was still heard in the ditch. As the silence deepened, the groans of the wounded in the ditch fell upon Croghan's ears and aroused his sympathy. He could not rest. A trench was hastily dug, through which those of the wounded who were able to crawl were encouraged to enter the little fort and their necessities were willingly supplied. Before daybreak the entire British and Indian forces began a disorderly retreat. So great was their haste that they abandoned a sailboat filled with clothing and military stores, while some seventy stands of arms and braces of pistols were gathered about the fort. Their departure was hastened by apprehension of an attack by General Harrison from Fort Seneca, of whose whereabouts they were well informed- Croghan immediately sent word to Harrison of his victory and the departure of the enemy, and it was not long, until Harrison himself was on the road to Fort Steph-


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enson. He reached the fort early on the following morning, with a considerable force of infantry and dragoons. Finding that Tecumseh had retreated to a position near Fort Meigs, he sent his infantry back to Fort Seneca lest that wily chief should attack that place and intercept the small bodies of reinforcements that were approaching.


"It will not be among the least of General Proctor's mortifications that he has been baffled by a youth who has just passed his twenty-first year," wrote General Harrison in his official report. The rank of lieutenant-colonel was immediately conferred upon Croghan by the President of the United States for his courageous defense on this occasion. His gallantry was further acknowledged by a joint resolution of Congress, approved in February, 1835, and by which he was ordered to be presented with a gold medal, and a sword was awarded to each of the officers under his command. Of the life of Colonel Croghan very little is known, excepting that he was a native of Kentucky, and was born near Louisville, in 1791. He had entered the service as a private in 1811, and had taken an active part in the battle of Tippecanoe. He again distinguished himself in the memorable siege of Fort Meigs, and in July, 1813, was placed in command at Fort Stephenson. He was made inspector general of the army in 1825, and in that capacity served with General Taylor in Mexico in the war with that country. He died in New Orleans in 1849- In 1906 his remains were reinterred at Fremont, on the site of old Fort. Stephenson, and his resting-place is marked by a large block of granite, bearing an appropriate inscription.


The old cannon employed in the defense of Fort Stephenson was familiarly called "Betsy" by the soldiers. After the war it was sent to the Government arsenal at Pittsburg, and remained there until about 1851. At this time some citizens of Fremont conceived the design of procuring the old gun as


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a relic, and restoring it to the place which it had so greatly aided to defend. One of the soldiers, who had served with the defending army, was sent on a search to identify it because of some peculiar markings. After persistent efforts he succeeded in establishing its identity, and the gun was ordered to Lower Sandusky. As there were several Sanduskys, however, it was sent by mistake to Sandusky City. The citizens of that city refused to give it up, and, in order to prevent the Fremont people from obtaining possession, the gun was buried under a barn. It was finally uncovered, however, and brought back to its present resting place. Gen. William H- Gibson, the silvery-tongued orator of Tiffin, accompanied the fire department of that city to Fremont, and delivered a stirring address while clad in the red shirt and white trousers of that organization.


At a celebration held on the 2d of August, 1852, Thomas L. Hawkins, a well known Methodist local preacher and the town poet, read a poem addressed to this cannon, in which it was referred to as "Old Betsy." This name has stood by the old cannon ever since, and it is an appellation which is always applied with the greatest respect. Little children now play around " Old Betsy," the birds frequently locate their nests within her mouth, and visitors lay curious hands upon her. She is the only survivor of that two-days' fight, the only one left that faced the oncoming veterans under General Braddock.


"OLD BETSY"


"Hail ! thou old friend, of Fort McGee,

Little did I expect again to see,

And hear thy voice of victory,

Thou defender of Ohio!


" I wonder who it was that sought thee,

To victory's ground again hath brought thee

From strangers' hands at length hath caught thee ;

He is a friend to great Ohio.


"He is surely worthy of applause,

To undertake so good a cause,

Although a pleader of her laws,

And statutes of Ohio.


"What shame thy blockhouse is not standing,

Thy pickets as at first commanding,

Protecting Sandusky 's noble landing,

The frontier of Ohio !


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"Thy pickets, alas ! are all unreared.

No faithful sentinel on guard,

Nor band of soldiers well prepared,

Defending great Ohio.



"Where have the upthrown ditches gone,

By British cannon rudely torn ?

Alas! with grass they are o'er grown,

Neglected by Ohio.


"O tell me where thy chieftains all-

Croghan, Dudley, Miller, Ball,

Some of whom I know did fall

In defending of Ohio.


"Canst thou not tell how Proctor swore,

When up yon matted turf he tore,

Which shielded us from guns a score,

He poured upon Ohio ?


"And how Tecumseh lay behind you;

With vain attempts he tried to blind you,

And unprepared, he'd find you,

And lead you from Ohio.


"Perhaps like Hamlet's ghost, you've come,

This day to celebrate the fame

Of Croghan's honored, worthy name,

The hero of Ohio.


"I greet thee ! Thou art just in time

To tell of victory most sublime,

Though told in unconnected rhyme;

Thou art welcome in Ohio.


"But since thou canst thyself speak well,

Now let thy thundering voice tell

What bloody carnage then befell

The foes of great Ohio."

(And then she thundered loud.)


Vol. I-10


CHAPTER XIII


PERRY'S GREAT VICTORY AT PUT-IN-BAY


"U. S. Brig Niagara, off the Western Sister, September 10, 1813, 4 P. M.


"Dear General : We have met the enemy and they are ours—two brigs, one schooner, and a sloop. Yours with great respect and esteem.


OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. "


This message sent to General Harrison by Commodore Perry, only an hour after the surrender of the British fleet, electrified the United States. It was penciled on the back of an old letter spread out on his hat by that doughty officer. This victory on the waters of Lake Erie, near the shores of the island known as Put-in-Bay, was the greatest naval engagement that has ever taken place on the Great Lakes, and in accomplishment it ranks among the most important victories ever achieved by an American naval commander.


Elsewhere has been related the bold design of General Harrison to destroy by explosives the British fleet as it lay at Malden, through an expedition conducted by Captain Langham. The expedition was abandoned at Middle Sister Island, because of the threatened breaking up of the ice. Although the defeat of General Proctor by Major Croghan destroyed all prospect of British invasion of Ohio, and ended all active land service within its boundaries, the waters of Lake Erie were still in the possession of the enemy.


While General Harrison and the officers under him were achieving their victories inland along the Maumee and the Sandusky, the construction of an American fleet of war vessels was in process of building at Erie, Pennsylvania, in order to co-operate with the land forces in offensive operations- This important undertaking was entrusted to our hero, Oliver Hazard Perry, then a navy captain at Newport, Rhode Island, and only twenty-eight years of age. It is claimed that the idea originated with him. He was the son of Christopher R- Perry, a distinguished naval officer of the Revolution. His training from boyhood had been on the sea, and he had participated in the Tripolitan war. It was his judgment that Lake Erie was the place where Great Britain could be struck a severe blow. Within twenty-four hours after his order to proceed was received, in February, 1813, he had dispatched a preliminary detachment of fifty men, and, after a few days, he himself followed. We are informed that Perry was five weeks on the way, traveling mostly in sleighs through the wilderness to Erie, Pennsylvania. There was nothing at Erie out of which vessels could be constructed, excepting an abundance of timber still standing in the neighboring forests. Shipbuilders, naval stores, sailors, and ammunition must be transported over fearful roads from Albany, by way of Buffalo, or from Philadelphia, by the way of Pittsburgh. It was indeed a discouraging situation that confronted the youthful officer.


Under all these embarrassments, and hampered as he was in every way, by the 1st of August, 1813, Commodore Perry had provided a flotilla consisting of the ships Lawrence and Niagara, of twenty guns each, and seven smaller vessels, to-wit : the Ariel, of four guns; the Caledonia, of three ; the Scorpion and Somers, with two guns each, and three of one gun each, named Tigress, Porcupine, and


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Trip. In all, he had an offensive battery of fifty-four guns. While the ships were being built the enemy frequently appeared off the harbor and threatened their destruction ; but the shallowness of the waters on the bar—there being but five feet—prevented their near approach. The same obstacle, which insured the safety of the ships while building, seemed to prevent their becoming of any service, for the two largest vessels drew several feet more water than there was on the bar. The inventive genius of Commodore Perry, however, whom no ordinary obstacle seemed to daunt, soon surmounted this difficulty. He placed large scows on each side of the two largest ships, filled them so as to sink to the water edge, then attached them to the ships by strong pieces of timber, and pumped out the water. The scows thus buoyed up the ships so that they floated over the bar in safety. This operation was performed on both the large ships in the presence of a superior enemy.

Having gotten his fleet in readiness, Commodore Perry promptly proceeded to the head of Lake Erie and anchored at Put-in-Bay, opposite to and distant about thirty miles from Malden, where the British fleet rested under the protection of the guns of the fort. He remained at anchor here several days, closely watching the movements of the enemy, and determined to give them battle at the first favorable opportunity. On August 17th he was visited by General Harrison, who came aboard the Lawrence, Perry 's flagship. On the 10th of September, at sunrise, the British fleet, consisting of one ship of nineteen guns, one of seventeen, one of thirteen, one of ten, one of three, and one of one—amounting to sixty-three in all, and exceeding the Americans by ten guns, under the command of Commodore Barclay, an officer who had seen service under the great Lord Nelson, appeared off Put-in-Bay and distant about ten miles. These vessels in the above order were named etroit, Queen Charlotte, Lady Prevost, Hunter, Little Belt, and Chippewa. Commodore Perry immediately weighed anchor, having a light breeze from the southwest. At 10 o'clock the wind changed to the southeast, which brought the American squadron to the windward, and gave them the weather-gauge. Commodore Perry, on board the Lawrence, then hoisted his ensign, having for a motto the dying words of Captain Lawrence, "Don't Give Up the Ship," which was received with repeated cheers by the crew. Before hoisting the ensign, he turned to his crew and said : "My brave lads, this flag contains the last words of Captain Lawrence. Shall I hoist it ?" The answer came from all parts of the ship, "Ay ! ay ! Sir !" The act of raising it was met with the hearty cheers of the men.


Perry formed his line of battle, and started for the enemy. The British commander at the same time changed his course and prepared for action. The day was a beautiful one, without a cloud on the horizon. The lightness of the wind enabled the hostile squadrons to approach each other but slowly, and for two hours the solemn interval of suspense and anxiety which precedes a battle


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was prolonged. The order and regularity of naval discipline heightened the ominous quiet of the moment. There was no noise to distract the mind, except at intervals when the shrill pipings of the boatswain's whistle was heard, or a murmuring whisper among the men who stood around their guns with lighted matches. The sailors were closely watching the movements of the foe, and occasionally stealing a glance at the countenances of their commanders- In this manner the hostile fleets gradually neared each other without a gun being fired.


The American commander, as we have seen, was young. He had never heard the thunder of a hostile ship, but he was versed in the theory of naval war. Endowed with the courage and enterprise of an American freeman, he was ready and eager for the contest with a foe superior in force and experience. At 11:45 the enemy opened his fire, as the British band played the martial air, "Rule Brittania ;" but it was not returned for ten minutes by the American fleet, because it was inferior in long range guns. Then the battle began on both sides. Owing to the superiority of the British in long range guns, their fire was found to be the most destructive. It was chiefly directed against the flagship Lawrence, the foremost ship, and the one in which the commander sailed. Because of this fact he was induced to make every exertion to get in close range of the enemy, directing the other vessels to follow his example. In a short time every brace and bowline of the Lawrence was shot away, and she became unmanageable. In this situation she sustained the conflict upwards of two hours, within the range of canister shot, until every gun was rendered useless, and the greater part of her crew were either killed or wounded. Perry himself, assisted by his chaplain and the purser, discharged the last shot. Then it was that Perry conceived the perilous design of leaving her and passing in an open boat to the Niagara, as the lightness of the wind had long prevented her and the lighter vessels from coming to close action. Fortunately, one might almost say providentially, at 2:30 the wind raised and enabled the captain of the Niagara to bring her up in gallant style- Perry then entrusted the Lawrence to the


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command of Lieutenant Yarnell, and proceeded toward the Niagara, standing erect in an open boat bearing his flag with the motto, "Don't give up the ship." His men, more careful of his life, pulled him down by main force from the dangers of the incessant fire directed at him by the enemy. A number of guns were fired at it and several oars were splintered, but no one in it was injured.


Safely landed on board the Niagara, Perry could look across at the Lawrence, now a mere wreck. Its decks were streaming with blood and covered with the mangled bodies and limbs of those slain in the sanguinary struggle for supremacy. Nearly the whole of the crew were either killed or wounded, but the remnant gave them hearty cheers as they saw the suggestive emblem flung to the breeze on the Niagara. Perry was greatly agitated, and expressed his fears to Captain Elliot that the day was lost because the light wind prevented the other vessels from approaching nearer to the enemy. As the breeze again stiffened, Captain Elliot volunteered to bring up the other ships. He embarked in a small boat, exposed to the gunfire of the enemy, and was thoroughly water soaked from the spray thrown up by the shots fired at him. He was uninjured, however, and succeeded in bringing up the remotest vessels so that they could participate in the final encounter. Protected by the stouter vessels, they poured in a destructive fire of grape and canister, wreaking the most terrible destruction upon the enemy.


Commodore Perry now scented victory. Promptly he gave the signal to all the boats or close action. The small vessels, under the command of Captain Elliot, set all their sails. Finding that the Niagara had been only slightly injured, the commander determined upon the bold and desperate expedient of eaking the enemy's line. Accordingly he re up and passed the head of three of the emy vessels, giving them a raking fire from starboard guns, at the same time firing on two other ships from his larboard guarter at close range. He raked with destructive broadsides the Queen Charlotte and the Detroit. "Having gotten the whole squadron into action he lulled and laid his ship alongside of the British commodore. The small vessels having now got up within good grape and canister distance on the other quarter, enclosed the enemy between them and the Niagara, and in this position kept up a most destructive fire on both quarters of the British until every ship struck her colors." The enemy stood the punishment just as long as he could.


" Cease firing," came the order from Perry, as he saw the white flag. "Call away a boat, and put me on board the Lawrence. I will receive the surrender there."


The entire engagement lasted about three hours, and never was a victory more decisive and complete. It was ascertained that more prisoners had been taken than there were men on board the American squadron at the close of the action. The greatest loss in killed and wounded was on board the Lawrence, before the other vessels were brought into action. Of her crew, twenty-two had been killed and sixty wounded. At the time her flag was struck, only a score of men remained on deck fit for duty. The killed on board all the other vessels numbered only five, and there were thirty-six wounded. The British loss must have been much more considerable. Commodore Barclay was dangerously wounded. He had lost one arm in the battle of Trafalgar, and the other was now rendered useless by the loss of a part of his shoulder-blade. He had also received a severe wound in the hip.


To General Harrison, Perry sent the dispatch heretofore given, but to the secretary of the navy he forwarded the following:


"Sir—It has pleased the Almighty to give to the arms of the United States a signal victory over their enemies on this lake. The British squadron, consisting of two ships, two brigs, one schooner, and one sloop, have this