100 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. tending to a line which was probably not more than ten or fifteen miles from the Monongahela on this side. Anything like an ordinary state of order was confined to the vicinage of Fort Dunmore (or Pittsburgh), and in the rest of the usurped jurisdiction it was more of a showing of authority than a reality. The state of law and morals in the easterly part of this region down through the Revolution was worse than in any other part. Among the dwellers in the Mesopotamian region—that part of the country now Washington County—there was no law. 1 These counties went into operative effect in December. That part of Monongalia County in Pennsylvania included in 1776 a small portion of Washington County upon the Ten Mile Creek, which flows into the Monongahela, about one-third of the southwestern part of Fayette, and all of Greene. Ohio County embraced about one-third of Washington County, in the west below Cross Creek. As for Yohogania, it covered all the other part of the disputed as well as the undisputed region north and east of the other two in Washington, Allegheny, Westmoreland, and Fayette, and was only bounded by the undefined line never adjusted. The court-house of Monongalia was at New Geneva; that of Ohio at Black's cabin, near West Liberty ; and that of Yohogania on the plantation of Robert Heath, on the western bank of the Monongahela, about where the line of Washington and Allegheny Counties strikes that river. The records of the counties of Monongahela and Ohio are not extant, but a part. of those of Yohogania are still preserved, and are the only existing monument of its civil existence. 2 Its courts, according to Judge Veech, did a large and varied business, civil, criminal, military, and mixed. It had the advantage of a bar of regular lawyers who practiced in the county courts of Western Virginia. Dorsey Pentecost, a formerly appointed justice of the peace for Westmoreland, and the first councilor for Washington County, was chief clerk of the Yohogania arrangement, and stands in about the same relation to that county as St. Clair stands to Westmoreland. Pentecost was an efficient coadjutor of John Connolly when Connolly's favor was presumably worth something. His residence was in the Forks of the Yough. Dorsey Pentecost, like Thomas Scott, redeemed his character for patriotism, but both of them, in their capriciousness, were more unstable than Connolly himself; for whereas Connolly's rabble were as averse to Virginia government as to Pennsylvania government, and patriotically considered that government to be the best which governed least, 1" In the section of country where my father lived there was for many years after the settlement of the country neither law nor gospel. During a long period we knew nothing of courts, lawyers, magistrates, sheriffs, or constables. Every one was, therefore, at liberty to do whatever was right in his own eyes."—Rev. Dr. Doddridgs. 2 We have heard these were in possession of Judge Veech, now deceased, to whose writings we are indebted, in great part, for information on this subject. Connolly as a man was as fixed and as unchanging as Girty. To Pentecost it was little difference what was the name of the county so he had an office in it, and Scott showed his hand when he began inquiring after boundary lines at the time of the New State project. In the Appendix may be found the names of the officers of the county. 3 Of its sheriffs, representatives, and justices, some were of the most prominent and useful men in our early history. The data following are collected from the records of the county courts, and begin December the 23d, 1776, and end in 1781. Their first election came off on a Sunday, which among the Virginians was not an unusual thing. Several justices, in the first place, refused to serve as sheriff because of the uncertainty of the boundary lines, being apprehensive of becoming involved in trouble. For the first eight months the court seems to have sat at Pittsburgh, then for two months at the house of Andrew Heath, and thenceforth at the new court-house on his plantation. From the specifications ordered Aug. 22, 1777, the court-house and jail were to be included in one building of round, sound oak logs, to be two stories high, twenty-four feet long, and sixteen feet wide. The lower story was to be eight feet high, partitioned in the middle with square hewed logs, the doors and windows to be secured with bars and lock. This part was to be the jail. The height of the upper story was to be five feet, with convenient seats prepared for the court and bar, and a table for the clerk. The covering was to be a good cabin roof. This was to remain one room, and a pair of stairs to be erected on the outside to ascend by. In October the building committee ordered a stone chimney to be built in the middle for both the court-house and jail, with three fireplaces, two below and one above, and also that the building be chunked, daubed, and plastered, and a window of four panes, of eight by ten, put in each "glebe" of the courthouse. On April 29, 1778, a pair of stocks, whipping-post, and pillory were ordered to be built in the courthouse yard, and the order was renewed on Nov. 24, 1778. An addition was also ordered to the building of a room sixteen feet square, one story high, of good logs, cabin roof, and outside wooden chimney, with seats, sheriff's box, and so forth, for a court-room. Every sheriff, as usual, enters his protest against the sufficiency of the jail, and there are repeated appointments of justices to take lists of tithables in designated districts, and to tender the oath of allegiance. On June 25, 1777, James Johnston was fined twenty shillings for two profane oaths and one curse, and this fine, no doubt, making Mr. Johnston curse louder and deeper, he was further fined the same day the same sum for four oaths. What happened to Robert Hamilton on the 26th of August, 1777, while a prisoner in the sheriff's custody, for "disrespectfully in- See Appendix " N." BORDER WARFARE AND CIVIL DISSENSIONS - 101 sulting the court" in the person of Richard Yates, gentleman, " in the grocest and most imperlite manner," was that the feet of the said Robert were confined in the lower rails of the fence for the space of five minutes. On June 24, 1778, cotton- and wool-cards were ordered to be distributed in Col. Cox's and Col. Stephenson's battalions according to the number of women therein. On Oct. 28, 1777, it was ordered that the inhabitants of the county have leave to inoculate for the smallpox at their own houses, and at such other convenient places as they might think proper. As it would be tedious to enter into the details of this controversy still further, we may anticipate events and state how and when these difficulties were adjusted. All attempts made by the Governors of Pennsylvania with Dunmore to adjust the claims amounted to nothing. The question then lay open for five years, till 1779, when a movement was made to effect a settlement. Five prominent men, three from Pennsylvania and two from Virginia, were appointed to fix upon a boundary. The agreement entered into by these gentlemen on the 31st of August, 1779, was to the effect that they, the committee named, did, in behalf of their respective States, ratify and confirm the agreement to extend Mason and Dixon's line due west five degrees of longitude from the Delaware for the southern boundary of Pennsylvania, and that a meridian line drawn from the western terminus of this Mason and Dixon's line to the northern limit of Pennsylvania should be the western boundary of that State forever. This agreement was confirmed and ratified by the Legislature of Virginia, upon certain conditions, on the 23d of June, 1780, and by a resolution (only) of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania on the 23d of September, 1780. The conditions upon which Virginia confirmed this agreement were that the private property and rights of all persons acquired under, founded on, or recognized by the laws of either county previous to that date should be saved and confirmed to them, although they should be found to fall within the limits of the other ; and that in the decision of disputes thereon preference should be given to the older or prior right, whichever of the said States the same should have been acquired under. These conditions were recognized, and the agreement ratified by act of April 1, 1784. And during this year the boundaries were run and marked by stones set in the ground. This celebrated line of demarkation, by name familiarly known, is the parallel of latitude. thirty-nine degrees forty-three and odd minutes, which first was run to separate Pennsylvania from Maryland to settle the dispute between those two colonies. It was drawn by Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, who surveyed the line between 1763 and 1767. At the end of every fifth mile a stone 1 was fixed in the ground, on one side of which was graved the arms of the Penn family, and on the other the arms of Lord Baltimore. From the terminus of this line the stones, which marked the two territories of Pennsylvania and Virginia, had on the northern side the letter P, and on the other side the letter V. We shall have .occasion frequently to notice the deplorable state of affairs which existed along this debatable region even up to the close of the Revolutionary war. The pretext for the evasion of the law and the shirking of duty was always handy ; as Falstaff would have said, " If the cook helped to make the gluttony, the people helped to make the disease." Gen. Irvine, writing from Fort Pitt to Washington, March 30, 1782, says that the civil authority was by no means at that date properly established in this country, which the general did not doubt proceeded, in some degree, from the inattention in the executives of the two States in not running the boundary, which was an excuse for neglect of duty of all kinds for a great distance on either side. And it is seen that the jurisdiction of Westmoreland on its southwestern side, dating from the year of its existence till its jurisdiction was completely taken away by the erection of legitimate counties, was not near so extensive as some have casually inferred. The first of these legitimate counties was the county of Washington, which by act of the Legislature of March 28, 1781, took existence, and which was, in truth, formed out of territory mostly acquired from Virginia as the outcome of the settlement with her. It was bounded on the north by the Ohio River, on the east by the Monongahela, and on the south and west by Virginia.2 Prior to the erection a Washington County no attempts were made to exercise jurisdiction west of the Monongahela. Fayette County was next taken out of Westmoreland, by act of Sept. 26, 1783, as to all that part southwest of the Youghiogheny ; that part northeast of the river having been added by act of Feb. 14, 1784. That part of Allegheny taken from Westmoreland remained in Westmoreland till that county was erected by act of Sept. 24, 1788, when it encroached on the western side between the two rivers, as shown by the lines on the map. 1 These stones were imported from England. 2 Greene County was taken out of Washington Feb. 9, 1798. Bee chapter on political divisions, infra. 102 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. CHAPTER XX. FORTS, BLOCK-HOUSES, AND INCIDENTS OF WARFARE. Reliance of Westmoreland in her Militia—Her means of defense—Description of the Early Stockades, Forts, Block-Houses—Block-Cahins and Stations—Fort Ligonier and Capt. Shannon and Col. McDowell—Hannastown Stockade—Fort Hand—Fort Reed—Fort Crawford—Fort Shippen, at Capt. Proctor's—Fort Allen—Rugh's Block-House—Kepple's Block-Rouse—Miller's Block-House and Station—Palmer's BlockHouse—Williams' Fort—Fort Waltour—Fort Wallace— Carnahan's Block-House—Barr's Block-House—Shields' Block-House—Miller's Fort ou the Sewickley—McDowell's Block-House—Teague Island Fort —Incidents—The Francis Family killed near Waltour's—Attack on Waltour's Fort and death of the Old Man Waltour—The wounded Indian who killed Waltour comes to Fort Pitt—Has his wound dressed—Confesses that he shot Waltour— A Company from about Brush Creek go to the Garrison and demand him, that they may punish him themselves—He is given up to them— He is taken back to Waltour's Fort to be burned at the stake—While they are hunting up a Sheriff and a Jury to hold a mock trial the Indian escapes—He is followed Ninety Miles, and when last heard of had taken to the Allegheny River—Finley's adventure at Fort Wallace. WHILE such expeditions as Clark's and even McIntosh's to the Muskingum diverted the more remote tribes and kept them at bay, the dangers to the Westmoreland frontiers were more to be apprehended from those Northern Indians that harbored about the upper Allegheny and along the rivers of Eastern Ohio. It is true, likewise, that during all the war a garrison, consisting sometimes of Continental troops, and some. times of recruits of militia, was kept up at Pittsburgh. At all times, however, the main reliance, both for the safety of the post itself and for the protection of the inhabitants behind it, was in the volunteer militia of our county. Throughout the whole extent of the county, with perhaps the exception of that region between the Youghiogheny and the Monongahela, called the "Mesopotamian" region, the frontier people, from the time of Dunmore's war in 1774, opened their clearings and cultivated their little patches under the protection of their block-houses and with their guns at their sides. It is true that Gibson, Brodhead, Crawford, and Lochry led out organized bodies and punish their enemy, but if there had not been such men as Brownlee, Shannon, Wallace, and Brady there would not have been a cabin left standing west of Laurel Hill. Even the women of that day won a share of the honor for their steadfastness and bravery, and every little community had its heroine, from Experience Bossart, at Dunkard Creek, to Massy Harbison, on the Kiskiminetas. These settlers defended their firesides, fought the British, appointed their own military officers when not in the regular service, erected their own forts, fed and clothed, for the best part, their supplies of troops, kept the families of the poor among them, and bore almost alone the burden of that contest as it was carried on in the West. Of these forts and block-houses we shall now say something. The name stockade was the name given to those structures which were more mechanically raised and regularly built than :.I :e other defensive works, although stockades, forts, block-houses, and block-house cabins are called such without discrimination. The stockades themselves were sometimes called forts and sometimes stockade-forts. The two most complete and best adapted of the old forts, the most important and the best known, were the stockade-forts, the one of Ligonier and the other at Hannastown. The system on which these were built was followed on the far western frontier as well as in those structures erected along the Allegheny and the Monongahela. The stockade proper which gave the name was built of the poles of large trees, split down and cut to the length of ten or twelve feet. These were set upright in the ground and fitted closely together side by side, with the surfaced or faced side of the logs (when they were faced) fronting outward. Those on the inside were pinned with long wooden pins to stout timbers, while other and longer logs fashioned in the same way were firmly fastened against these, running horizontally along the whole length, and supported from the inside by strong timber braces. These perpendicular logs were called the palisades, a word signifying originally stakes, or posts, and corning to mean fence-like, and applied to this arrangement because it somewhat resembled the pickets of a fence, and the pieces were indeed sometimes called pickets. On the outside of the forts of this class the earth was thrown up against the walls, and in some this was done in the inside also. The inclosure was in the instance of these two principal forts sufficiently commodious to contain all that ever might have occasion to seek their shelter. Ligonier Fort was first laid out and built under the supervision of the engineers with the army of Forbes in 1758.1 The fort of the Revolutionary times differed somewhat from the first plan, as the first plan was not fully carried out in the construction. It was built for all the purposes of a fort and a military post in the enemy's country, whereas the Hannastown fort was built after the country was to a certain extent inhabited. Ligonier Fort had cabins erected in the inside of the stockade; and while the colony was under the proprietary government, especially after Pontiac's war of 1764, a garrison of from eighteen to thirty soldiers were quartered here. The cabins for the soldiers were on the outside, about one hundred yards from the fort, and within the walls were the officers' quarters, the magazines, the munitions and supplies. When it was garrisoned by the provincial troops there were a couple of howitzers mounted at the angles of the bastions and the walls were pierced for musketry. A covered way led to a spring on the hillside near to the fort. The fort stood on the northern bank of the Loyalhanna, now within the limits of the present borough, between the main street and the creek in the upper part of the village. 1 Plan of Fort Ligonier in Penn. Archives, old series. FORTS, BLOCK-HOUSES, AND INCIDENTS OF WARFARE - 103 The only way of entrance to the fort was through a large and very heavy gate hung on iron hinges, which in time of danger was kept closed and guarded. A narrow ditch, left when the earth was thrown against the wall on the outside, was not intended merely to bold water, although it is said to have been frequently filled with water from a race leading from the creek. It is not to be presumed that this was of much utility for either defense or ward. When the regular garrison was withdrawn the inhabitants of the valley kept the structure from falling into ruin, and occupied it during the Revolutionary war. It appears that Capt. Samuel Shannon, a father-in-law of Col. William McDowell, both of them Revolutioners, was intrusted with the supervision of military affairs at the most critical times along from 1777 to 1780. The following extracts from authentic documents are not only interesting memorials of the early Fort Ligonier, but give some account of affairs happening 'in its vicinity which have not found their way into any general history of which we have knowledge. From Col. Miles' Journal we quote : "In the year 1758 the expedition against Fort Duquesne, now Pittsburgh, was undertaken, and our Battalion joined the British army at Carlisle. At this time Capt. Lloyd had been promoted to the rank of Lt. Col., but retained his company of which I had the command as Capt. Lieutenant, & was left some time in command or the garrison at Shippensburg. On my marching from thence with a brigade of wagons under my charge, at Chamber's about eleven mrles from Shippensburg, the men mutinied, & were preparing to march, but by my reasoning with them at the same time threatening them, the most of them consented to resume their march to Fort Louden, where Lieut. Scott was with eight or ten month's pay. While the army lay at Ligonier, we were attacked by a body of French & Indians, & I was wounded in the foot by a spent ball. In the year 1759, I was stationed at Ligonier, & had 25 men picked out of two battalions under my command, &c1 The following account of an engagement here during the French and Indian war is from a communication from Adam Stephen to Brig.-Gen. Stanwix, July 7, 1759: 2 "Yesterday (July 6, 1759) about one o'clock the Scouts and Hunters returned to camp & reported that they had not seen the least sign of the enemy about; upon which, in compliauce with Majr.. Tullikin's request, I sent Lieut. Blaine with the Royal Americans to Bedford, and as the party was but small, ordered a sergeant & eighteen chosen woodsmen to conduct him through the woods, to the foot of Laurel Hill on the West side, with directions to return to camp without touching the road. "About three quarters of an hour after the detachment had marched the enemy made an attempt to surprise the post. I cannot ascertain their numbers, hut am certain they were considerably superior to ours. At first I imagined the enemy only intended to amuse the garrison whilst they were engaged with Lieut. Blaine's party, but finding the place invested in an instant, & the enemy rush pretty briskly, I began to entertain hopes of their safety, & was only anxious for the sergeant & eighteen men. "The enemy muds an effort from every quarter, but the fire on the first redonbt was hottest, and in it Capt. Jones was killed. " We are extremely obliged to Lt. Mitchelson of the Artillery, for his vigilance and application. After a few well placed shells & a brisk fire from the works, the enemy retired into the skirts of the woods, & continued their fire at a distance till night. "The Sergeant (Packet, of the Virginians) returned about sunset without seeing sit enemy until he came within sight of the fort. The 1 Arch., 2d series, 559. 2 Archives, vol. iii. 688. party behaved well, fought until they had orders to retreat & got in without the loss of a man. " P. S.—We have only Captn. Jones killed three men wounded, it flatter ourselves that their loss is considerable." The fort at Hannastown was built by those neighbors of Robert Hanna who lived around him at the time of Dunmore's war, 1774, the next year after the erection of the county. It was a hastily constructed affair, but was strong and durable. A building was first raised fashioned after a great double cabin-house of two stories, the upper stories almost entirely closed, only small holes being left between the logs through which the muzzles of the guns could be pointed. There were no windows in it, and the roof was almost flat, so that it could not be fired from the outside. This upper story was higher than the palisades, which were of the height of about ten feet, and which inclosed the cabins within a square. Both the forts of Hannastown and of Ligonier were made distributing points for the arms and ammunition furnished to the associators, so that there were usually at least a few spare arms at either place till towards the end of the war, when Hannastown was attacked, and at that time the means of defense 'sere poorer than at any other time. St. Clair, in his memorial to the Pennsylvania Assembly, says that during the time of Dunmore's war, before the Revolution, the forts which he supplied with arms and means of defense at his own expense were "'Taylor's, Wallace's, Ligonier's, Lochry's, Hannastown, Perry's, Walthour's, Carnahan's, and a number of others not now recollected." As the word fort is applied indiscriminately, so is the word block-house. We therefore make a distinction between a regular block-house and a block-house cabin. Block-houses were erected mostly in some locality easy of approach by those settlers who were too far away from forts, and whose cabins of themselves were insecure. A block-house was a building made of large rough logs, and built after the fashion of a square house, but in size much larger than a house. The logs were notched into each other at the angles of the building, and the height of this square structure was from ten to fourteen feet. At this height was begun another log story, the logs in which extended from four to six feet beyond the square of the structure below it. This story was built up to the height of about six feet. The upper part had in its sides small apertures through which to fire; nor could an attack with advantage be made underneath, tor the space underneath the projection was left open. A clapboard roof which terminated in an apex covered all. These block-houses were intended for temporary places of defense. No more provisions could be taken in them than was sufficient for immediate and pressing want. Those who fled thither expected to remain only till the storm had blown over, or until help came. There was another class of structures built for de- 104 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. fense on special emergencies, but which structures were not used continuously as forts, neither were most of them used as cabin-houses, and these we choose to consider by themselves. Of this class was Fort Crawford., built about 1777, on the Allegheny, about seventeen miles up from Pittsburgh, on the southeastern side of the river, a short distance below the mouth of Puckety 1 Creek, where there was a shallow place used by the Indians for a fording. This is now the site of Logan's Ferry. This fort was built on the earnest representations of Col. Crawford, and it was called after him. It was erected by militia sent out from Pittsburgh, assisted by the neighboring inhabitants, who were north of the main road at that time, and now in the limits of Burrell township. It guarded the crossing-place against the squads that came in from the parts west of the river, where the thick primeval woods for half a generation after the war still harbored small tribes and parts of tribes. These defensive posts were, as near as we can obtain, merely large structures, built of heavy logs, with stout doors, roofs almost flat, and inside of which was a double cabin. At Crawford a company of militia was stationed off and on for several years, and there were sometimes a few extra arms there. Of this class was Fort Hand, near the confluence of Pine Run with the Kiskiminetas, nearly twenty miles north of Greensburg. It was a block-house, and no residence. It was built by the people about 1778, while Col. Hand commanded at Pittsburgh, and was called in his honor. So also was Reed's blockhouse or station, on the Allegheny, four miles below the mouth of the. Kiskiminetas, and which was a place of refuge so late as the troubles of 1792. There was at times a 'company of militia on detailed duty here. Block-houses and block-house stations obtained more among the settlers along the southern border, and notably among those of Greene County, then Springhill township, and throughout Western Virginia. Such also were Fort Shippen, at Col. John Proctor's, near the Loyalhanna in Unity, then Derry township, and Fort Allen in Hempfield township, north of Greensburg, both built in 1774, and Rugh's blockhouse at Michael Rugh's on Jack's Run, about a mile and a half below Greensburg, built somewhat later. But the most common defensive structure of all were those strongly barricaded cabins sometimes called stations, but which are more properly known as block-house cabins. Such was the principal house at Miller's farm, about three miles southeast of Hannastown, and not far from George Station, on the Pennsylvania. Railroad, east of Greensburg. This was a long, double log house, with heavy doors and windows which could be closed. There were many such, and they were in all parts of the county ; and 1 Indian, Pucketo. from the fact that they were so frequently the places of refuge they have received the name of fort, which wrongly designates them. These in the catalogue do go for forts, "as hounds and greyhounds, mongrels, spaniels, curs, shoughs, water-rugs, and demi-wolves are called all by the name of dogs." 2 These stations would hold perhaps twenty persons when they huddled together on the fear of danger. Rifle-holes or port-holes were on every side, and the light was admitted through narrow cracks in the gables, as they were chary of window-openings. One of these block-house cabins was Williams' block-house, near Donegal, on the Four-Mile Run. It stood near the site of that wall of prehistoric times which the oldest settlers say was old when they first came in. This was the centre of the Donegal settlement. Hither fled betimes the Gays, the Harmans, the Hayses, the Campbells., the Pipers. From the neighborhood of this block-house many captives were taken, and near it many others were killed. Another sheltering-place, called Palmer's Fort,. opened its arms to those who lived down the valley on the Laurel Hill side. It was five or six miles from Ligonier in that direction, and near the road from Ligonier to Fairfield. Fort Waltour stood between one and two miles west of Adamsburg, and about the same distance south of Harrison City village, near the old Pennsylvania road. This was one of those block-houses to which the people betimes collected, where they stayed at night, and whence they went in the day to work in the fields. It was erected in very early times, and many stories which partake of the marvelous are treasured among the descendants of the people of that settlement. This was part of the Harrold settlement, a settlement as distinctively German as the Hannastown settlement was distinctively Scotch-Irish. In the history of the old block-house, the old church, the old Dutch schoolhouse, and the burying-ground of the Harrold congregation lie hidden mines of wealth of great value to the industrious student of local and indigenous history. Among the recollections of the Revolutionary times still preserved about here is the destruction of the cabin home of the Francis family, and the death or captivity of the inmates, which occurred some time previous to the Hannastown affair. This family lived about two miles west of Brush Creek. A squad of Indians coming suddenly upon them gained admission to their cabin. Two of the family were killed, and the rest taken prisoners. One of the prisoners was a girl, who was afterwards married and lived in Hempfield township, where she died. Her brothers and sisters were scattered before they reached Canada. The Indians at the time of the attack set the cabin on fire, and did not remove the bodies of the two dead from where they had been scalped, but the bodies 2 Macbeth, Act III., Scene 1. FORTS, BLOCK-HOUSES, AND INCIDENTS OF WARFARE - 105 were found near the burnt cabin the next day, one of the bodies lying so near the fire as to be roasted on its one side. They were buried by the neighbors at the garden fence. 1 There is a peculiar story related of a lame Indian which brings Waltour's Fort into prominence, and which preserves the particulars of the death of the old man Waltour. We give the substance of it here, having taken it in part from a very rare book called "Border Life," now out of print. The authenticity of the narratives in that work is its claim for a matter of fact, and it is believed that the original story came from the pen of Judge Brackenridge, who bedecked even the rough fields of the law with the posies of literature, and in whose hand the crude ore of fact was turned into the refined gold of romance. About the year 1786 one of those predatory squads coming into Westmoreland made their first demonstration at Waltour's. 2 The old man Waltour, his daughter, and two sons were at work in the field. They had their guns with them, and on the appearance of the Indians made towards the fort. The daughter was taken, but the old man and his two sons kept up a fire as they retreated, and had got nearly to the fort when the old man, being shot, fell. An Indian ran up and had placed his foot upon him and was about taking his scalp when some one in the fort fired. The Indian gave a frightful yell, and made off limping on one foot. After he had run off a party from the fort pursued him, as well as the others of the squad. He, however, hid himself in the bushes a few yards from the path upon which his pursuers came along. The Indian lay quiet in this place among the bushes where he had thrown himself, waiting, till pursuit was over, fearing that he might be tracked and taken. For three days he remained here. Then venturing out, he crawled along on his hands and one limb till he got a pole in the marsh, which he used to hobble along with. In the mean time he had lived on berries and roots. He thus worked his way around till he came within sight of the post at Turtle Creek, where a detachment of soldiers was stationed. Here he thought of giving himself up, but lay all day on a hill above the place, thinking whether he would or not; but seeing that the soldiers were militia and not regulars, he did not venture to do so ; for the Indians knew the distinction between these, and from the militia they expected no quarter. This Indian at first, so he said, had attempted to cross the Allegheny River at some distance above Pittsburgh, but his strength failing him he wished to gain the garrison where the regular troops were. He had been there before the war, and was known to some. For thirty-seven days from the affair at Waltour's 1 Jacob Detar, father of Simon Deter, Eaq., helped to bury them. 2 Usually written after the German way Walthour. Fort this wretched creature had subsisted on plants and roots, and had made his way on one foot by the help of the pole, and then, not knowing what to do with himself, came down into the edge of the town, and sat in a porch of one of the houses, where he was seen in the twilight. To a girl of the house, who first came out, he spoke in broken English, and asked for milk. The girl ran in and returned with others of the family to see such a strange-looking object. It is said that he resembled a walking skeleton, with only the semblance of flesh upon his bones. When he was questioned he appeared too weak to give an account of himself, but still asked for milk. The milk was given him, and word was sent to Gen. Irvine, the commanding officer of tip" post, who sent a guard, by whom he was taken to the garrison. After having had food, and being able to talk, ht was questioned by the interpreter. At first he said that he had been on the Beaver River trapping, and that he there had a diflerence with a Mingo Indian, who had shot him in the leg, because he had said he wished to come to the white people. He was told that this story was not credible, but that he must tell the truth, and that in so doing he would fare better. He then said that he was one of a party which had struck the settlement in the last moon, had attacked a fort, killed some, and taken some prisoners; there he had received his wound, and in the end related to the interpreter what we have already told. After the raid on the settlement a party from the fort had pursued the Indians to the Allegheny River, and had found the body of the Waltour girl who had been taken in the field; and who had been tomahawked and left. When this party had come back and heard that the Indian was still at the garrison they joined with others in a crowd, and with Mrs. Waltour, the widow of the man killed and the mother of the murdered girl, went to the garrison, and addressing themselves to the commanding officer demanded that the Indian should be delivered up, that it might be done with him as the widow and mother and relations of the deceased should think proper. After some deliberation it was thought advisable to let the people take him, for it was considered from the mode of war carried on by the Indians that they were not entitled to protection, and the country people were greatly dissatisfied that be was allowed to live after his confession, and as there was a loud clamor all through the settlement consequent on the death of a man so prominent as Waltour, he was delivered to the militia of the party who had come to demand him. He was put upon a horse and carried off with a view of being taken to the fort where the trouble had at first occurred. But as they were carrying him along his leg, the fracture of which had almost healed up by the care of the surgeon, was broken again by a fall from the horse, which awkwardly happened some way in carrying him. The abridged continuation of the story then is that 106 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. the intention of the people was to summon a jury of the country and try him, not only for the sake of form, but, as they further alleged, in order to ascertain whether he was the identical Indian that had been of the party at Waltour'ss Fort, though it is not very probable that he would have had an impartial trial, there having been considerable prejudice against him. The circumstance of his being an Indian was sufficient to have condemned him. The idea was, in case of a verdict against him, which seemed morally certain, to execute him according to the Indian manner, by torture and burning. For the fate of Crawford and others was at that time in the minds of the people, and they thought retaliation a principle of natural justice. But while the jury were collecting some time must elapse—that night at least—for he was brought to the block-house in the evening. Accordingly a strong guard was appointed to take care of him, while in the mean time one who had been deputed sheriff went to summon a jury, and others to collect wood and materials for the burning, and to fix upon the place, which was to be the identical spot where he had received his wound while about to scalp Waltour, whom he had shot in the field, just as lie was raising the scalp halloo, twisting his hand in the hair of the head, and brandishing his scalping-knife. It is to be presumed that the guard was " off their guard" somewhat on account of the lameness of the prisoner and the seeming impossibility that he could escape ; for it so turned out that while engaged in conversation on the burning that was to take place, or by some other cause of inattention, he had been permitted to climb, up at a remote corner of the block-house, get to the joists, from thence upon the wall-plate of the blockhouse, and from thence, as was supposed, to get down on the outside between the roof and the wall-plate. The block-house was so constructed that the roof over-jutted the wall of the house, resting on the ends of the joists, which protruded a foot or two beyond the wall, so that those within could fire down upon the Indians who shouldapproach thee house to set fire to it or attempt the door: But towards morning the Indian was missed, and when the jury met there was no Indian to be brought before them. Search was made by the guard everywhere ; the jury joined in the search, and the militia went out in all directions in order to follow his track and regain him. No discovery could be made, and as a consequence the guard were blamed for want of vigilance, although there were some who thought be was let go that they might not be under the necessity of burning him. The search at length was abandoned ; but three days after this, a lad looking for his horses, saw an Indian, with a pole or long stick, just getting on one of them by help of a log or fallen tree. He had made a bridle of bark for the horse's head, and making use of this and a stick in guiding the horse, he set off on a smart trot in a direction towards the frontier of the settlement. The boy was afraid to discover himself or reclaim his horse, but ran home and gave the alarm, on which a party, in the course of the day, were collected and started in pursuit of the Indian again. They tracked the horse until it was dark. In the morning they followed the track as before, but found the course varied, taking into branches of streams to prevent pursuit. By this they were greatly delayed, as they lost time in tracing the stream to find where the horse had come out ; and sometimes the tracks of the horse could not be seen when he had taken the hard, dry ridges, and gone in a contrary direction so as to deceive them. In this manner the Indian had gotten to the Allegheny, where they found the horse with the bark bridle, and where it appeared he had been left but a short time before. The sweat was scarcely dry upon his sides, and the distance he had come was about ninety miles. It was presumed the Indian had swam the river into uninhabited country, or those parts called the Indian country, where it was not safe to pursue him. For this reason the pursuit was given up. Others, however, cameto thee conclusion that he never reached any of the Indian towns, for they had taken pains to inquire, but believed that he was either drowned in the river or had famished in the woods, or that his broken limbs in the hot weather had caused his death. Fort Wallace, on the farm of Peter Wallace, on McGee's Run, near the Kiskiminetas, about two miles above Blairsville, was in border times a famous station. On the same farm was afterwards a mill known as Wallace's mill ; the Wallaces being prominent men in that neighborhood, one of them having been returned to the Assembly. Many stories are told of the men who from time to time defended it ; their strength, their agility, and their bravery have been praised to the golden stars. One adventure from a good source appears to be credible ; we give it as related.1 It appears that when the Rev. James Finley, who was frequently intrusted by the Supreme Council of the Province and the State to fill special commissions for it, was on a visit to Western Pennsylvania in 1772, he left his son, Ebenezer Finley, here. This young man, about 1776 or 1777, had gone from Dunlap's Creek on a tour of militia duty along the Kiskiminetas, in the place of another man. While the party were at Fort Wallace, a man on horseback came up in great speed and reported that the Indians had been seen a short distance off; that he had left two men and a woman on foot trying to reach the fort, and that unless they were immediately assisted they would be lost. Young Finley, among eighteen or twenty others, started right out. About a mile and a half from the fort they came upon a considerable body of Indians. After a fire occurred a zigzag running fight began. 1 The adventure is in "Old Redstone," page 284. FORAYS AND ADVENTURES - 107 Some of the party in making their way back to the fort were shot or tomahawked. Finley's gun would not go off. He stopped to pick his flint and fell behind. An Indian was seen leveling his gun at him, but was fortunately shot before he could fire. Finley being fleet of foot was soon abreast with one of his companions, and in passing round the root of a tree, by a quick motion of his elbow against his comrade's shoulder passed him, and the next moment the comrade fell under the tomahawk. The Indians were again gaining on him, when a man named Moor, seeing his danger from having to cross a bridge exposed, stopped, and by a well-directed aim of his rifle enabled him to cross the bridge safely. After many doublings and turnings, in which the Indians were sometimes in the rear and sometimes in the front of Finley, he reached the fort in safety. 1 Fort Barr was on the farm best known as the Gibson farm, in Derry township, a good mile northwest of New Derry. Further mention is made of these two forts in the chapter on Derry township. The Carnahan block-house was the cabin-house of one of the Carnahans, possibly John, and its location was a short distance northeast of Perrysville, in Bell township. Shields' block-house was on the Loyalhanna, about six miles from Greensburg. It was in being as early as 1774. A Miller's Fort, or block-house, was on the Big Sewickley, on the Stokely farm, and Markle's Station was at the mouth of the Sewickley. An old blockhouse that went by the name of McDowell's Fort was near the site of Madison, and Teague Island Fort about five miles northwest of Greensburg. This series of forts was in connecting distance, and was used as a line of defense for the Sewickley settlement, the people about one warning those about the next. In McDowell's Fort James B. Oliver, Esq., 2 late of West Newton, was born, June 2, 1781, while his parents had sought the shelter of that covering during that tempestuous year. Joseph McDowell, the owner of the farm upon which the fort was built, had bought the original tract, embracing four hundred acres, for a rifle gun and a little horse. 1 This is the narrative. At the time of this adventure the father was three hundred miles away. On that day, he says, he had a change and unaccountable impression that his son was in danger, but no distinct conception of its nature. He prayed, and at length felt relieved, as though the danger was past. He had never experienced such an extraordinary sensation before, and so he made a note of it. A few weeks afterward he received from his son, who had returned to him, an account dins narrow escape. The time corresponded exactly with Mr. Finley's strange experience. 2 Father of the Hon. Mrs. Cowan. CHAPTER XXI. FORAYS AND ADVENTURES. During the Early Part of the Revolutionary War—The Volunteers—Col. James Smith takes a Detachment np the Allegheny to French Creek or Venango—His Arrangement of the Men while on the March and in their Encampments—His Plan of Fighting the Indians —Brodhead's Expedrtson to Conewago and Brokenstraw—He cuts off a Party of Forty Indians on their way to the Westmoreland Settlements—Notice of Fort Armstrong, Kiitanning—Brodhead Banat Capt. Brady into the Seneca Country—Trouble between the Continental Officers aud the Militia Officers—Ranging Companies formed during the War by Direction of the State Officials—They are Stationed along the Rivers—Their Officers—Their Manner of Fighting—The Heroic Women of Early Westmoreland: Experience Bozarth, , Massy Harbison, Mrs. Margaret Oliver, Mrs. Matthew Jack. IN this chapter we shall hastily run over the events transpiring within and upon the frontiers of the county from the commencement of the war to a period a few years later. In 1775, and the early part of 1776, the inhabitants were not molested to any grievous extent, neither did seed-time or harvest fail. But by the removal of Col. Mackay and his command front Kittanning and the adjacent posts the frontiers of the county were first laid 'open and exposed to the mercy of the faithless and uncertain savage,. The militia were called out for short terms, and were placed by Col. Lochry at the disposal of Col. Hand, the Continental officer in command of the department; for during nearly all the time that officer was in command a company of Westmorelanders was stationed along the Allegheny. It was soon apparent that these were insufficient for the object in view. They were poorly cared for, and whenever they were called upon to leave their posts the savages, taking advantage of their weakness, broke over the lines and made such a war as they pleased. During 1777 there are numerous complaints of their depredations, and the President of the Council at recurring intervals sympathizes with the people, bids them be of good cheer, and promises them that the Connell will soon furnish supplies. The manner of their warfare and of their mutual co-operation about this time may be seen in an account of one of their expeditions. In the year 1778, Col. James Smith, who had just returned to the county, raised a body of men to pursue some Indians who had made an attack upon the Sewickley settlement. On the second day they overtook and defeated them, taking four scalps, 3 and recapturing the horses and plunder stolen. At the time of the attack Capt. John Hinkston pursued an Indian, in the excitement not noticing that both their guns were empty. After the fray was over Hinkston was missing, and while the whites were inquiring about him he came walking back carrying the bloody scalp of the dead savage with him. He had pursued him about a quarter of a mile until he came up with him, when he killed him with his tomahawk. 3 Smith's narrative, "Border Warfare." 108 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. Shortly after this, in 1778, a body was raised from the county to go with some of Gen. McIntosh's command up the French or Venango Creek. This force was four hundred strong; they were called riflemen, and Col. Smith was placed in command. In November they got orders from the general to march. From Smith's account, 1 they were poorly equipped, and scarce of provisions. They marched, after an arrangement of Smith's own, in three columns, forty rods from each other ; there were flankers on the outside of each column ; the men in the columns marched in scattered order, and were each one rod apart; the volunteers marched abreast in the same manner as the flankers, scouring the woods. In case of an attack the men were to face out, and take to trees. This was to keep the Indians from surrounding them, or to have more than one chance at shooting at a man without exposing themselves. Their encampment was formed in a hollow square, inciosing thirty or forty acres. Guards were placed on the outside of the square to watch the enemy and keep the cattle from going out. Smith's tactics in all cases was to keep the Indians from surrounding his party, and he argued that every great defeat suffered at their hands was effected by them in this way. On proceeding to French Creek they found the town deserted. Smith went farther than his orders called for, but their provisions being about exhausted, they were obliged to return. The only result, therefore, was the keeping the country quiet for some little time after the expedition was organized. Out of it, however, grew a good deal of recriminating talk between Col. Smith and Col. Lochry, the county lieutenant, and their adherents. On charges against Smith, preferred by Lochry in his deposition, he was arraigned before a court-martial ; and in a memorial to the Executive Council he recites at large the causes of the complaint, and professes that he was not derelict in his duty. 2 The campaign of the Continental army of 1779 did not open favorably. Money was so depreciated that the hope of the Congress was in the liberality of private subscriptions. The credit of the country was so low that men could not be induced on that account to enter the service. Notwithstanding this the commander-in-chief, to break up the Indian aggressions of the Six Nations and their confederates, sent two divisions, one from the Susquehanna under Sullivan, and one from the north under Clinton, which, after forming a junction, were to proceed by the Chemung River to the country of the Senecas and Cayugas. They fell in with the enemy on the Chemung and routed them, and marching farther into their country, committed much destruction of property and corn and took many prisoners. About the same time Brod- 1 Smith had been so long with the Indians that he was thoroughly infatuated with their mode of warfare. See his famous letter to Washington, advising him how to conduct his campaigns against them. 2 Pennsylvania Archives, N. S., vol. iii. 328. head, leading out a number of Westmoreland volunteers, along with some Continental soldiers under his command from about Pittsburgh, went into the Muncie settlement on the north branch of the Allegheny, and destroyed their crops and burnt their villages about the mouth of the Brokenstraw and above the Conewago. He cut off a party of forty hostiles on their way to the Westmoreland settlements. Smith and Lochry accompanied this expedition. Its result was so effective that for a considerable time afterward no very extensive body of savages ventured to come upon the frontier, but carried on their depredations henceforth in a predatory manner. Some trouble which originated, in this expedition between the commanders of the volunteers and the Continental officers gave occasion for the former to withdraw their forces from the latter. This difficulty was the source of much complaint and of much subsequent suffering which the inhabitants had to sustain. From his headquarters at Pittsburgh, on the 24th of June, 1779, Col. Brodhead writes to President Reed as follows :3 "Lieut.-Col. Bayard, with one hundred and twenty, rank and file, is now employed in erecting& stockade fort at Kittanning, which will more effectually secure the frontiers of Westmoreland and Bedford Counties, provided scouts are employed mounting to my directions. The Mohigans and Shawnees have sent me a sking of white wampum and a speech, requesting me to take pity on them and suffer them to enjoy the blessings of peace. I believe 1 have frightened them hy bringing over to our interest their chief allies, the Hurons, Iowas, Chippewas, and Pottawattomies. By the inclosed letters and speeches your excellency will discover the change, and if I had hut a small quantity of Indian gods, I would make them humble the dingoes and capture many of the English ; but unfortunately I am not in possession of a single article to pay them with. I have now a considerable qnantity of provisions, and conld make a successful campaign up the Allegheny, hut I am not at liberty to do it. It wonld give me pleasure to know what reward might be safely offered for Indian scalps." From the same letter we get, in a short space, a rather satisfactory idea of how the Indians committed their depredations about this time, and low the whites repelled them. In it he relates these particulars : " About a fortnight ago three men whom I had sent to reconnoiter the Seneca country returned from Venango, being chased by a number of warriors who were coming down the river in canoes. They continued their pursuit until they came to this aide of Kittanning, and the white men narrowly escaped. A few days after they returned, Captain Brady, with twenty white men and a young Delaware chief (his pet), all well pointed, set out towards the Seneca country, and the Indian warriors proceeded towards the settlements. They killed a soldier between Fort Crawford and Fort Head, and proceeded to the Sewickley settlement, where they killed a woman and her four children, and took two children prisoners. Captain Brady fell in with seven Indians of this party about fifteen miles above Kittanning, where the Indians had chosen an advantageous situation for their camp. He, however, surrounded them, and attacked them at the break of day. The Indian captain, a notorious warrior of the Munsie nation, was killed on the spot, and several more mortally wounded, but the wood. were remarkably thick, and the party could not pursue the tracks after they had stopped their wounds, which they always do as 8000 as possible after receiving them. Captain Brady, however, retook six borers, the two prisoners, 4 the scalps, and all their 3 Archives, vii. 505. 4 In a note to the Archives by Hazard, these two children were sold to be living then, 1853, one in Westmoreland, and the other in Butler; L. C. Draper having statements from them. FORAYS AND ADVENTURES - 109 plunder, and took all the Indians, guns, tomahawks, match orats, moccasins, rn fine, everything they had except their breech-clouts. Captain Brady has great merit, but none has more distinguished merit in this enterprise than the young Delaware chief, whose name is Nanowland. Before Captain Brady returned, Lieutenant Hardin set out with a party of clever choice men and I am certain he will not return without scalps or prisoners from the Seneca country." As Capt. Brady now comes upon the stage, we shall relate in a separate chapter some of his adventures as they occurred on the frontier border of the county during the most trying and darkest period of her border war. By so doing we can convey a better knowledge of the true state of affairs than by following up an unbroken line of quotations and inferences. The militia called out on occasions to serve when there was danger of an attack, or to garrison for the time some post, were under the direction and control of the county lieutenants, unless when in actual service, when they were under the command of the officers of the department. This arrangement was a cause of much embarrassment, for often when the lieutenants needed the men for special duty they were, if in service, not allowed to go from the regular command. There are several instances in which Lochry and Brodhead were brought in contact with each other, from which contact the public good was not subserved. The most noticeable of these occurred in 1779, at a time of great apprehension, and when the expectation of assistance from the State was meagre. There were at that time two companies of short-term militia from Westmoreland, stationed the one at Fort Armstong, Kittanning, the other at Fort Crawford, Puckety. Capt. Thomas Campbell commanded one of these, and Capt. Joseph Erwin, the father-in-law of Lochry, commanded the other. They were then under the control of Brodhead, but Lochry, obtaining the permission of the Council, ordered them back to the line of the Kiskiminetas. When these, therefore, applied to Brodhead for horses and provisions they were refused, which was the occasion of many bitter words and of much complaint on both sides to the president and Council. Some time in 1780, Col. Lochry was under the necessity of removing the public records of the county from Hannastown to his own house on the Twelve-Mile Run, 1 after consulling with the judge of the court in whose custody they were, who was of the opinion it would be of no prejudice to the inhabitants. This was thought necessary, as Hannastown was then regarded as very weak and on the frontier. In June of 1780 the president of the Council sent an additional installment of depreciated currency for the use of the people, and also ordered some companies from the eastern counties, but it does not appear that these came. The Council ordered at one time four companies to be raised for the frontiers within the county itself. There was not much difficulty in raising the men, but the money was so valueless that they thought best not to send any commissions, as the State was unable to raise good money. President Reed in a letter to Col. Proctor, says that the Council thought best to issue a proclamation encouraging the young men to turn out in small parties as the enemy did, they being convinced that such parties as these would do more for the real protection of the garrisons and forts than the regular militia. It was thus that during this time the salvation of the people was in those ranging-parties which the young men chose to join in preference to the militia or to entering the regular service. Of those who, from 1778 to 1780, were prominent in the ranging service we mention James Guthrie, Thomas Stokely, Matthew Jack, Michael Huffnagle, James Smith, Joseph Erwin, William Cooper, Samuel Shannon, Brady, Van Swearingen, the Wallaces, the Barrs, Col. Wilson, the Brownlees, the Shaws. These ranging companies were formed for the most part of the fighting-men who lived nearest to each. They were dressed in the homespun of their own manufacture, and carried their own rifles, knives, and hatchets. When word came that they were needed they hastened together and put themselves under the orders of their officers. It was their duty to alarm the settlers when an attack had been made or was apprehended, and they were to help off the women and children into some place of safety. These men in time became so expert in this manner of warfare, and all their natural senses became so developed by usage, that they could travel as well by night as by day, could see like a night animal, could distinguish sounds of danger which were unheard by others, could stand endurance and want of food beyond all belief, became agile and swift of foot, dexterous with the rifle, and by usage so accustomed to danger and adventure that their feats and escapes were not only marvelous, but sometimes appeared to be, as they were really regarded, miraculous. In perpetuating the memory and the acts of the men who ought to flourish in the grateful recollection of their descendants, we must not lightly pass over a notice of the women, who in every sense were heroines. The knowledge of some of these has come down to us from their having been the subject of some noted episode; but it has been the custom to pass them over without notice. The innocent sufferings of Peggy Shaw are, in truth, inseparably connected with the history of Hannastown, but the undoubted acts of bravery of many others have been less fortunately preserved. It has been established upon the testimony 9f accurate observers I that the women of the early period were, in certain respects, a stronger minded (or stronger willed, if you please) class than their daughters. The graces of womanhood, it is true, could not flourish in their surroundings; and there are well-attested instances where some who 1 The Twelve-Miie Ron, as we observed, flows into the Fourteen-Mile Run near St. Vincent's Monastery. 2 Both physiological and psychological. 110 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. had been reared in the refined society of Europe, or of the cities of the East, coming out to share the hardships of pioneer life, either drooped away in disease or fell into imbecile childhood.' But this does not detract, but is an illustration of the doctrine of the survival of the fittest. And we advert here to that ;lass who were raised up in the families of the border settlers, and who possessed strong bodies and equally strong minds. These were the women who. were fit companions —the wives, the sisters, the mothers—of those men to whom we are indebted for a share of he liberty which we now enjoy. To illustrate our point we adduce the instances of a few, and their example will answer for many others, and will serve to reflect the .heroism and the hardihood of all. Possibly the most noted instance of hardihood preserved in our annals is that which is related of Mrs. Experience Bozarth. She lived on Dunkard Creek, low "within the limits of Washington County. In he spring of 1779 two or three neighboring families, hrough fear of danger, took up their abode with her while the men were in the woods. At this time there were two men at the house besides the women and children. On a certain day the children out playing ame running towards the house saying they had seen ugly red men. One of the men went to the door. He as shot in the breast and fell backward. The Indian jumped over the prostrate man and grappled with the other. The white man with great strength threw the ndian upon a bed and held him while he called for knife. All the rest of the women were screaming nd in an anguish of fright. Mrs. Bozarlh, not finding a knife, seized an axe, and with a dash of it sank it into the Indian's brain. At hat instant another savage who had entered the door shot the white man dead who was tussling with and still holding the Indian on the bed. The brave roman turned upon this Indian and attacked him with the axe. She gave him several ugly gashes, one of which let his bowels out. His yells of pain brought tilers of the savages from the murder of the children o his rescue. When the first one of these thrust his Lead inside the door it was cleft in two by the axe then the body was pulled out by his comrades. Mrs. Bozarth then, with the help of the white man who lad been first shot, and who had now somewhat recovered, shut the door upon them and fastened it. The living thus kept the house garrisoned for several lays, with the bodies of the dead white and Indian in it. During this time the Indians besieged it. They were Many relieved by a party sent out for that purpose. The remarkable sufferings and final escape of Massy Harbison are perhaps so well known that they will mot bear repetition. We shall not recount the story n her words, but that devotion which is so apparent n all her trials may, we think, with propriety be re- 1 See Harriot's Travels in North America. ferred to. At the time she was taken by the Indians she lived within sight of a block-house in Westmoreland, between Pittsburgh and Puckety. This was in May, 1792, after the defeat of St. Clair. A party of savages breaking into her house while she was there with her children, took her from her bed with an infant in her arms and made her follow them. Besides the babe she had two little boys. One of these cried and held back from going along. They killed him by taking him by the heels and dashing his head against the door-post. They set the mother on a stolen horse. When they crossed the Allegheny they murdered her other boy, who was still crying for his brother, and scalped him. She kept the babe still to her breast.. They proceeded past the place where Butler now stands. She had made up her mind to be killed, and to give the Indian who had her a pretext she refused to carry what he put upon her. They, however, only beat her along with the handles of their tomahawks. On the third morning, while the Indian who guarded her dozed, she got up and started into the woods. When she was from their sight she wandered around through fear, resting by day and groping in the darkness, in constant apprehension of being found, for three days more before she came to the Allegheny, where she was taken up by some whites. During this time her sufferings were such as are hardly to be credited. She lived on berries and roots and soft bark ; she was exposed to the inclemency of the weather; she was followed. and came near being taken when her child cried, which brought a warrior, who stood listening within a few steps of where she lay hid ; she was afraid to sleepiest her babe should cry; she traveled at night and rested by day, and that she might use one hand to grope her way through the thick bushes she carried her babe in her shawl and held the corners of it between her teeth. One stormy night, when she thought she would die, she rested her forehead against the bark of a tree, and as she shielded her little one, received upon her half-covered head the peltings of the pitiless storm. Nevertheless she rose again and began her wanderings anew. She at last came to a deserted house close by the river, and going down to the bank she saw two men on the opposite side, who crossed over to her and took her to their block-house. When she was taken in to the fire she became delirious. Her clothing had been torn well-nigh off her back, and her limbs were lacerated by briers and filled with thorns ; there were thorns, indeed, which reached clear through her bare feet. From the good care of the whites and through the attention of the physician at Pittsburgh, to where she was removed, she in time recovered. The barbarity of the Indians towards her offspring and her own sufferings were such that her deposition of the facts, as they are substantially contained in her narrative, was taken before John Wilkins, Esq., father of the Hon. William Wilkins, and published, as much no doubt to arouse the people of the border to act LOWER LIGONIER VALLEY DURING THE REVOLUTION - 111 against the savages as for any other purpose. For at that time, after a long peace, the inhabitants had grown backward in providing men for the defense of the frontier settlements, and the hope of the safety of these was in the spies and rangers who volunteered. We doubt whether a more forcible example of a mother's love and devotion can he unearthed from the mines of ancient or modern history ; and yet she was but one of many. Of women equally as brave and devoted every locality had some. Among these, perhaps, one might be more distinguished than the rest, and the example of such a one was alone worth many men. For many years the recollection of Mrs. Peggy Oliver, the mother of the late J. B. Oliver, Esq., was fresh among the old inhabitants of the Sewickley settlement. They talked with pride of her whom they had seen when she was a young and beautiful woman, mounted upon a favorite horse day after day during the most distressful time in the middle of the war, riding on a gallop between the block-houses and cabins which reached from up in Hempfield to Markle's, at the mouth of the Sewickley. She appeared to lead a charmed life, for it is said that she ventured to convey news and carry instruction on occasions when no other could be found to do so. At Hannastown. such another woman was Mrs. Matthew Jack, whose maiden name was Nancy Wilson. On the day of the attack she is said to have helped to carry and to have superintended the work of removing the records and papers from the court-house to the stockade. Her husband, at that time sheriff, was, as is well known, out giving the alarm among the settlers. From these instances sufficient may be gathered to form an idea of the spirit of these women. They had become so used to war and horrors that it was their special province to dress the wounds of those who had been hurt ; they knew all the simples which cured pains and aches, and in the absence of doctors they did all that doctors are usually presumed to do. They helped to sustain the defense of their cabins by running bullets, cutting patches, and priming the pieces. Many a time has the mother, upon a sudden attack, started up with her babe, while her husband took another child, and each fly to the wood in a different direction they never saw each other 1. Yea, sometimes has the mother ben found dead, whilst the babe upon her breast was still alive. All could never be told ; but certain it is that the wives, mothers, and sisters of these first settlers of Westmoreland were such women as bring forth strong-minded sons and gentle daughters ; that tbey themselves were as boundless in their love and charity as the sea that knows no lessening, and that the possessed all the matronly virtues which, happily to be acknowledged, are everywhere the glory and the honor of their sex. 1 1 See Appendix "O." CHAPTER XXII. LOWER LIGONIER VALLEY DURING TILE REVOLUTION. Ligonier Valley s Favorite Gronnd for the Indians, and the First Stopping-Place of the Whites— Privations of the Early Settlers along the Four-Mile Run, Mill Creek, the Old Road, and Indian Creek—Murder of the Campbell Family, and Captivity of Robert Campbell (with curious anecdotes)—He is sold to a British Officer—He is exchanged —Killing of the Old Man Harman and three of his Neighbors—James Flack taken Prisoner—Escapes from Montreal, and comes through the Wilderness by means of a Compass—Charles Clifford taken by Indians in Ambush—His Acconnt of the Manners, Habits, and Ways of Living of the Northern Indians—His Master cures him of a Hurt Foot—Peter Maharg taken by the Same Party—Is made to Bun the Gauutlet—Clifford taken to Montreal—Is Exchanged after having been with the Indians nearly Three Years—Comes to the Valley, and Dies at Home—James Clifford and his two Dogs, " Whig" and "Tory" —His adventure with the Indian, whom be shoots—Indians lying in wait attack a Party of Five who go to the Fields back of the Fort—They kill Mile Means, Young Means, and Young Reed—Col. McDowell escapes with Miss Reed on his Horse into the Fort—The Bodies of the Others buried by the People of the Fort. LIGONIER VALLEY takes its name from the old Fort Ligonier. The valley itself lies between Laurel Hill and Chestnut Ridge, the two westernmost ranges, of the great Appalachian mountain chain. No less from its physical distinction than from its historical association has it always been a prominent portion of the county. In extent it reaches from the dividing ridge between the Conemaugh and Black Lick, in Indiana County, to the Youghiogheny River, in Fayette. It thus passes through the whole breadth of Westmoreland ; in length about sixty miles, and in width varying from eight to fourteen miles. No other region near it has finer springs of riving water or more numerous streams, nor has any locality produced such quantities of timber as have been taken from its mountain-sides. When it was first peopled by the whites it was almost totally overgrown with monster trees, the latest remains of that mighty forest which scientific men say once hid the light of day from the western slopes of the Alleghenies. The site of Fort Ligonier was the first stopping-place of English-born in Westmoreland, and the soldiers of the garrison and their families and the settlers that followed in the train of the army were the first settlers. This primitive colony and the settlement succeeding suffered much at all times through privation and from Indian aggression, but they manfully battled against all adversities with the ancient spirit of Anglo-Saxonism. "Thy spirit, Independence, did they share, Lord of the Lion heart and Eagle eye; Thy steps they followed with their bosoms bare, Nor feared the storm that scowled along the sky." The slope of the country along the streams and in the valley admitted of easy access between those who had first squatted at the three forks of the Youghiogheny and the later ones about the. stockade on the Loyalhanna, which answered to the citadel of the western province. These two incipient settlements 112 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. approached towards each other, and under the beetling rocks of the high hills and over devious paths coincident with the trails of the old lake warriors the white civilization established a line of communication from sympathy and from wants. For a long time the depot of Ligonier supplied all artificial needs which it was possible to supply. It was the station where all commodities were bartered for, a designated point by the military authorities for the distribution of supplies ; to here the settlers came from the Kiskiminetas and from the Monongahela for their seed-corn and powder, and for many years after, when the word had no meaning, to go to Ligonier was to go to the " fort." From the northern or Fairfield side they 'vent up the valley, and from the Donegal side it was down the valley. This region had been always, so far as oar knowledge goes, a favorite ground for the Indians, and their trails. and foot-paths marked it in every direction. But especially was it convenient for those later outlaws that harassed the whole northwestern border of our State, of which our county was at that time the frontier. The lower or northern part of the valley suffered comparatively the most. The savages on their excursions, after taking a prisoner or a scalp, burning a cabin or stealing off a horse, could evade all pursuit by flying into the unapproachable forests of the north. The sufferings and trials of the people of the valley from the time when Isaac Stimble, "an industrious inhabitant of Ligonier," was shot and scalped on the road to Bedford (of which Bouquet, in 1764, complains), down to l792, when Mad Anthony had broken them up at the Maumee, and stopped their depredations forever in these parts,—their sufferings during this period, for reasons very apparent, have not been given to the world. They did not tell their griefs, but knew how noble it was to suffer and grow strong. Their fortunes and misfortunes are now but known through an indistinct jumble of exaggerated and misstated local traditions. Out of the crucible of historic truth isolated instances are preserved, and from the public correspondence and the contemporaneous history of adjacent counties we have searched laboriously and compared facts with the stories of the old people that we may say a word in this behalf. Of the general suffering, the fear, the uncertainty, the toil, the poverty, and the patriotism of these people, along with those, in truth, of the whole county, our splendid collection of printed archives will always bear testimony. This, however, is hardly all we want or wish for in a local narrative. When we pick out a particular time when this general suffering was at the height, we will conclude that from 1777 to 1781 the people of this region were worried more sorely than at any other ; one reason of which was that their means of defense were then at the weakest and worst. During 1778 and 1779 were constantly compelled to seek ne shelter of the fort or the adjacent block-houses along either end of the valley. Most of the people anyways near took up their quarters in temporary cabins near the fort, and remained there all through the winter. In the sum• mer, when they had to go forth, it was only to gather their scanty harvests and again prepare for the winter. At those times for weeks together tile men only ventured out, carrying their dinner of cold potatoes and hard biscuits with them. In the little meadow patches along the Four-Mile Run and Mill Creek, and in the deadenings on the hills north of the old road, they worked together. At the fort a kind of volunteer military discipline was kept up. The guns were kept primed, bullets cast picked flints handy, the hinges: and bolts of the gate in working order, and the store house always with some provisions in it however scarce the last crop. Of the captivity of Robert Campbell we have the account as given by himself; and the fact of its being preserved is no doubt owing to the celebrity of the peculiar and fervent man, who, far and wide, was known as Elder Robert Campbell, a pious man, and in his day a main prop of the Fairfield Church. On a day in July, 1776, while the father of this Robert Campbell was from home, a party of Indians came suddenly on this son and his brother William in the field; and while these were taken some others of the Indians ran to the house. The mother, with an infant in her arms, trying to escape, received the blow on her head, when she, falling down, killed the babe in her own arms. They were afterward found and buried in one grave. The rest of the children at the house, three girls and one boy, were made prisoners with the two boys taken in the field. The two youngest of the girls were placed upon horses which the Indians had stolen from the farm, each of the girls behind an Indian. The younger of these, unable to steady herself on the horse, was killed and left or the ground about a mile from their hone. The Indians carried them off down out of the valley, crossing somewhere below Saltsburg, and passed on to New York State. The children were separated in Canada. Thomas, the youngest brother, was sold to an English officer and sent to England ; the two sisters, after pass. ing four years in captivity, were released, and earns back to the valley. William also returned about the close of the war. After sustaining a captivity of about six years, Robert, with another prisoner, succeeded in making his escape. He came back again to the old homestead, lived to a good old age on the farm his father had cleared, and where his mother was killed and buried. 1 Some time later than this was killed the elder Harman, an old inhabitant, who had been of a family settled on Indian Creek with the Turkey Foot settlers as early as 1759, and who lived not far from now Donegal. Harman and three of his neighbors had been 1 Further as to Robert Campbell, see township history. LOWER LIGONIER VALLEY DURING THE REVOLUTION - 113 down the valley at a sale, and when they were returning they were all shot and killed, sitting in their saddles, by Indians lying in ambush along the road. After they were scalped they were left dying. Their bodies, found the next day, were decently buried. Among the prisoners taken from time to time was James Flack, whose daughter was married to John Woodend, Esq. Flack was carried to Montreal, from whence he made his escape. He found his way through the endless wilderness to the fort by the assistance of a pocket compass which Charles Clifford procured for him when they were prisoners together. Of the captivity of Charles Clifford we have a continuous account, preserved by his descendants, and which, arranged by them, has been of assistance to the writer. In addition to the narrative to which we have had access, we have secured some illustrations from old manuscript. Charles Clifford, one of the original stock of the Cliffords of Ligonier Valley, resided on Mill Creek, about two miles northwest of the fort. During the winter they stayed near the fort, and in the spring and summer he and his men, like the rest, all went to work at the crops. On the 27th of April, 1779, Clifford, with two of his sons, went out to his clearing to prepare for spring work. When they came to the deadening they could not find their horses. The boys were set to work, and the father himself went in search of the lost animals. He passed up to some waste fields, to the place afterward known as McDowell's Mill, where he expected to find them, as he had done before. But not finding them there, he continued his search over the deserted clearings till he came out on the old military road running between Hannastown and the fort. From here he concluded to return by the road to the fort. After he came on to the road, he had not proceeded far till he was fired upon by five Indians lying behind a log by the side of the road. One ball passed through his coat, another through his hat, and a third struck the rifle on his shoulder. The savages with fierce yells bounding out, seized him before he could offer resistance. They caught him, and wiping away the blood which flowed from his face, caused either by a fragment of gun-stock cutting him, or by a bullet itself grazing him, were evidently well pleased that he was not injured. One of them, clapping him upon the shoulder, muttered, " You good man ; you now go Niagra." They then stripped him of his hat, coat, vest, and shirt, but left his pants and shoes. One of them, in a ticklish mood, taking his hat and cutting off the rim threw that part away, and put the crown part upon his head. Another tore the skirts from his shirt and put on what remained ; a third put on his vest. The coat, however, they gave back to him, and signified that he should put it on. He said that he could not wear the coat next his skin, and wanted his shirt ; but he had to. submit, for they shook their heads in an unfriendly way and told him he must put it on, as they must go. The Indians appear to have treated Clifford with all the kindness which their nature would allow. They evidently considered him, from the narrow escape he had made, as a person specially favored. Such seeming miraculous escapes as he had just passed through invariably moved the superstitious instinct in them. So they did not tie his arms as it was their custom to do with prisoners ; but at night when they lay down they stretched a leather belt across his breast, and an Indian on either side lay upon the end to draw the belt tightly. As soon as they had lain down they were insensible in sleep. When Clifford was tired lying he gently drew one end of the strap from under the Indian by his side and sat up. The moon was full. He thought he could easily have made his escape had it not been for the Indian sitting upon the stump on watch. There he sat, silent it is true, and motionless as a statue, but he was wide awake ; and there the Indian sat all night, not deigning to move till once the prisoner should offer to escape. This party of Indians joined the main body near where now is Fairfield. There were about fifty-seven of them in all. The chief, according to Clifford's account, had his head and arms covered with silver trinkets. Here they tore down the fences to cook their meat, it being near the close of the day. After so doing they, under the direction of the chief, marched about a mile into the woods, there halted, ate their meal, and lay down for the night. When they had first come together, Clifford had a curiosity to see how many prisoners there were, and if his sons were among them. They, however, had only one other white man, Peter Maharg. Maharg was then sitting upon a log much dejected. Clifford went to him and said, " Peter, they've got you here too." Maharg did not reply, did not even raise up his head. He had been taken that morning while he was likewise hunting his horses. He might have made his escape had it not been for a little dog that accompanied him. He had seen the Indians before they saw him, but his dog running farther ahead was seen by them. The dog ran back to its master, and they following it came upon Maharg before he got away. The third morning they left the valley for their homes about the head-waters of the Allegheny. In this incursion they had come more than two hundred miles, had spent several weeks in time, and besides killing only one or two persons, had secured but two prisoners. We have the particulars of their homeward march as preserved by Clifford. They traveled during the day, and camped an hour or two before sunset. All then but eight or ten of them who stayed with the prisoners went hunting. About dusk they brought in their game,—venison, turkeys, birds; or whatever they could get. After feasting they lay down. This method lasted tilt they had crossed the 114 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. Allegheny River, when it appears that after that they could not get so much as even a squirrel. Thence they began to suffer much from hunger ; at one time for three days and three nights they had nothing to eat except the rind or under bark of the young chestnut, which they took off the saplings with their tomahawks, and which they themselves ate of, and of which they offered their prisoners. Clifford said he could not eat it, when the consolatory reply he got was, "Ah, you fool ; you die." When they had got to this state they sent two runners ahead of the main body, when, on the third day, they were met by a number of Indians, both men and squaws, who fetched plenty of beans, hominy, and dried venison. They gave the prisoners as much as they themselves took. The Indians then divided into two parties, and Clifford was taken to one town and Maharg to another. Those who took Maharg treated him with the greatest cruelty, but this cruelty was no doubt the expression of their disgust or contempt for one who grieved at his captivity, on the same principle that white men are always more unkind to the unfortunate. They made him run the gauntlet, when they all but killed him after he had fallen before reaching the end of the line. He was so badly beaten that he never perfectly recovered from the effects of their treatment, and bore their marks on his body when he was laid in the grave. Clifford fared better. He had been from the first under the guardianship of a particular Indian, who was called his master. After he had traveled a few days without a shirt, his master, opening his heart and his sack, gave Clifford a shirt and an old hat. The shirt was covered with blood and had two bullet= holes in it. The master also showed him a marked kindness; for Clifford, before he was taken, had been clearing among the bushes and had scratched his instep, and the wound with his traveling had swollen and was much inflamed. One evening after camping he showed the foot to his master and explained how he got it. The Indian listening looked attentively at it, and without saying anything took his tomahawk, and going to a wild cherry-tree took off some bark, which he put into a kettle and of which he made a syrup. With the liquid he bathed the foot, and after laying the boiled bark upon the wound bound it up. It speedily allayed the swelling, and relieved him of the pain. The Indians kept Clifford about six weeks, when they delivered him to the British at Montreal. During the time he was with them he had an opportunity of seeing how they lived, and of observing closely their curious manners ; and being happily gifted with the faculty of telling understandingly of what he had perceived, his narrative was of some information. One of the most striking sights he witnessed among them was that of three or four prisoners running the gauntlet, one of whom was killed. At another time, when a horse which had kicked a lad was shot by the father of the boy, each of the bystanders took a. piece of the raw meat, which, eating, they called very good. When at length Clifford was taken to Montreal he shared better than most of the prisoners by getting in favor with an officer of the garrison. While he was there he met Flack, whom, as related, he furnished with the pocket compass, by which he traced his way back home. Clifford remained at Montreal till he was exchanged, about two years and a half after he was taken there, the whole time of his captivity being very near three years. After he was exchanged he returned to his farm in the valley, where he resided until his death. He lived to a good old age, and died . respected by all who knew him. He is buried in the Fairfield or Old White Church graveyard, one among the oldest burying-grounds in the valley. The next incident preserved from the mass of fabulous and exaggerated stories which we credit sufficiently to insert as authentic and verified is that of James Clifford shooting the Indian. James Clifford, a son of Charles Clifford, one morning, most likely in 1778, went out from the fort, as was his custom, to shoot game. The young man had trained up two young dogs, one of whom he called Whig, the other Tory. Whig proved good for nothing, but Tory developed wonderful sagacity. It is said he had Tory so well trained that he would follow at his heels for a whole day and not go off till bidden. On this morning Clifford was walking along on a cow. path, when his dog Tory, contrary to habit, ran is front of his master and began to snarl and whine. Clifford knew that something was wrong, but he continued to advance in as cool a manner as possible, but sharply on the lookout. In front of him in his way was a large tree with thick bushes about its stem, behind which he espied an Indian, who, crouching down, was waiting for him to come nearer. He instinctively knew that if he ran back he would be shot at. So he went forward in an unconcerned kind of way, and as he was doing so fetched his rifle down by his side, cocking it. When he had got the first glimpse of the Indian's body he quickly fired. Then he turned and ran, escaping into the fort, while his father and Capt. Shannon were talking about the noise of the gune The captain lost no time in starting out with a party of fifteen or twenty men to get the body of the Indian if he was killed, or to follow his tracks if he had made off. They did not find him, but they tracked the course he had taken by the blood dropping on the ground, and found on the path corks of twisted leaves, which had been forced into the wound to stop the flow of blood. It was supposed he died within a short time, and that his body was carried off by others who were with him and not far distant at the time. This would be confirmed by a reputed conversation some time after between some renegade white man 1 who 1 This man was said to be Girty. If the man really told Knox he was Girty, he in all probability was some one who feigned that distinguished UPPER LIGONIER VALLEY DURING THE REVOLUTION - 115 had come to the valley and Robert Knox, Sr., in which the stranger asked who it was that killed the Indian, when Knox said it was one of the neighbor boys.. The following also is of reliable authenticity : On a spring morning in May or June, 1778 or 17744, a party of five left the fort for the hill across the Loyalhanna. The glorious weather and the time of year made the confinement of the fort and the boring cabins tiresome, and they forgot their clanged in the eagerness with which they climbed the hill which rises up from the stream, and which was then covered with fields of growing flax. The party were a brother and sister Means, a brother and sister Reed, and Col. William McDowell. The colonel was on horseback, and all the men had their rifles with them They were all going together, and had ascended the hill, when they were fired upon by some Indians lying behind a log. Young Means fell dead, Reed was shot, but ran say twenty rods, and then fell dead. McDowell and Miss Reed made for the fort with the Indians following them. The colonel slackened his horse for the girl, who as she ran along by the side of the horse reached up her hand, which he took, and be lifted her up behind him. The Indians overtook Miss Means, who was stricken with terror, and her thy tomahawked and scalped. A rifle-bullet struck the stock of McDowell's gun, and from the glancing ball he carried a hand-wound all his life. Miss Reed alone escaped unhurt. When the whites went from the fort to get the bodies they found those who were killed lying not far apart, the brother and sister Means near together, both of them scalped, but, strange to say, Reed was not scalped: These instances will, we think, answer our purpose. 'There are innumerable other captivities and murders, the account of which, as happening round the fort, have been preserved by common report, but we have considered them to be of such a character as would by the repetition be neither interesting nor illustrative. The general situation about these times we have alluded to before, and will have occasion to allude to again. Around the old fort and all through the valley instances like these were common till the end of the Revolution, and in the northern part the people were visited by warlike bands even after the defeat of Harmar and of St. Clair. personage. After that war Simon set too high a value on his head to risk it smong the people of Ligonier Valley or of any other part of Westmoreland. CHAPTER XXIII. UPPER LIGONIER VALLEY DURING THE REVOLUTION. The upper Part of Ligonier Valley—Remains of the Old Indian Fort—The Early Settlers here: the Harmans, Gays, and others—Williams' Block-House the Place of Refuge for these Early Settlers— Different Murders and Captures in this Region—Indians capture Andrew and John Harman along the Four-Mile Rnn—They kill one of a Neighbor's Horses and take Another— They watch the Cabin and her the Mother calling the Boys—Carry the Boys towards the North—John Dies—After trying to freeze Andy to Death, and Failing in other ways to kill him, he at lag is trained up with a Chief's Son-He is adopted by that Tribe, the Senecas—Lives with them some Years —Is parted with for a Bottle of Rum to an English Officer—Taken to London as a Servant—After the Peace In 1783 comes Home, after they bad long thought him Dead—His Account of their Ways of Forming, of Hunting, and of Fighting, with several Anecdotes of his relating —Capture of Jacob Nicely by the Cornplanters—He is raised and adopted by them—Marries It Squaw and Dies among Father visits him before his Death. IN the upper part of the valley the inhabitants, from along Indian Creek, about where now is Donegal, and from down the Four-Mile Run, had erected, as we have observed, a block-house on the place of a man named Williams, which they called Fort Williams. This was along the bottom of the Four-Mile, and the place is nearly midway between Stahlstown and Donegal. During the Revolution this blockhouse was a point to which the settlers gathered, and when there appeared to be no more danger they went forth again, took down the bars from the low-swung doors, gathered their strayed cattle, and furrowed out a little patch for corn or potatoes. Among the earliest settlers in that pare of the valley were the Hayses, the Williamses, and the Harmans. Some of the settlers in this part had come in in 1767 and 1768, and were of those few who first looked upon the remains of that singular structure which dates back to a prehistoric age. The remains of the Indian fort, as it was called, were still visible forty years ago ; it was, no doubt, but a burial-place of some of that race which, antiquarians say, followed or were coetaneous or identical with the historic mound-builders of the Mississippi Valley. The chief evidence of the existence of those people here is drawn from their mural remains; and the plow., share has turned up the bones and buried arms and trinkets from their stone crypts. The Harmans were perhaps among those who had settled in violation of the laws of the Province, occasioned by the technical quibble as to the rights of property in the ancient lords of the soil. Here among rocks and beasts, and half hidden from the savages and from the light, the elder Harman, an emigrant from Germany, with his grubbing-hoe and rifle, built a hut against a rock, covered it with bark, and began a clearing. Some of those who came at that time saw no other white face than belonged to their own family for more than a year at a time, and often lived for a season on the greens growing in their "stony" garden, and on berries from the woods. When more 116 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. settlers came in, the settlements from each end of the valley began to meet ; but the times were, if anything, growing worse. Then came a time when they were continuously watching and fighting. For the greater part of several. years in the middle of the war the helpless children and some of the women were left in the block-houses or at stronger cabins away. In the winter the homes were deserted, and when a family was murdered and a cabin burnt, all flocked into the forts, till the hunters, like the dove of the ark, returning, brought word that the waters were subsiding. The old man Harman, with three or four of his neighbors, as we have seen, was about 1777 killed when coming from the lower part of the valley. These were all buried where they fell but one, who, after he was shot, threw his arms about his horse's neck that the horse might carry him off out of the reach of the savages. They did not get the scalp of this settler, but he was found dead with his horse standing near him. The Indians took the horses of the others. The families can point out the graves of these buried men at this day. The widow of Harman was left on the clearing of her husband, now a beautifully lying bottom-land along the creek, where the Laurel Run flows into it, on the main road from Greensburg to Somerset by way of Stahlstown. Then deadened trees stood through the little spots cleared, and stumps and piles of rocks were over more than half the ground. She had three boys,—Andrew, the eldest, fourteen years, and John and Philip. The widow and her children had been at the block-house, and when the spring opened she came back to the cabin with 'them. One morning the widow heard or saw some neighbor's horses in the lot down next the curve of the stream, and she sent the two oldest boys out to drive them off. From behind the upturned roots of a large tree which the water had washed and the storm had blown out there were three Indians watching. These were but a little way off the great Catawba trail running through the valley, and they were on their way northward. They lay in wait watching, and the boys came down directly towards them. When these were near enough the Indians jumped out and readily captured John, but Andy ran back towards the house as fast as he could. He was followed by one of the red men, and hearing him coming up close, he turned and saw the tomahawk as it glistened in the Indian's hand over his head. Andy threw his hands across his eyes to shut out the sight, expecting on a sudden the tomahawk in his head. The Indian secured him without hurting, took him back to John, and as they could talk a little English, told them not to call or make a noise or they would be killed. The Indians took the boys, and climbing up the steep hill back of the creek, got to a place from which they could see the cabin and the mother near it, and from where they heard her calling the boys. They dared not answer; and the Indians asked them if there were any men at the cabin. Andy said there were, but there was not. They would have attacked the cabin, pillaged it, and scalped the mother if they had known that she was unguarded. At length they left, and in a lot upon the hill near came upon a horse and mare belonging to a man named Johnson, a neighboring settler. They secured the young horse, but the mare being heavy with foal, and of no use to them, they cut her throat. They loaded the horse with some pelfry which they had along, noticeably a camp-kettle which they used for boiling their meat in when they had any. They began their journey, and on the same day killed a doe. Of the entrails of the doe they made a soup. Andy said he was afraid they would offer some of the broth to him and his brother, but, on the contrary, they reserved this for themselves, eating every morsel with avidity and relish. They cooked over the coals some of the flesh of the deer, which they gave the boys. The first night they lay out on the Ridge not far from Fort Ligonier ; they were near enough to hear a noise there, to which. the Indians cautiously listened. They gave the boys a deer-skin to lie down on, and made moccasins for their feet out of the same material, for they were in their bare feet, and had left their tracks with those of the Indians in the sand along the creek when they were taken. These Indians had with them some things which had belonged to the whites, and among these was seen a leather wallet. The boys thought they recognized it, and asked them some questions, or at least showed their curiosity. The Indian who had it then asked Andy if he knew it, and Andy said he did not. The Indian said he got it from a little old Dutchman they had killed the last year in the valley. It was the pocket-wallet of their father, and one of these, at least, was of the party which had waited for the whites and killed them. When they came to the upper waters of the Susquehanna, which lay in their way, they had some difficulty in crossing. They had a canoe, but only one of them could work it, and in swimming their horse and in the care of the canoe it happened that the boys were left on the one side together with the guns. Andrew said that they might have shot the Indians from where they were then, and perhaps have made their escape, if they had had the presence of mind to do so, but they did not think of it at the time, and of course made no effort. They at length got to the town of the Senecas, or Cornplanters, as they were called, from the name of a prominent chieftain best known to the whites. This tribe at an early day had many among them who could talk in broken English. They were now under the influence of the British, but remaining on lands reserved by the Commonwealth to ,their use, their descendants became partly civilized, and Cornplanter, then a young chief, lived among them, and died at an exceeding great age, a friend of the whites. At that UPPER LIGONIER VALLEY DURING THE REVOLUTION - 117 time there were many white captives among them. The following summer John, the younger of the two, died of a summer complaint which took off many others, both red men and whites. Andrew appears to have been one of the fortunate ones. He was taken by a chieftain or prominent man of the nation—some saying by Cornplanter himself—and kept in his family, in which there was a young Indian of about his own age, and these became companions. The Indians; trying to call Andy by his English name, called him " Andus," the name he went by among them altogether. Being young and pliable, and having been brought up hardily, he easily fell into the habits and ways of the Indians, and was treated by them as of their own. His family by adoption and some who liked him would not allow him to be ill treated or abused by the selfish ones. It was during the second year of his captivity that the attack was made upon the villages and cornfields of the tribes along the Allegheny by Brodhead and others who led out the expeditions of that year from Westmoreland. This occurring in the early part of a severe season caused that improvident people much suffering. At one time, possibly late in the long winter of 1780, they were totally without provisions; and as the snow was deep and the weather severe, they had poor opportunity to get game. " Andus" was kept with them, and he was one more mouth to feed. They could not well dispose of him at the time, and they did not want openly to kill him. But his master wanted to get him out of the way in a manner unknown and unsuspected. One day, therefore, with this object uppermost, he sent his boy, the comrade of Andy, and Andy himself down the river on the frozen ice to another Indian town for corn. The chief was talking with his boy before they started, and Andy heard him say that when they should come to a thin place in the ice, or an air-hole, to thrust Andus in. Andy asked him what he had said, and the chief replied he was telling the boy to put down an old dog which they had and which followed them about. Andy was on his watch, but the young warrior did not make any attempt to do as he was bidden. At another time not far from this he was with his master himself hunting. They were very successful, for the man killed three deer and carried them to a place together before he quit. He then, towards the night, and at a distance away, gathered up one which he had skinned, and took it upon his back to carry it to camp, leaving Andus with the others, and telling him that he would be back soon. It was bitter cold. Andy wrapped himself in the deer-skins, the deer having been placed out of the reach of wolves, and fell asleep. He slept soundly, and in the morning was awakened by the master kicking against him, expecting to find him frozen dead. But under the snow Andus was safe. After that, Harman said, he thought they had made up their mind to treat him as themselves, and not to kill him. He said likewise that there was one of the Indians of that tribe who was something of a gardener, and that he always had the earliest squashes and cucumbers " in the market." Squashes, it would appear, was this epicure's favorite dish. Andus, too, was fond of them, and the early ones would be a change of diet. So in the dusk of the evening, when the gardener was in bed, Andus went to the patch, and pulling up a mess brought them to the fire and covered them up in the coals. He expected to get up in the morning before any of the others and make his breakfast on them. But man proposes, and so forth ; and while Andus slept a dog scratched out the squashes, and being a vegetarian feasted. When Andy got awake he saw the rinds lying about among the ashes and trampled upon. He picked out what he well could to keep them from the sight of the Indian. Nothing was said of it. The gardener soon, however, called Andus to him, having before the fire a nice heap of the forbidden fruit. He asked Andus if he liked squashes, who said he did. He told him to help him cook them. They were all prepared, the fire ready, and they were put on to cook. Andy did not suspect anything, but when he was engaged stooping about the fire, the squashes nearly done, the. Arcadian jumped upon his back, cudgeled him, grabbed him by the throat, and throwing him upon the ground choked and beat him so unmercifully that other ones interfered. With difficulty Andus got away, but he lay for a time almost dead. He said that the resentment of his master and some of the others was so great that if he had died under the beating he believes they would have killed the gardener. And Andus did not wait for the squashes. Andrew being young when he was captured, and being surrounded all the time by the red men, the knowledge of his home and relatives gradually became dimmer. He became in speech, in manner, and in habit an Indian. With them he feasted, hungered, fished, hunted. He remained with them for somewhat above two years, when he was traded to a British officer. The market perhaps being dull, and the Indian impecunious, his price was a bottle of " lum," the name by which they pronounced rum. By this officer he was carried to England, and remained in London for about two fears. Then the peace occurring he was exchanged with other prisoners and allowed to go at large. He left the vessel at New York and found his way back to Ligonier Valley. His mother was still living. He entered her cabin, and a woman who happened to be at the house of Widow Harman on that day related long after the scene which she then witnessed. The old mother, after recognizing her long-lost child, her eldest born, for whom she had for years given up the hope that he was walking among mortals, and who now stepped out, as it were, from the dead, seeing, she uttered a long shriek and fell into the arms of her boy. Her joy, mingled with grief, could not be con- 118 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. trolled. In the words of the aged narrator, "she might have been washed in her tears." The news flew fast that little Andy Harman, who had been carried off years ago, was now in his mother's house. On the next Sunday the lowly cabin was crowded the livelong day. From up and down the valley, from the cabins built like aeries on the rocks of the hills, men and boys and women came. The mother and her son, who now took his father's place, lived long together. Andrew Harman, following his early habit of life, was content to pass most of his time in the woods. He was known as one of the best hunters in the whole region. He attended the numerous parties at wood-choppings and clearings, and it was his delight, and the delight of the boys to have him do so, to imitate the wild red men in their war-dances. He would tie a blanket about his head, and taking a tomahawk in one hand and a butcher-knife in the other, would dance and yell and sing to the music of the violin, and at every distortion of his body strike the hatchet and knife till the sparks flew. He could not bear to have the Indians talked badly of. He always took their part, and it is said that he even longed to escape from civilization and rove a half-savage, living as they lived. It is not at all unreasonable, for all experience teaches that it is easier to make an Indian of a white man than a white man of an Indian. In his gait, his style in the woods, in his idioms and gestures one might discern the effect of the habit which makes second nature. These habits themselves remained with him till he died. He was, off and on, always in the woods till infirmity consequent on old age compelled him to take his last bed. We may also notice that Jacob Nicely, p. little child; son of Adam Nicely, a resident on the Four-Mile Run not fir from the Loyalhanna, was taken by a squad of those Seneca Indians, but at a time somewhat later, perhaps not earlier than 1791. He was watched by them when he was going from the house, where he had got a light-cake from his mother, to the other children, who were picking berries in the meadow. The children reported of his capture, and the party was followed beyond the Kiskiminetas, but without avail. He had been gone so long that his parents and their friends never expected even to hear of him. Jakey, as the people always spoke of him, was about five years old when taken. He was raised by them and adopted into the tribe. He forgot almost everything about the whites, and could not pronounce his own name when he had heard it. Many years after, when all was peace, a person from the valley, recognizing a similarity between the features and build of this man and a brother, made inquiry, and found that he was an adopted white, and had been carried from Ligonier Valley. This was reported to the father, Adam Nicely, who after weeks of preparation started, about 1828, to see Jakey before lie died, for he was now in old age. The mother, too, was still alive. The old gentleman made the journey in safety, and met and lodged with his boy, now to all intents an Indian. He had grown to manhood, had a squaw for a wife, was raising a family, and had abundance of horses, some land, and plenty of hunting and fishing "tools." The old man returned, and "Jakey" promised him to come in the following year to see his mother. He gave his father a rifle for a keepsake, and accompanied him for some distance on his way back. Jakey did not come in as he promised, and they never heard more of him. When the father spoke of him, "his Jakey," tears always filled his eyes. But the motherly yearning of the mother ceased for her idol of a boy only when they laid her whitened head on its earthly pillow to its last and sweetest sleep. CHAPTER XXIV. CAPTAIN BRADY AND HIS EXPLOITS. Capt. Samuel Brady, the Hero of Western Pennsylvania, is stationed at Pittsburgh in Col. Brodhead's Regiment —When his Family is murdered be swears to wage a War against the Indians long is he lives—He le sent to Sandusky to get Information for the Commander-in-Chief —He gets within sight of the Town and watches the Indians all Day—On his way back he kills a Warrior, and saves Jenny Stupes and her Child —His Companion, the Dutchman Phouts, and his pet Delaware—He and the Dutchman go up the Allegheny to get some News—They follow an Indian Trail—They capture an old Indian who fries to kill Photos, but who is killed by him—Brady as Captain of the Rangers—Battle of Brady's Bend—Brady kills the Bald Eagle, who had killed his Relatives—Brady watches in the French Creek Country—He and his Men pursue a Returning Patty of Indians—Brady's Leap—He follows up a Party which had entered the Sewickley Settlement— His Men attack a Party Of Worriers and rout them—His Adventures with Wetzel and the Spies after the General War, as well as all others which have been substantiated or corroborated by Concurrent Accounts. WE come now to take notice of the services of a man who attained great reputation for his acts of bravery and heroism, and who during many years was regarded as the guardian of the border of Westmoreland on the northwest. When, as the savages seemed to increase the more that were killed, when defeat followed defeat, when they had been emboldened, with the nature of the wolf, by success, then, when the men were out on some expedition or serving a term in the army, many a woman quieted the fears of the little ones by telling them that Capt. Brady and his rangers watched the Allegheny River between them and the country of the Indians, over which the red men could not cross while he was there. Brady was to our frontier what Boone was to the frontier of Kentucky, and what Kit Carson was to the California emigrants in the days of the Argonauts. He was the hero of West. ern Pennsylvania. Samuel Brady was born at Shippensburg in 1758. In 1775, during the Revolution, he went from the West Fork of the Susquehanna with a company to Boston, where he at his young age displayed on sev eral occasions that coolness and decision which card him safely through many adventures, and which CAPTAIN BRADY AND HIS EXPLOITS - 119 helped him to win a fame as enduring as the annals of our Commonwealth, or as the history of the Indian race. In 1776 he was appointed lieutenant in a company raised in Lancaster County ; and after the battle of Monmouth he was promoted to a captaincy, and ordered with Gen. Brodhead to the headquarters of the West, then Pittsburgh. Brady in the mean time was stopping with his father, who himself was a captain in the Continental army, and who having been wounded at Brandywine was at home. While here he heard of the death of one of his brothers at the bands of the Indians. He stayed with his father till the beginning of 1779, when he joined his regiment at Pittsburgh. While here, not long after he came, he heard of the death of his father, who had been murdered in a horrible massacre by the Indians in April, 1779. When the sufferings of his relatives, especially the delirium and intense agony of his younger brother in dying, came to his knowledge, he was so filled with anguish and a longing for revenge that, it is said, he raised his hand towards heaven, and swore "he would revenge the death of these, and never while he lived he at peace with the Indians of any tribe." And he never altered his mind. In 1780, while Col. Brodhead was in command at Fort Pitt, the country north and west of the Ohio and Allegheny was in the possession of the Indians, and when information came to Gen. Washington concerning the plans of the British agents and the intentions of the Indians, he wrote to Brodhead to select a suitable officer and dispatch him to Sandusky to examine the place and ascertain the force of the British and Indians assembled there, in order that preparations could be made against attacks expected from that point. Brodhead sent for Brady, whom he knew, and showed him the letter and a draught of the country. The appointment was accepted, and in May, 1780, Brady, with four Chickasaw Indians as guides and a few soldiers, began his march. He was dressed as an Indian warrior, and with the utmost secrecy he led his band in safety to near the Sandusky towns without seeing a hostile savage. The night before they came to the towns he saw a fire, and approaching found two squaws reposing beside it. He passed them by without harming. Getting now into intimate connection with the enemy, his Chickasaws deserted him, but he proceeded with the rest, and went on till he came to the river upon which the principal town stood. Here he concealed his men, and when this was done he selected one man as his companion, and this one remained with him in nearly all his future adventures. The two waded the river to an island partially concealed, where they remained till the night. The next morning a heavy fog lay ever the land till the sun, towards the middle of the day, dissipated it, when the first sight observed was a vast body of Indians—they say several thousand—intensely interested in running or racing horses which they had captured from the Kentuckians, upon whom they had just made a reprisal. Brady noticed particularly a fine gray horse which beat everything against him. They kept the diversion up till towards evening, the gray still the victor of the turf, till when two mounted him at once he was first vanquished in the race. Brady made all the observations he could daring the day; at night he crossed from the island, collected his men, went to the Indian camp he had passed on his way out, and taking the squaws prisoners began his march back. The distance being longer than he had expected, the provisions and ammunition were exhausted. Brady shot an otter, but they could not eat it. They stopped at an old Indian encampment, where they found plenty of strawberries, which they ate and satisfied their hunger. They here saw a deer-track, and Brady, telling his men that he might get a shot at it, followed it. He had gone but a few yards when he saw the deer standing with its side towards him. The last load was in his rifle. When he pulled time trigger the powder flashed in the pan, and he had no more powder. He sat down, picked at the touchhole, and started on. He was on a path which, at a short distance, made a bend ; here he saw an Indian approaching on horseback, with a child hefore him and its mother behind, and some warriors marching in the rear. He thought of shooting the Indian, but as he raised the gun he observed that the child's head lolled with the motion of the horse. He saw also that it was sleeping and tied to the Indian. He stepped behind the roots of a tree, awaiting a chance to shoot the Indian without danger to the child or its mother. When he had a chance he fired. The Indian fell to the ground, and the child and woman with him. Brady at the instant yelled to his men to surround the Indians; he himself jumped for the dead Indian's powder-horn, but he could. not pull it off. The woman, from his dress and from his Indian yell, taking him for an Indian, said, " Why did you shoot your brother?" He disentangled the child and caught it up as he said, " I am Capt. Brady, Jenny Stupes ; follow me." He caught her by the hand, and, with the child under his other arm, pulled her along into the woods. They were fired at but not harmed, and the Indians, fearing the approach of the whites, scattered and took to cover. They were, however, in no danger from these, for the men, having no ammunition, on the cry of the captain, themselves fearing massacre, ran away, and the squaws whom he had brought thus far from their camp near the towns, availing themselves of the hubbub, escaped. The men came into Fort McIntosh (Beaver) before the captain, who got in with the woman and child the next day. Brady being desirous to see the savage he had shot, the officer in command sent out some men with him, and they went to search for the body. They were about quitting the place without finding it, when he heard the yell of his pet Indian, and following it up 120 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. they came to the grave of the warrior, which the pet had discovered by the withered bushes. For when Brady had left, the companions of the shot Indian picking the body up, carried it to some distance, and laying it in a shallow grave, had neatly replaced sods and grasses upon it, and in the fresh earth stuck green boughs. They did this to hide the grave, but it led to its discovery ; for the branches and leaves had withered, and it was this which, showing in the little glade, caught the sight of the tame Indian. Removing the shallow earth, they found the dead brave lying with his arms and trinkets ready, to as limited an extent as their commissary department would admit, to lift the hair-lock and slap the bloody scalp of the darling habe over the face of the weeping pale-faced mother in the eternal dreams of the ghostly spirit land. But his arms and ammunition and the foolish trinkets were taken, from him, the twenty-four hours' buried skull was scalped for the trophy, as the boy nails the tails of muskrats to a post to keep count, and the body was again covered with its kindred earth. Another incident connected with this expedition appears to be worthy of remembrance, being recorded as it was by one who had it, as well as the account of most of the other sallies of this Indian knight errant, from those who had the best opportunities of knowing. This came from the mouth of Capt. Brady himself. After taking the squaws and commencing their homeward march, he took advantage of every precaution to elude pursuit, keeping, for instance, upon the dryest ridges, and walking over logs and rocks wherever he could. However, he discovered that he was followed, for at several times he saw in the distance an Indian hopping from one tree to another, and then disappearing. He concluded that he could not be followed thus by the sagacity of the Indians alone, but that they were led by a dog which tracked him and his party. He told his men then to go on while he secreted himself among the roots of a chestnut-tree which had fallen down, after walking on the bole of the tree towards the east. He was not long there when a little slut came up to the log at the farther end ; she mounted the log, and came toward him, snuffing the track. Not far behind came an Indian. There was a choice now to shoot either the dog or the warrior. Brady chose to shoot the first. He shot the slut and she rolled over dead, and the warrior with a loud whoop sprang into the woods. The party was molested no further by these. Col. Brodhead had given up the expectation of seeing Capt. Brady again ; for, in the first place, the distance was much farther to the towns than it was marked on the chart and currently reported, and of course more time was required in accomplishing the result; and, in the next place, the Chickasaws, who had on going out deserted him, coming back to Pittsburgh, reported that the party had been cut off by Indians before they got to Sandusky. Brady, however, in time came in, and going up the river he was received with military honors. Minute-guns were fired from the time he came in sight till he landed. Not long after Brady had returned from his Sandusky expedition and made his report, he was observed one evening sitting alone near the barracks in a kind of reverie. He was given to such spells, and would sit brooding for hours together. His temperament either partook of a melancholy Ulm, or else the great sufferings of unknown and unexpressed passions or griefs slumbered within him. There was at this time about the garrison a Dutchman by the name of Phouts, who was a great Indian-fighter, very brave, something of a backwoodsman, and who looked upon a redskin much as an inhabitant of the Chestnut Ridge would look upon a copperhead. His disposition otherwise partook of kindness, and being credulous he was also sympathetic. Phouts had a great regard for the captain, and noticing him in his dejection, his good heart was grieved at the signs of thought and care plainly visible in his countenance. Approaching him, in the best English of which he was master, he soothingly asked the " gabtan" what ailed him. Brady looked at Phouts for a short time without speaking ; he then appeared to be at himself, and said he had been' thinking about the redskins, and in his opinion there were some of them above on the river ; that he had a mind to visit them, and in the end asked Phouts whether, if he should get the permission of the commandant, he would go. along. This was what Phouts above everything else desired, and when Brady was done speaking, he raised himself upon his tip-toes, and bringing his heels down to the ground together, said, " by dunder and lightnin'," he would rather go with the captain than to the finest wedding in the country. Brady told him to keep quiet about it, not to tell anybody, that none must know of it but the colonel, and that he should call at his tent in an hour. The captain then went to the colonel's headquarters, and disclosed to him his project. It met with the approbation of the commandant, and as any information from the troublesome part of the country about the Allegheny was always acceptable, the captain had his permission to control the actions of the man or men whom he should take along. When Brady came back to his tent he found his friend there talking with a pet Indian. He told him of his success, and said that as it was early in the moon, and they must take advantage of the nights before they should grow brighter, they would start betimes early the next morning. They immediately went to work to clean their guns, and having prepared ammunition and secured a little salt in a bag, they lay down to sleep. Brady awoke first, and stirring Phouts they started from the town. This was about two hours before daybreak. They were soon in a wood never traveled by either of them before. They kept along the river till near night, when they came to a creek which flowed in oil the Pittsburgh side. CAPTAIN BRADY AND HIS EXPLOITS - 121 They had no provisions along, And concluded first to get something and to remain for the night. Phouts built a fire; and after covering it with leaves, they started up the creek for game. Not far up they came to a lick. Two deer came in soon after, and Phouts shooting one of them, they skinned part of it, and took it back to camp, and during the night jerked some of the rest of it for future use. What remained with the skin on they hung in the branches of a tree, intending to take it on their way home should they get safely back. The next morning they started early and traveled all day. In the evening they espied a flock of crows hovering above the tree-tops along the river-bank at a distance. Brady said there were either Indians about, or else there was a camp near of some companies which were expected at Pittsburgh from about the Susquehanna. Phouts wanted to go and see for themselves, but Brady said that they would wait till night set in, when fires would be made by the party, whoever they were. They then hid among fallen timber and remained till about ten o'clock at night. Seeing no fire, Brady concluded that a hill or thick wood intervened between them. They decided to go and ascertain the facts. They went cautiously toward the river-bank, and had gone not more than two hundred yards when they observed, on their right, a twinkling fire. At first they thought that the river there made a short bend, but on proceeding they found another stream, which flowed into the river, no doubt the Kiskiminetas. Brady now wanted to go himself, but Phouts wished to go along. With great care they approached the fire together. They judged from appearance that it was an Indian camp, and much too large for them to attack ; but, determined to find out all, they approached very near to the fire, and in the low glimmer of the light saw an old Indian sitting beside a tree, either mending or making a pair of moccasins. Phouts, who never thought of danger or of consequences, was for shooting the Indian, but Brady prevented him. After a careful examination the captain concluded that although the camp had been made by a large body, yet that most of them were away. In the morning they would know more, and taking the Dutchman he retired into the woods to await the day. When daylight appeared they returned to the camp, but saw nothing but the old Indian, a dog, and a horse. Brady was not satisfied yet, and so he kept at a distance from the camp, circled round, and got on the bank of the river above it. Here he found the trail of a large body of Indians, who had gone up the Allegheny, to his judgment, about two days before. He then concluded on going back and capturing the Indian there: He determined to seize the old man alive, fearing that either he might shoot if disturbed, or that if he should himself fire, the report of the gun would alarm any Indians in the neighborhood and bring them down upon them. This he told to his companion, and they again cautiously approached the place. When they came near enough to perceive, the Indian was lying 'on his back with his head towards them. Phouts was ordered to remain where he was, and not to fire unless the dog made an effort to assist his master ; the rest was left to Brady. The plan arranged, Brady dropped his rifle, and taking his tomahawk in his hand crept along the ground towards the Indian. He wormed himself along snakelike till he was within a step or two, when she raised himself up ; with a yell he made a spring, and had the old man fast by the throat. The struggling of the Indian did not avail ; Brady had his tomahawk over his head ; the dog behaved civilly towards the strangers ; Phouts came up and they tied the prisoner. They found Nothing of value in the camp but some powder and "lead, which they threw into the river. When the Indian was told that they intended to take him with them to Pittsburgh he showed them where there was a canoe. They got it, and taking the dog and captive along, floated down the river. They stopped at their camping-place coming up, for Brady had left his wiping-rod there. They made a fire and went to sleep. At daylight the captain started for where they had left their jerk to have some to eat, leaving Phouts in charge of the prisoner and canoe. These were not long together till the Indian complained to the Dutchman that the cords on his wrist hurt him. The Dutchman with kindness took off the cords, and the Indian appeared to be grateful. Phouts had left his gun standing against a tree, and soon after was busy doing something about the camp. The Indian, seeing his chance when Phouts was not looking, sprang for the gun and had it cocked in an instant. When the Dutchman looked around he saw the muzzle of the gun at his breast. He, in turn, sprang for the Indian with a Dutch whoop. The Indian fired, and the bullet took along with it part of the belt of his loving comrade's shot-pouch. The Dutchman, with one stroke of his tomahawk, almost severed the head from the body. Brady, hearing the report of the rifle and the yell of Phouts, ran back to the camp, and found the Dutchman sitting upon the body of the dead Indian examining the mutilated shot-pouch. Brady, with surprise, asked him what he had been doing, when the Dutchman held up his belt with the hole in it and said, " Yust look, gabtan, vat dat dam black dog vas apout." He related to Brady what had occurred, and they then taking the scalp of the Indian and his dog, and getting into the canoe, pointed the beak of it down the stream, and arrived at Pittsburgh the fourth day after they had left. Brodhead had been no long time in command till he saw that the only effective way of fighting the Indians was in organizing large bodies, which either penetrated the wilderness for them, pursued them into their haunts, or directed the force of their attacks at places off from the settlements. In the expedition 122 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. under the immediate command of Brodhead himself which about this time went up the river, Capt. Brady had command of the advance-guard, which was left entirely to his management. This force proceeded up the Allegheny, and first arrived at the flat land near the mouth of Redbank Creek without seeing an enemy. This place is now known as Brady's Bend. Brady kept his men at all times some distance in front of the main body of soldiers, acting, as they professed, as pioneers or scouts ; and he had under his immediate control the men identified with him, all Indian hunters and scouts, called rangers, and from being their leader, Brady has been called the captain of the rangers. These being in front, at some distance discovered a war party of Indians approaching. Brady here displayed some knowledge of tactics. Having reliance in the power of the main body of the army to beat the Indians back when they should come together, and also anticipating that the Indians would return on the same route upon which they came up, he therefore hastened to secure a narrow pass higher up the river, where the perpendicular rocks nearly approached the water, and where a few determined men, such as his, might hold their place against a large force. The Indians in a short time encountered the main body under Brodhead, and were driven back. They in swift retreat ran pell-mell to gain the pass between the rocks and the river, through which they had come. The pass was occupied by Brady, and when the flying warriors came up they were received with a destructive fire. They were again broken, and were now forced to take to the river. Many were killed on the bank, and many more in the stream. Some got out of the reach of the bullets by swimming, among whom was Cornplanter, 1 then but a young man. A ludicrous incident occurred. After the Indians were across the river, Brady was standing on the bank wiping out his rifle. An Indian on the opposite side began a conversation with him, in the course of which he called him and his men, in bad English, cowards, squaws, and pappooses, and put his body in such postures and attitudes and made such grimaces as to his notion conveyed the most contempt. When the main body of soldiers came up a canoe was manned, and Brady with a few others crossed to where the Indian had been seen. Finding blood on the ground, they followed it up but a short distance, when the Indian, lying in their way, jumped up. As he did so he struck his breast, saying, " I am a man." He was a wounded warrior, and, to be supposed, wanted to die game. Brady wanted to take him prisoner without harming him. But the Indian continuing to repeat, " I am a man," an Irishman who was along in the party, saying, " Yes, by the howley poker, you're a purthy boy," sunk his tomahawk into the Indian's head before Brady could interpose. 1 We believe the correct name of this chief was Cornplant, but we follow the usage. In this campaign Brady partially avenged the death of his relatives, for along the West Branch of the Susquehanna, the home of the Bradys, Dames, the younger brother of Samuel, had gone with others to the help of a neighbor. They were here attacked by Indians, and the young captain, his brother, having been scalped was left for dead. As he was thus lying, a young boy-warrior in training, at the command of the older ones, struck him four times in the head with a hatchet, each stroke leaving a deep gash. With all this the young scout was taken by a party to the fort. Four days he lay delirious ; on the fifth his reason returned, and before he died he described minutely the whole affair. From his description of the chiefs it was. concluded that the leaders of the party were the Bald Eagle surely, and likely Cornplanter. The Bald Eagle's Nest, as his camp was called, was for a part of the year at the mouth of Bald Eagle Creek,' which empties into the Susquehanna near Great Island. Vengeance was sworn. by the sorrowing settlement against this chief. But the gratification of destroying this curse of the whites was left to Brady himself. On that day, at Brady's Bend, the party of Indians which Brady allowed to go into the trap was a body, perhaps a hUndred, of Senecas on their way to join others at the Bald Eagle's Nest. Cornplanter was in command, and the Eagle himself was along. Brady thought he recognized him that day in the pass, and so he fired at him, but with what effect he did not know. He had a singular curiosity to see the face of every Indian he killed, and what he looked for no one could tell. When the battle was over he searched for the body and found it. The ball had done its work surely ; the Bald Eagle wits dead, killed by the man whose province it appeared to be to do so. The place of the battle bids fair to be known for many cowing years by the name of the avenger. Brodhead was one of the best Indian-fighters stationed at the post at Pittsburgh, and his vigilance kept the Indians for a time in a state of forced Kakission or quietness. The effectiveness of the measures was owing to the employment of the good frontiersmen whom he had constantly about him. Good spies and scouts were kept watching and making report, and be tween regular campaigns this kind of fighting and harassing was of as great benefit to the frontiers as regularly won battles. Capt. Brady with some of his men had at one time the French Creek country as his field of operations. It was while on duty here that in a foray he came into the region about the Slippery Rock Creek, a branch of the Beaver. To here he had come without seeing an Indian or any sign of one. On the evening, however, he came upon a trait, and this he followed till it was too dark to go farther without coming upon the Indians. But early the next morn- ing he pursued and overtook them while they were 2 The ridge in Centre and Huntingdon Counties is called by this name also. CAPTAIN BRADY AND HIS EXPLOITS - 123 about their morning meal. While he was following up with so much energy the party before aim, there was a party of hostile Indians following him with a desire as eager. He had, in the first dawn, made his arrangements, fixed his men, and just as they fired upon the party of Indians eating around their fires, he at the same moment was fired upon by the party in the rear. The alarm brought them all to their feet. He and his men were now between two fires, and were far outnumbered. Two of his party fell, his tomahawk was shot from his side, and the battle yell given by the party in the rear was loudly responded to by those in front. There was, therefore, no time to contemplate, there could be no hesitation, and in their present predicament there was no chance for a successful defense. The rangers had to run for their lives; each ran for himself, and the Indians came in close pursuit. The captain in person was perhaps well known to some of the Indians. He made for the creek. Seeing him going in that direction they felt sure of taking him captive, for they knew the country and he did not. They thought and believed he was going into a trap from which there was no escape: The creek for a considerable distance above and below the point to which he was approaching was washed in its channel to a great depth. In the expectation of catching him there no attention was paid to lhe other scouts, who escaped safely. Throwing away their guns that they might keep near the swift runner, and drawing their hatchets and knives as they ran, the pack pressed forward with eagerness, ready to overpower and seize him. Brady comprehended their object, and saw at a glance his only chance of escape. The Indians were not to take him alive, that was his mind; and for coolness and determination he was well-nigh stoical. He kept his rifle in his hand. He saw the deep waters and the wide gap between the banks. He measured it with his eye, and concentrating his energy and strength in one effort he sprang into the air, cleared the creek, and stood 'on the opposite bank. Then he quickly primed and loaded his rifle, and was not done when a large Indian, the foremost in pursuit, came to the bluff opposite, who, when he saw Brady, was astonished beyond expression, else he would not have said admiringly, as Brady averred he did in tolerably good English, " Blady made good jump." He did not, however, stay to offer congratulation, or to contemplate. the feat of agility, and recovering from the sensation of admiration by seeing the rifle almost loaded, he took to his heels, and ran as crooked as a worm fence, sometimes leaping high, at others suddenly squatting down. He expected every instant a rifle-ball in his back. Brady and his men had a place designated at which they were to meet in case they got separated. When Brady got there he found the other three. They marched back to Pittsburgh, as they said, half defeated. Of the Indians, they had seen three fall at their first fire. Brady was at the place afterward, and ascertained that his leap was about twenty-three feet, and that the water was about twenty feet deep. This is the place which in geographies and in adventures is still called Brady's Leap. 1 It would appear that there were some jealous bickerings among the emulous officers about Pittsburgh on account of the notoriety which Capt. Brady, from numerous acts, was getting. These complained that they were excluded from such honorable service, and an effort was made with Brodhead to allow them to follow up the Indians after one of their next incursions after a plan more consonant with the regular line of service. The commandant made this known to Brady, with whom he was ever on intimate terms. Brady, knowing his own efficiency and the efficiency of his mode of warfare, acquiesced in the proposed change, we may imagine with something of complacency. The opportunity for testing both plans was soon offered. The Indians soon after made one of their accustomed incursions into the Sewickley settlement, committing the most barbarous murders of men, women, and children, and destroying such property wherever they went as they could not carry away. The alarm was brought to Pittsburgh, and a party of soldiers under the officers emulous for a chance was sent out to follow the invaders. Brady was left out. But he must fight somehow, and the day after the detachment had marched he got permission of the colonel to take a small party " on their own hook." At first the solicitation was refused, and it was only after much persevering that the final consent was obtained. He was allowed the command of five men, and to this party he added his pet Indian. He did not move towards Sewickley, as the detachment had done, but crossing the Allegheny at Pittsburgh, he proceeded up the river. He conjectured that the Indians making the incursion had descended the stream in canoes till they were within a convenient distance to strike the settlement, and with this view he carefully examined the mouths of the creeks coming into the river, and particularly from the southeast. At the mouth of Big Mahoning, about six miles above Kittanning, the canoes. were seen drawn up on the western bank. This was enough, and he returned down the river and awaited for the night. When it was dark he made a raft, and crossed to the Kittanning side. He proceeded up the creek, and found that the Indians in the mean time had crossed the creek, as their canoes were seen drawn up on the opposite or upper bank. The country about the mouth of the Mahoning on all sides is rough and mountainous. The stream was then high and rapid. Several attempts were made to wade it, and this was at length done three or four miles above the canoes. They made a fire to dry their clothing, and inspected their 1 Slippery Bock is In Butler County. 124 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. arms. They then moved for the camp of the Indians, which was made on the second bank of the stream. Brady placed his men on the lower bank. The Indians having brought a fine horse from Sewickley, he was fettered and turned to pasture on this lower bank ; and an Indian coming frequently down to him occasioned the party there much annoying trouble. It seemed that the horse, too, wanted to keep their company, and they had to be circumspect in avoiding each. Brady was so provoked that he had a mind to tomahawk the Indian, but reflecting on the possible consequence, his judgment prevailed over his temper. At length the Indians seemed to be quiet, and Brady determined to pay them a closer visit. He and his pet Indian by his side wormed themselves along the ground till they got quite close to their fires. They were lying asleep. The pet here gave his hair a pluck, which was a sign to retire, for they did not dare to speak to each other. The captain was regardless of danger in his curiosity, but the Indian retired. Having closely inspected the situation, Brady returned, and after posting his men, awaited in silence the approach of day. When the day broke the Indians arose and stood round their fires. At a signal given seven rifles cracked and five Indians fell dead. Brady's war-cry next broke on the air, and his party were among the wounded and dying. The guns of the Indians being empty, some were secured without resistance. The rest of the Indians fled and disappeared in the wood. One was followed by the track of blood, the flow of which, at some distance, he seemed to have stanched. The pet Indian imitating the cry of a young wolf was answered by the wounded man, and the pursuit was renewed. The wolf cry was given a second• time and answered, and the pursuit continued into a windfall. Here, he must have espied his pursuers, for he was answered no more. Brady found his remains three weeks after, being led to the place by ravens preying on the carcass. The horse was unfettered, the plunder gathered, and the party commenced their return to Pittsburgh, some of them descending in the canoes of the Indians. Three days after their return the first detachment came in. They reported that they had followed the Indians closely, but that the latter had got into their canoes and made their escape. Other adventures he had, but as they were of a later date than the Revolution they need not be inserted here. He devoted himself, in accordance with his desire and in fulfillment of his oath, to war with the Indians, and the fame of his successful encounters no doubt highly exaggerated his reputation as a scout, and the fascination in the wild life of the hunter had drawn to his command some of the most noted characters of the frontier, among them the Wetzels and, it is said, Kenton. When the general war was over, and when there was no longer a commandant at the Pittsburgh post, Brady still kept up his warfare, and as Ile lived on the frontier, always in advance of the settlers, some of his later deeds happened in the new territory west of the Ohio, where these resolute spies guarded the Southwestern Virginia settlements, a general name for the settlements which extended to the Tennessee River. Thus have we recounted what has come under our observation touching the life and services of this man, accounts which appear to be worthy of remembrance, and which have the stamp of truth and authenticity. People never, it appears, get tired reading or hearing of the acts of this brave man, and although many of his deeds have been preserved in other books, yet we feel justified in recording them among the annals of our early history. Brady continued to battle for the white settlers long after the treaties with them at the close of the great war, up to 1793. The Indians, used to war all their lives, still continued to harass the settlers in disregard of treaties of any kind, and only for Brady and such men the West would have borne merely the semblance of peace. But after all, Brady, for an attack upon a camp of Delawares, in return for numerous murders committed by them among the settlers along the Ohio, was tried in a court in Allegheny County before the chief justice for murder, and, strange to say, was assisted by the testimony of Kyashuta. For an account of this trial we refer to the note marked with this chapter. 1 CHAPTER XXV. LOCHRY'S EXPEDITION. The Settlements in 1779 and 1780—Ferocity of the Savages, and Depravity of a Class of Whites—Some Whites from about Hannastown kill Friendly Indians—Kirkpatrick's Cabin attacked by Indians, and therein of the Custom of chaming Scalps—Brodhead ordered to send a Dettachment under Maj. Craig from Fort Pitt to reinforce Gen. Clark—Clark's Plan of a Western Campaign—Westmoreland requested to co-operate with Him—Bickerings and Jealousies among the Leaders of the County—Col. Lochry, as County Lieutenant, under Instructions from the Council, raises a force of Volunteers to join with Clark—The Difficulties under which Lochry labored—Clark's Letter to the Officers of Westmoreland, disclosing his Plan of Campaign— Lochry's Friends volunteer—They rendezvous at Carnahan's Block-House—They proceed down the River after Clark to unite with him at Wheeling-Lochry's last Letter—Arriving at Wheeling (Fort Henry), Lochry finds that Clark had gone on down the River—He prepares Boats to. follow—Goes to the Mouth of the Kanawha—Capt. Shannon sent forward with a Letter to Clark—He and his Men are captured—The Indians place them on an Island as a Decoy for the other Whites -Lochry's Men land som distance above the Island—Upon landing they are attacked by a large Force of Indians and entirely cut off—Me modal of Two of the Prisoners who were exchanged—Capt. Orr, and his Accouut of this Expedition—Lieut. Samuel Craig's Narrative his Captivity—New Volunteers called out towards the end of the year 1781. WHAT the state of our country west of Laurel Hill about the end of 1779 and the beginning of 1780 was may well be imagined. It would fill a volume to repeat all the testimony bearing on this one subject at 1 See notes Nos. 1 and 2 in Appendix "P."