GENERAL HISTORY - 75 the meeting-houses and other public buildings as hospitals to accommodate them. Among the number thus designated Birmingham Meeting-house was to be one, and preparations were being made therein for that purpose. First-day morning arrived. Friends assembled as usual, from an expectation that the meeting might be held in the house even if it should be taken possession of afterwards; but, from the situation of it, their request could not be granted. They therefore got permission to take some of the benches out of the house, and placed them under the trees 'which stood in front thereof, on which they seated themselves in the quiet, as far as was practicable under existing circumstances, inasmuch as the officers and workmen were moving about, and engaged in making preparation to receive the sick, to be brought there as soon as the premises could be got in readiness Under these circumstances it became necessary that some other building should be provided to accommodate the meeting in future until the meeting-house should be cleared and put in order for the purpose; and how soon that would be the case was uncertain from the present gloomy appearances. Several houses and rooms were talked of, but it was finally concluded to hold the next meeting in a large wheelwright-shop, which stood on the eminence north of the dwelling-house owned by Philip Price (at the date of the writing of this sketch), at a place then in existence, and called Sconneltown. The next meeting day was on the 11th of the month, which proved to be a memorable day. "Amos House, who had left his dwelling near Chad's Ford, and was succeeded therein by Lord Stirling and his attendants, was in the practice of visiting the premises almost daily to see what discovery he could make, went down on the morning of the eleventh, after the cannonading had commenced, and rode under the cannon-balls that were discharged from the artillery on the bills, on each side of the creek, without receiving any injury therefrom. "Possessed with curiosity, and fond of new things, my brother, William Townsend, myself, and some others rode alongside of the Brandywine for some distance to discover the approach of the British army, in case they should attempt to cross at any of the fords on the creek between Jefferis' and Chad's. We fell in with many like ourselves, but no intelligence could be obtained. We then returned to the aforesaid wheelwright-shop, to assemble with Friends in holding our week-day meeting, it being near the hour appointed. While we were sitting therein some disturbance was discovered near the house and about the door, which occasioned some individuals to go out to know the cause, and the uneasiness not subsiding, suspicions arose that something serious was taking place, and the meeting accordingly closed. On our coming out of the house and making some inquiry of what had happened, found it to be an alarm among some of the neighboring women that the English were coming, and that they murdered all before them, young and old. Some of us endeavored to quiet their fears by telling them it was not likely to be the ease, and that they had better compose themselves instead of making further disturbance; and while we were reasoning with them our eyes were caught on a sudden by the appearance of the army coming out of the woods into the fields belonging to Emmor Jefferis, on the west side of the creek, above the fording-place. In a few minutes the fields were literally covered over with them, and they were hastening towards us. Their arms and bayonets, being raised, shone as bright as silver, the sky being clear and the day exceedingly warm. Recollecting that there was no one at our dwelling except some of our sisters, we concluded it advisable to return home as expeditiously as possible, as we had no doubt that they were marching direct for Philadelphia, and would pass by the house and over the farm. Our parents had a few days before been called to their daughter Lamborn's, at Kennet, on account of the illness of her children, one of whom had died during their stay there. They were considerably plundered by the rabble which accompanied the army during their encampment at Kennet Square, to which they were contiguous. "After our arrival at home, and our horses inclosed in the stable, we were in momentary expectation of the army's approach, but in this we were disappointed ; and having waited some time, we ventured down the road towards them, and when in sight of Jefferis' Ford we discovered that they had turned their course toWards Birmingham, and were passing by where the meeting on that day had been held. Being disposed to have a better and nearer view of them, we sat out for the purpose; and passing by the dwelling of Abel Boake, we soon after met Sarah, his wife, who bad been as curious as ourselves, and had been among the soldiers as they marched along. The space occupied by the main body and flanking parties was near half a mile wide. Sarah encouraged our going among them, at the same time admired their appearance, and said what fine-looking fellows they were, and (to use her own phrase) they were something like an army,' which we could see for ourselves, if we would go among them, and that there would not be any objection to our entrance. Thus encouraged, we walked on until we approached the flanking party, when a soldier under arms called out, Where aro you going ?' We replied that we wished to see the army, if there was no objection. He observed that there was their captain, we must speak to him ; which being done, leave was readily obtained, and in a few minutes we found ourselves in the midst of military characters, rank and file; little to be discovered but staff-officers and a continued march of soldiers, with occasionally a troop of horse passing. Great numbers of baggage-wagons began to make their appearance, well guarded by proper officers and soldiers. We passed through them until we reached one of the most eligible houses in the town (Sconneltown), and soon after divers of the principal officers came in, who manifested an uncommon sociable disposition. They were full of inquiries respecting-the rebels, where they were to be met with, and where Mr. Washington was to be found. This inquiry respecting the rebels was a general thing among the common soldiers, and others, as they moved along. The officers aforementioned were replied to by my brother, William Townsend, who modestly and spiritedly told them, if they would have patience a short time, he expected they would meet with Gen. Washington and his forces, Who were not far distant. Had we known it, the front of his army was then in 'view, on the heights at Birmingham Meeting-house, though three miles distant from us. They inquired what sort of man Mr. Washington was. My brother, who had a knowledge of him by being with him at his quarters at Chad's Ford, replied that he was a stately, well-proportioned, fine-looking man, of great abilities, active, firm, and resolute, of a social disposition, and was considered to be a good man. This he observed to check their eagerness for a sight of the general, and to draw forth some further observations from them respecting him ; to which one of them answered, that He might be a good man, but he was most damnably misled to take up arms against his sovereign.' During the interview, while I was conversing with one of the offlcers, I inquired of him at what place they had encamped the night before; of which he replied, that he knew not where the main body of the army was, but that their regiment lay on the south side of the hill beyond Rennet Square. He then observed to me, with much animation, You have got a hell of a fine country here, which we have found to be the case ever since we landed at the Head of Elk. "The house we were in was elevated, so that on the first floor, where, we stood, we had a pretty full view of the army as they passed along; and while we were conversing together, my brother called to me to step to the door to see Gen. Lord Cornwallis, who was passing by He was on horseback, appeared very tall and sat very erect. His rich scarlet clothing, loaded with gold lace, epaulets, etc., occasioned him to make a brilliant and martial appearance. The advanced portion of the army made a halt at this place, and refreshed their horses by hastily clearing off some of the corn patches that were within their reach. It might be observed that most or all of the officers who conversed with us were of first rank, and were rather stout, portly men, well dressed and of genteel appearance, and did not look as if they had ever been exposed to any hardship ; their skins were as white and delicate as is customary for females brought up in large cities or towns. "As we spent no idle time in viewing the strangers who surrounded us, I discovered on a sudden that there was a general stir or movement among them. Inquiry was made what could be the object of it, and it was answered by one of them that they were resuming their march, and that the halt which had been made was only to refresh their horses; to enable them to perform the several duties required of them. "Having by this time become familiar with them, and no danger or difficulty to apprehend from them, my curiosity or ambition was increased, and I wished a further and more full view than I before had, and to have it to say that I had seen the whole of them, as far as was practicable. I invited James Johnson, an acquaintance, who was standing by, to accompany me, and we proceeded through the crowd on the public. road until we reached the advanced guards, who were of the German troops. Many of them wore their beards on their upper lips, which was a novelty in that part of the country. This 76 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. took place between the dwelling of Richard Strode and Osborne's Hill. Being now in the front, we walked on inconsiderately until we arrived at a pair of bars, opposite the ancient dwelling of Amos Davis, through which we went into the field southwest of the road, and walked up to the upper fence, being the division line between the two tracts of land of Amos Davis and the heirs of his uncle, Daniel Davis. On turning our faces back we had a grand view of the British army, as they advanced over and down the side of Osborne's Hill and the lands of James Carter; scarcely a vacant space left. While we were amusing ourselves with the wonderful curiosity before us, to our great astonishment and surprise the firing of the musketry took place. The advance-guard aforementioned, having arrived at the Street Road, were fired upon by a company of the Americans who were stationed in the orchard north of Samuel Jones' brick dwelling-house. The attack was immediately returned by the Hessians, who, stepping up the bank of the road, alongside of the orchard, used the fence as a breastwork, through which they fired upon the company that commenced the attack. From the distance at which we were from them, —though in full view until the smoke of the firing covered them from our sight,—I was under no apprehension of danger, especially when there was such a tremendous force coming on and ready to engage in the action; nevertheless, I concluded it best to retire, finding that my inconsiderate curiosity had prompted me to exceed the bounds of prudence. I proposed it to my companion, but he refused to return, being disposed to see what further would take place and how it would end. " I then made the best of my way through the crowd until I arrived at the aforementioned bars on the road, which opened into the field of Amos Davis, where I was met by several companies of soldiers, who were ordered into the field to form and prepare for the approaching engagement. The opening of the bars not being of sufficient width to admit them to pass with that expedition which the emergency of the case required, a German officer, on horseback, ordered the fence to be taken down, and, as I was near to the spot, had to be subject to his requiring, as he flourished a drawn sword over my head, with others who stood by. On a removal of the second rail I was forcibly struck with the impropriety of being active in assisting to take the lives of my fellow-beings, and therefore desisted from proceeding any further in obedience to his commands. The hurry was great, and so many rushing forward under arms, I found no difficulty in retiring unobserved, and was soon out of reach of those called immediately into action. I lost no time on my return, and when I arrived on the top of the hill I discovered on the eminence in Samuel Osborne's field a number of my acquaintances, who were standing near to a considerable number of persons on horseback, and viewing them, with the different movements of the army. I joined in with them. It was now a time of some seriousness and alarm among them. The battle had commenced in earnest; little was to be heard but the firing of the musketry and the roaring of cannon from both parties. It appeared that those on horseback were some of, the principal offlcers of the British army, with their aides, who had collected together to consult about carrying on the engagement to the best advantage. Among them was Gen. Howe. He was mounted on a large English horse, much reduced in flesh, I suppose, from being so long confined on board of the fleet between New York and the head of the Chesapeake Bay, which was about six weeks, occasioned by contrary winds. The general was a large, portly man, of coarse features. He appeared to have lost his teeth, as his mouth had somewhat fallen in. As I stood alongside, I had a full opportunity of viewing him as he sat on his horse, and had to observe his large legs and boots, with flourishing spurs thereon. While the officers were in consultation and we viewing them, together with the smoke issuing from the cannon and musketry, we remarked a tremendous roaring of cannon, and volumes of smoke arising therefrom, at Chad's Ford. Gen. Knyphausen having discovered that the engagement was on with the front of Howe's army at the meeting-house, he immediately forced the troops under his command across the Brandywine, and the whole of Gen. Washington's army at that station were routed from their breastworks, and from the different positions they had taken to impede the march of the British. From these circumstances, Gen. Washington considered it prudent to effect a retreat, which took place accordingly. While we remained on Osborne's Hill we had the opportunity of making many observations,—the engagement of both armies, the fields in front of us containing great heaps of blankets and baggage, thrown together • to relieve the men for action; the regular march of the British army, consisting of horse and foot, artillery, baggage and provision wagons, arms and ammunition, together with a host of plunderers and rabble that accompanied the army ; almost the whole face of the country around appeared to be covered and alive with these objects. The time occupied in their passage was about four hours. " We remained on the hill for some time, and when the engagement seemed to be nearly over, or at least that part of it which was in view, and the day being far on the decline, we were about retiring; but, as admiration and curiosity had been the order of the day, I proposed to some of my companions that we should go over to the field of battle and take a view of the dead and wounded, inasmuch as we might never have such another opportunity. Some of them consented, and others with reluctance yielded. We hastened thither, and awful was the scene,—to behold such a number of fellow-beings lying near each other, severely injured, and some of them mortally ; a few dead, but a small proportion, considering the quantity of powder and balls that had been used. It was now time for the surgeons to exert themselves, and divers of them were busily employed. Some of the doors of the meeting-house were torn off, and the wounded carried thereon into the house, which was now occupied as a British hospital, instead of for the American sick, for whom it had been preparing some days previous. " The wounded officers were first attended to ; several of distinction had fallen, and as everything appeared to be in a state of confusion, and we being spectators and assistance required, some of our number,—of whom I was one,--at the request of the surgeons, became active in removing them therein. I desired to know who they were; but it was not a time for inquiring, and I do not recollect to have heard the name of one of them mentioned at that time. After assisting to carry two of them into the house, I was disposed to see an operation performed by one of the surgeons, who was preparing to amputate a limb, by having a brass clamp or screw fixed thereon, a little above the knee-joint. He had a knife in his hand, the blade of which was of circular form, and was about to commence the incision, when he recollected that it might- be necessary for the wounded man to take something to support him during the operation. He told some of his attendants to give him a little wine or brandy to keep up his spirits, to which be replied, No, doctor, it is not necessary; my spirits are up enough without it.' He then observed that he had heard some of them say there was some water in the house, and if there was, he would like a little to wet his mouth. As I was listening to the conversation, and waiting for the water to arrive, one of my companions caught me by the arm and mentioned that it was necessary to go out immediately, as they were fixing the picket-guards, and if we did not get away in a few moments we should have to remain within the lines of encampment during the night. I instantly complied, and we saved our distance, and were at liberty to return home. "The dusk of the evening was then on., and we set out accordingly, being twelve or fifteen in number, two of whom had started earlier and were some distance before us. I suppose we were all under the erroneous impression that from what had passed during the day there was no probability of an American under arms to be found in the neighborhood. In this, however, we were mistaken, for the two persons aforesaid, who had started early, were talking rather freely on the defeat of the American army that afternoon, and were overheard by a scouting-party who had been following the rear of the British during their movements. They were posted in a field on an eminence, and were watching the movements of the British in the evening after the battle was over. [Note.—Tradition says this scouting-party was a company of local militia, commanded by Capt. William Gibbons.] They bailed the two gentlemen who had been and were then taking such liberties, and as no answer was returned they repeated their call, which, being disregarded, one of the scouts, without further hesitation or ceremony, fired upon them. The ball penetrated the thigh of one of them named Simon Kerns, and he fell. They then rode off, and were seen traveling up the public road that led to our dwelling. The report of the musket was heard by some of our number who were behind, and that not without serious apprehensions, not knowing what it could mean. When we arrived at the place where the circumstance had happened, we were informed of the particulars, and that a kind neighbor, Richard Strode, had assisted in carrying the iwounded man into a. small house, where he. Jay groaning and lamenting in grievous manner. [Note.—Simon Kerns GENERAL HISTORY - 77 not having the assistance of a surgeon that night, the wound swelled considerably. Thomas Darlington attended him, but did not think it best to extract the ball. Simon finally recovered, but carried the ball as long as he lived, without serious injury to his person or occupation. He died about the year 1830.] " It would be difficult to express our feelings on this occasion. We were all panic-struck, not knowing but what it might be our fate, or perhaps worse, in a few minutes. We felt our imprudence or inconsiderate conduct with great force, and the curiosity of the day was now greatly damped. To move forward was terrifying; to remain where we were would be no small punishment under existing circumstances. Some of us had left our families, consisting only of a few females and children, and we knew not what dreadful events might have taken place in our absence. Imagination was worked up to a great height, and our fears were as great as we could well bear, such was the dilemma that we were in. I considered that it overbalanced all that we had seen, and was now without remedy. A consultation was held, and we found ourselves surrounded with difficulties. To pursue the public road home was dangerous, from the expectation that the aforementioned scouting-party,. or others of the military, were lying in wait for us, and that we might be fired upon, or otherwise taken up and carried before the prevailing power to answer for our conduct. If we attempted to return through the fields we were apprehensive we might be met by some of the military, and more guilt would appear than if we went boldly along the road. We were two miles from home, and the moon having risen, the night was clear and bright and remarkably still, so every movement icould be discovered at a distance. After various projects being suggested, we finally resolved to take the nearest way home, which was through divers fields and woods, from a hope that there would be less danger and risk of being detected. We came to the conclusion before we set out that no conversation should take place on the way, or observations made that would be unfavorable, in case we should be overheard. We accordingly commenced our route, and reached our dwellings at a late hour of the night without molestation or alarm, except in one instance, when climbing over a fence on the way we surprised a flock of sheep which lay alongside taking their repose. They started and ran off as if their greatest enemy was in close pursuit of them. Our fears were up in an instant, not knowing but that those whom we so much dreaded were not at hand. "We found all safe and undisturbed when we arrived at home, but met with a severe reproof from one of our sisters for having taken such liberties, and given way to an idle curiosity, which might in volve ourselves and the family in great difficulty and distress, saying that for her part she had no wish nor desire to see one person in the whole British army. I was satisfied with the correctness of her observation, but it was too late to be remedied. I could say for myself that I do not recollect ever to have felt a more thankful heart to the great author of my existence than I did after I retired to bed, though I knew not what might be the consequence of that day's expedition when it came to be known that we had shown such an attachment to, and familiarity with, the enemies of our country, whom the American forces were contending against, and over Whom, under the assistance of a protecting Providence, they finally prevailed, which event was the introduction and establishment of a great and powerful nation. " Having in the foregoing given some account of the engagements and adventures of one day,—the memorable 11th of September, 1777, —I shall now proceed to give some further account of what took placo shortly thereafter. The British army remained on the ground of encampment at Birmingham until the third day of the week following, being the sixteenth of the month, having in the course of that time removed all their wounded that survived to the borough of Wilmington (at that time in their possession), amounting to one hundred and twelve wagon-loads. They on that day commenced their further march for the city, having formed two divisions, one of which, commanded by Gen. Knyphausen, proceeded by way of Chester, and the other, being the grand one, under the command of Gen. Howe, proceeded direct to the Swedes' Ford, on Schuylkill, which, after marching through a severe day's rain, encamped the following night on the south side of the Valley Hill, and around the Boot Tavern, at which house the general had his headquarters. "The ground which they had lately occupied at Birmingham, being now cleared and left in a desolate condition, exhibited a scene of destruction and waste. Some few ,of the inhabitants who remained thereon, and some others who were returning' to the places a abode, found it necessary to call in the assistanee of their neighbors to rebury many of the dead, who lay exposed to the open air and ravages of beasts and wild fowls, having, in consequence of the late heavy rains, been washed bare, and some few of them had never been interred. I was one among a number. who attended and performed that duty. " It would be difficult to describe the many cases of horror and destruction of human beings that came under our notice in this undertaking, but we accomplished it, though in many instances of a most disagreeable and unpleasant nature. During the performance of it we had a full opportunity of beholding the destruction and wanton waste committed on the property of the peaceable inhabitants of the neighborhood, and on the ground of the encampment. Those who were obliged to remain thereon had their stock of cattle destroyed for the use of the army, their horses taken away, and their household furniture, bedding, etc., wantonly wasted and burned. It was not uncommon to see heaps of feathers lying about the farms, the ticks having been stripped off and made use of, and the remains of small pieces of valuable furniture lying about their fireplaces, in the fields, unconsumed, when there was no want of timber and fence-rails, which might have been used for their cooking, etc. ; but being in an enemy's country, inhabited by rebels, there was no restraint on the soldiery or rabble whieh accompanied them. "Having made mention that the meeting-house at Birmingham had been taken out of our possession by the Americans in order to accommodate their sick soldiers, it so turned out that before it could be occupied for that purpose Gen. Howe had the control of it for the use of his wounded officers; and when vacated, and the army removed, friends were at liberty to cleanse and purify it, which was so far done that we held our meeting therein on first-day (Sunday) succeeding their departure; but considerable repairs were necessary afterwards to put it in the condition it was previous to our being deprived of it. During their occupancy of it several of their principal officers died, and were interred in the burying-ground adjoining, one of them said to be a near connection of the Duke of Northumberland, a young man of the name of Percy." The question as to whether a Percy fell at the battle of Brandywine has been generally doubted by careful historians, yet there must have been some foundation to the story, and as a partial attempt to explain it, the following statements are given : Col. William L. Stone, formerly editor of the New York Commercial Advertiser, made a visit to the field of Brandywine in the year 1831, and published an account of his visit in his paper under the title of " Notes by the Way." This article found its way into many newspapers of the day, and was copied by Watson into his "Annals of Philadelphia." Col. Stone gives the tradition as related to him by persons in the vicinage, that this young Percy, on the march of the division of the British army under Germs. Howe and Cornwallis from Jefferis' to Birmingham, on reaching the eminence now familiarly known as Osborne's Hill, suddenly curbed his horse, and, viewing the landscape, said to his servant, Clifford, that he had seen that field before in England, and in a dream, and that he should fall there; that he gave him his wateh and purse, with messages to his friends, dashed forward with his fellows, and fell near the northern wall of the Birmingham graveyard, around which the battle raged, about the middle of the action, and that he was buried in that yard. This was certainly the tradition that was current at the time of Col. Stone's visit in 1831. An English member of the Society of Friends, Robert Sutcliff, published in England a work entitled "Travels in Some Parts of North America, 1804-5-6," in which he mentions at that early day the tradition that a Percy was slain at the battle of Brandywine. He says, "The ground I traveled on this day was the scene of much bloodshed during the Revolutionary war, it being that part of the country where the battle of Brandywine was fought. My compankn was present at the time, with several other friends, who were led forth by the dictates of humanity, in order to lend some assistance to the poor wounded and dying soldiers that, lay scattered over time fields, through an extent of several miles. On this occasion the Friends' meeting-house at Birmingham was converted into a hospital, in which many of the poor mangled creatures' breathed their last, Among those who ended their earthly career in this meeting-house were sev- 78 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. eral officers, who were buried in the Friends' burial-ground. One of these, a near connection of the Duke of Northumberland, was a young man of the name of Percy, whose amiable and exemplary conduct under his severe sufferings had procured him the particular regard and esteem of the friends about him." This was written at a time not so remote from the year of the battle,--only about twenty-seven years,—when there were many living witnesses of the event of the day, and which doubtless formed a common topic of conversation. In the New York Magazine of American History of September, 1879, there is published the "Personal Narrative of the Services of Lieut. John Shreve, of the New Jersey Line of the Continental Army." Mr. Shreve, in 1788, removed to Western Pennsylvania, where and in Ohio he resided the remainder of his life. He was a man of intelligence, and was for several years an active member of the Legislature of this State. lie wrote this narrative when he was advanced in life. He was in the battle of Brandywine, and in giving a circumstantial account of the events of the day as they fell under his observation, says, "After we met the enemy and the engagement commenced, a cannon-ball went through Captain Stout, and through a sergeant that stood behind him, and killed both of them. I heard that a Captain Ashton, of the British army, told this story after the battle was over. When they (the British) were marching down on the east side of the river Brandywine from Jefferis' Ford, and in view of the Birmingham Meeting-house, Captain Percy, of the British army, said that the scenery before him was as familiar to him as the scenery of his native place in Northumberland (in England); it had come before him at the twilight and in his slumbers over and over again, and added, ‘I know I am to die here.' The battle soon commenced, and Captain Percy received a mortal wound. He was taken to the meeting house, and died before night, in the presence of Captain Ashton. The British the next day buried Colonel Gordon and Captain Percy, of the English army, and Captain Stout (above mentioned), of the American army, in one grave." Gideon D. Scull, an American now residing in England, writes from Rugby, February 5, 1880, saying there is no foundation whatever in fact for the old popular belief that Earl Percy, or some near relative of the name, was killed at the battle of Brandywine, in support of which he gives the following facts : Earl Percy succeeded his father in 1786, but was summoned to Parliament in 1777, as Baron Percy. He married, in 1764, Lady Annie Stuart, third daughter of the Earl of Bute, by whom he had no issue, and from whom he was divorced by act of Parliament in 1779. In the register of Westminster Abbey the following entry duly attests his burial there: " 1817. July 19. The most notable Hugh Percy, Hugh and Earl of Northumberland, Earl and Baron Percy, Baron Lucy, &c., &c., (died) at Nor thumberland House, Strand, July 10th, aged 75. (Buried) in Northumberland vault in St. Nicholas Chapel." Earl Percy's father was Hugh Smithson, second son of Sir Hugh, who was third baronet of Stanwick, county of York. Hugh Smithson succeeded to his father's title and estates in 1749-50, and married Lady Elizabeth Seymour, whose father was Charles Seymour, seventh Duke of Somerset (known as the proud Duke of Somerset), and who was in 1749 created Earl of Northumberland, he having married Lady Elizabeth Percy, only daughter of Joseline, eleventh Earl Percy, who died in 1670, at the age of twenty-six, without male issue. Sir Hugh Smithson assumed the name of Percy, and was created in 1766 Earl of Percy and Duke of Northumberland. He was succeeded by his second son in 1786, who died in 1817, and was buried, as before mentioned, in Westminster Abbey. A glance at the Percy pedigree in " Burke's Peerage" is sufficient to convince any one that Earl Percy (of 1777) could not possibly have had any male relatives of his name who could have been present at the battle of Brandywine in 1777. There were, however, several children of the duke's (Earl Percy's father) who were recognized as the illegitimate offspring by different mothers, two of whom were buried in Westminster Abbey, in the South Cross. They were named Philadelphia and Dorothy Percy. The former died in 1791, and the latter in 1794. They had a half-brother, James Macie, who some years after as-. slimed his father's name of Smithson, and who died in Genoa, Italy, in 1826, and is the same person who left his fortune, which was large, to found the Smithsonian Institution at Washington, D. C. He commences his will thus : "I, James Smithson, son of Hugh, first Duke of Northumberland, and Elizabeth, heiress of the Hungerfords of Audley, and niece of Charles, the Proud Duke of Somerset." So that this James Smithson was well born both on his father's and on his mother's side. The proud Duke of Somerset received this sobriquet on account of his intolerable pride. After his wife's death he again married,. and it is recorded that on one occasion his new spouse, who was also of high birth, placed her hand upon his shoulder. Thereupon he drew himself up in a haughty manner and said," Madam ! my first wife was a Percy, and she never dared to take that liberty." He was also fond of remarking that he really pitied Adam, "for he had no ancestors !" One feels inclined to think that there must have been some foundation for the various statements and traditions current in the neigh-. borhood of the battle-field, and it is not at all improbable that an illegitimate son of the Duke of Northumberland was wounded and died and was buried on the battle-ground ; but, supposing there was such a one, his name need not necessarily be looked for among the British list of dead under the name of Percy or Smithson, for ninny' of different names claimed paternity of Earl Percy's father. The following additional reminiscences are given by Joseph Townsend, in a sketch of West Chester : " On the 15th of September, 1777, when the British army was encamped at Birmingham, after their late battle there, and their contemplate.d march to Philadelphia was daily expected; various conjectures were formed by the inhabitants as to their intended route, especially by the military. On this account the American light-horse were continually reconnoitring the different roads where they were expected; certain accounts had arrived that they were making the necessary preparations. One of the American troop of horse, in the course of their reconnoitrings, arrived at the Turk's Head tavern, and being much fatigued from being on duty and the want of sleep, etc., concluded to regale themselves and horses at the tavern. " Prior to their engaging therein they determined that one of their. number should be stationed on the Wilmington road, on the eminence south of the tavern, near the line of William Sharpless' land, which was in full view of the tavern house, that in case of any alarm of the approach of the enemy the signal might be given immediately to his companions of the troop, which was to be effected by discharging one of his pistols, in order that they might be in readiness to make their. escape, provided an attack should be made. "This arrangement took place, and the troopers leisurely unsaddled their horses, with their accoutrements, that they might cool and be in. readiness for the next excursion. This being done, they were enjoy ing themselves over some glasses of liquor and conjecturing where' the next night was to. be spent, and to meet the emergencies that might be required. Thus was their situation when one of them discovered that the person who was stationed below was on full speed towards the house, he having neglected to obey the order given him by sounding the alarm. They were all at once thunder-struck, the liquor was abandoned, and every one became their own hostler. Most or all the horses were saddled in an instant, and they prepared for the-flight, except some of their caps were left behind. "They were scarcely mounted before the Hessian light-horse were in full view, with their long swords and cutlasses hrandishing in the air, making the most terrific and frightful appearance imaginable, like a set of heroes in an enemy's- country with a prize in full view before them. "It appeared that the soldier placed as a sentryman to guard the safety of his companions had sat on his horse during the time, in the hot sun, and, for the want of sleep and otherways much fatigued, had forgot himself, and continued in that situation until he was aroused up by a little girl who was passing near him, with the information that the Hessians were insight. This she communicated to him in a low voice, as she was afraid to stop, but hurried home with the news, the dwelling-house being near at hand. The alarm was so sudden and unexpected that he neglected to apprise his companions as directed; self-preservation was his great object. " The retreat of the Americans and the pursuit of the enemy after GENERAL HISTORY - 79 them was now commenced with great rapidity. The road leading to the Great Valley was the course pursued. The former had no time to look back, but the best fellow was to be foremost, without paying any regard to the military order in which they had been trained. The latter w pursued the chase with the greatest fury imaginable, and as swift as their small horses could lay legs to the ground, and in addition thereto, to increase the fright, they issued the most tremendous uproar by hallooing and shouting as far as their voices could extend. " The inhabitants on the road, not knowing the cause, became much alarmed, especially the females, presuming that their final destruction was at hand, as it had been a time of great commotion and disturbance for several days previous. " The chase continued until the parties reached the top of the hill north of the dwelling-house belonging to John Hoopes, where there was at that time an opening into a tract of woodland, into which the Americans directed their course in various directions. This circumstance frustrated the designs of the enemy, and they were obliged to return without making that conquest which they had contemplated, and to join with those from whom they had separated, being an escort from the British army to guard the wounded Americans from the field of battle at Birmingham to the old school-house at the Turk's Head, to be occupied for a hospital for them, which stood at the intersection of the Valley and Brandywine roads, the spot since occupied by the descendants of the late Caleb Brinton. "On the 16th of the 9th month, 1777, as the British army was on their march from their ground of encampment. at Birmingham, where they had lain from the 11th, after the battle at Brandywine, as they passed by the Turk's Head tavern, on their way to the Swedes Ford on Schuylkill, they were fired upon by a scouting-party of the Americans, and two of their number were shot dead. Graves were immediately opened inside of the garden-fence near the intersection of the Philadelphia road, and their bodies deposited therein during the time of their march, which was performed in about four hours in the course of the forenoon, a tremendous rain taking place during the time. [NOTE.—The remains of those men above mentioned were dug up in the summer of 1827, when cellars were preparing by John W. Townsend for his row of brick buildings, *] " The old school-house at the intersection of the Valley and Brandywine roads was occupied for a hospital for the accommodation of the wounded Americans who had suffered in the late battle at Brandywine; a number of whom died, and were buried in the open space left for the use of the school-house on the north side of the road leading to Brandywine." † The following letter, written by the late Dr. William Darlington, and published in 1845, contains much interesting matter in relation to the battle of Brandywine. It was addressed to Dr. A. L. Elwyn, of Philadelphia : "WEST CHESTER, Nov. 29, 1845. "DEAR SIR,—When the British army landed at the Head of Elk, the inhabitants of Wilmington supposed the enemy would march through that place on their way to Philadelphia, and with a view to preserve their property a number of merchants and others sent their goods into Chester County, near the forks of the Brandywine, exactly in the way of the depredations which they hoped to escape. A large quantity of liquors was stored in the cellar of Emmor Jefferis, at Jefferis' Ford, on the very route by which Sir William Howe and Lord Cornwallis passed with the main division of the army. The British soldiers ransacked the house, rolled the casks of liquor out of the cellar, knocked in the heads of the vessels, and drank of the contents until a great number of them became intoxicated. Sir William Howe took Mr. Jefferis with him as a guide to conduct him towards Birmingham Meeting-house. When they arrived at Osborne's Hill, in view of the meeting-house, the Americans were posted on the high ground about a quarter of a mile south of that building, with some * Where Thomas Pierce's drug-store and E. D. Haines' banking-house now stands. † It is said in erecting the present iron fence inclosing the grounds of Ruth P. Johnson on Gay Street, a military button was picked up, and perhaps preserved, by Samuel J. Parker, which, -if so, is some evidence of the correctness of this statement. light companies thrown forward into the walled graveyard. The British pushed steadily forward, until, after a short conflict, the Americans gave way and retreated towards Dilworthtown, Sir William Howe in the mean time viewing the battle from Osborne's Hill. After the retreat commenced, Howe moved on after the army, taking Mr. Jefferis some distance with him. Mr. Jefferis used often to relate that when they approached the contending forces, the bullets from the Americans whistled so sharply by him that he could not refrain from dodging his head as they passed ; which Sir William observing, called out very encouragingly, 'Don't be afraid, Mr. Jefferis, they won't hurt you.' Mr. Jefferis, however, took the earliest opportunity to quit the scene and return home. "The late Col. McClellan, of this county, who was a captain in the American army, pointed out to me the position which his company occupied on the left wing of the line, when formed, south of Birmingham Meeting-house. It was on the eminence immediately south of where the road turns at right angles to the east and west, about a quarter of a mile south of the meeting-house [Note.—Where Mrs. Riddle's residence now stands]. He said when the British approached them, a stout man whom he took to be a Scotchman, and who was evidently under the influence of liquor, advanced recklessly and placed himself behind a little mound, made by the root of a tree which had been blown down. From this position, which was within pistol-shot of McClellan's company, the British soldier fired, and killed the sergeant, who was standing by Capt. McClellan's side. This, of course, attracted McClellan's notice. The American captains at that time were armed with carbines ; subsequently they carried spontoons. Capt. McClellan, seeing his sergeant fall, and observing whence the fatal missile came, perceived that the man was reloading his piece as he lay crouched behind the mound, and partially protected by it, and determined to anticipate him. He discharged his carbine with deliberate aim, and said he saw the soldier roll over, evidently disabled, if not killed. " The advance of the evening now caused an immediate _retreat. Col. McClellan told me the last he saw of Gen. Washington that day was in the Wilmington road, about a mile below Dilworthtown. The general finding some officers there during the retreat, rode up and inquired if any of them were acquainted with the country between that place and Chester. Capt. McClellan, being a native of the county (it was all Chester County at that time), replied in the affirmative, whereupon Gen. Washington desired him to collect as many of the dispersed soldiery as possible and rendezvous at Chester the next morning. "Gen. Washington's headquarters were at Benjamin Ring's tavern, about three-quarters of a mile east of Chad's Ford. He was there, and thereabout, all the forepart of the day of battle. When he ascertained that the main body of the enemy were at Birmingham Meeting-house and engaged with our troops, he was anxious to proceed thither by the shortest and speediest route. He found a resident of the neighborhood, named Joseph Brown, and asked him to go as a guide. Brown was an elderly man, and extremely loth to undertake that duty. He made many excuses, but the occasion was too urgent for ceremony. One of Washington's suite dismounted from a fine charger, and told Brown if he did not instantly get on his horse and conduct the general by the nearest and best route to the place of action he would run him through on the spot. Brown thereupon mounted, and steered his course direct towards Birmingham Meeting-house with all speed, the general and his attendants being close at his heels. He said the horse leapt all the fences without difficulty, and was followed in like manner by the others. The head of Gen. Washington's horse, he said, was constantly at the flank of the one on which he was mounted; and the general was continually repeating to him, ‘Push along, old man—push along, old man.' When they reached the road, about half a mile west of Dilworthtown, Brown said the bullets were flying so thick that ho felt very uncomfortable ; and as Washington now no longer required nor paid attention to his guide, the latter embraced the first opportunity to dismount and made his escape. This anecdote I had from my father, who was well acquainted with Brown, and had often heard him relate the adventure. " Some light troops, belonging to the division which went with Howe and Cornwallis to attack Washington's right flank, passed by the ford , where now is Wistar's bridge. ‡ The Wistar farm was then owned by John Brinton. Ile was an eccentric, daring little man, and a furious ‡ Now known as Sager's bridge. 80 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. Whig, somewhat intemperate in his habits, and in the latter years of his life (when I knew him well) he was so extravagant in his deportment when excited by liquor that he was commonly called Crazy Johnny.' When the British companies aforesaid approached his house, he greeted them with a hearty 'Harrah for Gen. Washington !' They immediately arrested him, and treated him very roughly. They threatened to kill him instantly if he did not hurrah for King George. They prevailed, after some time, to make him say, Hurrah for King George !' but he immediately added—' Washington !' Finding him utterly unmanageable, they plundered his house and took him with them as a prisoner to Philadelphia, where he was detained a long time and treated with great severity. While the British armed ships 'Roebuck' and Liverpool' were at anchor in the Delaware, there was great excitement among the people, and some projects set on foot to destroy them. And on one occasion this same 'Crazy Johnny' shouldered his musket, went down to the river-shore, and, wading in as far as he could towards the vessels, courageously delivered his fire, and then marched back again. As long as he lived (which was some thirty years afterwards) he always affected the costume of that day, especially the old Revolutionary cocked hat. . . . " Some three or four and twenty years ago I was dining with Mr. Adams (John Quincy Adams), then Secretary of State, and happened to sit at table next to Gen. Samuel Smith, who so distinguished himself by the defense of Mud Fort, and was so long a representative and senator in Congress from Maryland. The general was, as usual, in a sociable, communicative humor, and, finding that I resided near the Brandywine battle-ground, he was pleased to entertain me with a particular account of his own experience on that eventful occasion. Gen. Smith had command of a regiment that day, and told me, among other details which have now escaped from memory, that during the confusion of the retreat he somehoW got entirely separated from his command, and, being unacquainted with the country, he was apprehensive of falling in with the enemy. Feeling his situation to be forlorn and perilous, he resolved to take vigorous measures to extricate himself. He rode up to the house of a farmer, who was a Quaker, or Friend, and told him he must conduct him (Smith) forthwith, and by a safe route, to Chester. The Friend demurred and protested against the undertaking. Col. Smith told him the case admitted of no delay, and, drawing a pistol, assured him he was a dead man if he did not get his horse instantly and show the way to Chester. The Friend was alarmed, and, exclaiming, ' What a dreadful man thou art!' went and saddled his horse and prepared to set out. Now,' said Col. Smith, I have not entire confidence in your fidelity, but I tell you explicitly, that if you do not conduct me clear of the enemy, the moment I discover your treachery I will blow your brains out.' The terrified farmer exclaimed, Why, thou art the most desperate man I ever did see!' The general added that the Friend conducted him safely across the country to the place of destination, and was dismissed with proper acknowledgments for the favor. . . . " Very respectfully, your most obedient, “WILLIAM DARLINGTON." Further incidents of the battle of Brandywine, by Dr. Darlington : When the commander-in-chief took post at Chad's Ford, . . . the widow of John Chads occupied the premises of her late husband, and resided in the old stone house yet standing a short distance northward from the ford. The old lady had a relative, named Amos House, who then lived with her and superintended the business of her farm. Some fifty and odd years ago Mr. House related to the compiler of these notes that on the morning of Sept. 11, 1777, Gen. Washington, with a few attendants, rode up into the field above Mrs. Chad's dwelling, and was engaged, with the aid of glasses, in reconnoitring and endeavoring to ascertain the character and position of the hostile forces on the hills west of the stream. While they were thus engaged, Amos House and two or three others were led by curiosity to approach and observe what was going on. Pretty soon, said Mr. House, some cannon-balls from the enemy's artillery began to drop in the field quite near to the company thus collected, when Gen. Washington remarked to the visitors, " Gentlemen, you perceive that we are attracting the notice of the enemy. I think you had better retire." The hint was respectfully and promptly attended to. Sir William Howe, with a large division of his army, as heretofore stated, had moved early in the day from Kennet Square towards Trimble's Ford, on the west branch of the Brandywine, and on his way impressed John Parker, an estimable Quaker citizen, to conduct the troops by the nearest and best route to the said ford. In the spring of 1822, during the session of the Seventeenth Congress, the compiler of these notes happened to be passing an evening with some friends at the residence of old Mountjoy Bayly, sergeant-at-arms of the United States Senate. Mr. Bayly had been captain of a company of light troops from Maryland at the battle of Brandywine, and learning that the compiler was raised on, and then represented that classical ground, the veteran entertained his visitors by detailing some of his personal observations on that eventful occasion. Capt. Bayly said his company was detached as a scouting-party on the day of the battle, to obtain information and watch the movements of the enemy. In traversing the hills on the west side of the forks of the Brandywine he came to a comfortable farmhouse (afterwards known in the vicinage as " Brag Hill"), the proprietor of which he soon learned was a namesake of his own and a zealous loyalist. The hospitable old farmer mistook the Maryland company for British, and greeted them with a hearty welcome. He caused a generous lunch to be produced for them, of which they freely partook, and Mountjoy kept his aged host in pleasant conversation, without in any way correcting his misapprehension. Having got through with the entertainment, the advance of the British column was seen approaching, when Capt. Bayly concluded it was about time for his Marylanders to be moving. He so stated to the hospitable old farmer, who thereupon urged him to remain, assuring him that the approaching troops were certainly good friends. Capt. Bayly, however, excused himself by alleging that the duty of his company was to keep some distance ahead of the column; and so he speedily made his escape from a rather critical position. The American line that day was hurriedly and rather imperfectly formed on the slightly rising ground some eighty or one hundred rods southeastward of the Birmingham meeting-house, and facing the same. The extreme left of the line was at the spot where stands the rural cottage of Mrs. Pepper [now of Mrs. Biddle], and the company of Capt. Joseph McClellan occupied that position. The British forces advancing steadily and resolutely, the Americans gave way under a destructive fire, and retired towards Dilworthtown, as far as Wistar's woods, where they were rallied by the reserve, under Gen. Greene, and made a brief but gallant stand, aided by the personal efforts of Washington and Lafayette, who had just then arrived from the vicinity of Chad's Ford. Capt. McClellan stated that in his retreat across Bennett's field, immediately south of Wistar's woods, — a field strewn with musket-balls for years after the war,—he saw Gen. Lafayette in that field on horseback, and was very confident GENERAL HISTORY -81 the wound of the young Frenchman was there received very soon afterward, probably while dismounted and aiding to rally the retreating men. The general himself says, in his " Memoires," " La confusion devint extreme, et c'est en ralliant les troupes que M. de Lafayette eut la jambe traversee d'une balle. A Bette epoque, tout ce qui restait plia. M. de Lafayette dut a Gimat, son aide-de-camp, le bonheur de remonter h cheval." It was now the evening of the 11th of September, and the invaders halted at old Dilworthtown, where they remained, recruiting their energies and plundering the inhabitants, until the morning of the 16th. In the afternoon of Sept. 11, 1777, about the time the Americans had retired and left the invaders masters of the Brandywine battle-ground, Sir William Erskine, quartermaster-general of the British army, came, with some of his companions, to the house of Edward Brinton, Esq., near Dilworthtown, took possession of the parlor, and caused his servant to produce some bottles of wine from his baggage, when the company sat down, and had a jolly time over their liquor. Edward Brinton was then an aged man, had long held the commission of judge and justice of the peace from George II., and was the respected ancestor of many families now resident in Chester and Delaware Counties, and also in the great West. When the visitors had thus regaled themselves after the fatigues of the day, Sir William addressed the venerable squire, saying, " Well, old gentleman, what do you think of these times ?" The worthy patriarch of Birmingham replied, very frankly, " Our people may have been a little rash sometimes, but I do think the mother-country has treated us very badly." " Indeed, sir," said Sir William, " I think so, too and had it not been for your Declaration of Independence, I never would have drawn my sword in America." While the British army was resting at Dilworthtown, from the 11th to the 16th of September, 1777, the officers sent their servants round among the farmers of the vicinity to collect poultry and other provender for their own tables. These marauders regarded as lawful plunder everything they could lay their hands upon and deemed worth carrying away. The late John Marshall, a venerable and intelligent citizen of Goshen township, used to relate that at the time of the Brandywine battle he was a lad of some twelve years of age, and lived with Jacob Yearsley, of Thornbury. Jacob was strongly suspected of being a Whig; the prowling British scouts therefore arrested hini, and took him to Dilworthtown, where, it is said, he was tried, convicted, and would have been executed but for the intercession of an old acquaintance, a certain Jacob James, who joined the enemy with a company of Tory light-horse, and soon became an active partisan officer in His Majesty's service. TRADITIONS OF THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE, AND RECOLLECTIONS OF THE LOCALITY.* My grandfather was a Whig or patriot in feeling, but he and his wife, being members of meeting, were noncombatants of course. His awkward position subjected * By M. Aug 6, grandson of Moses and Mary (James) Mendenhall, who lived. on the west bank of the Brandywine. 11 them to be foraged upon and plundered by both armies. While Washington's outposts were watching for the British advance in Philadelphia, several officers, Gen. Smallwood among the number, took up their quarters at their house, remaining a short time. When the British troops appeared, however, the American outposts were withdrawn and as the American commander had thrown up breastworks, or at least a battery of guns, on the hill back of Chad's house, it was known by the people that a battle was to be fought there ; so farmers .hid away everything that could be concealed. My grandmother was within a month of her confinement, and she and the children were sent a mile southwest of their home, to Benjamin Lindsay's (afterwards Benjamin Taylor's) farm. The cured meat was hidden in a recess of the northeastern wall of the house, while the men remained at home, awaiting the clash of arms. My great-uncle, Isaac James, then but a stripling, was plowing in the field nearest to the battle-ground, less than half a mile from where Knyphausen's guns, as I suppose, opened fire on Wayne's battery across the creek, whereupon the young man incontinently ran to the house to tell the news, leaving the horses hitched to the plow. His timidity made little difference, however, for when both armies had left my grandfather had not a hoof left on the place, and even his wagons were taken ; of course, most of his losses were by the British, who gleaned the ground last. The 11th of September, 1777, was a very hot day, as I have often heard my grandfather say, and great numbers of the Hessians fell while fording the creek in their feints to assault and carry Wayne's position. The history of the battle is well known : Knyphausen waS only to amuse Wayne with attempts at a permanent crossing until late in the day, when Cornwallis should have turned Washington's right flank. Accordingly the Hessians had to make attempts at crossing to keep up appearances, which exposed them to Wayne's grape and canister at a quarter of a mile range. Grandmother asserted that great numbers were killed in the water, and many dropped down from excessive heat, and that the farmers for several days afterwards were fishing dead bodies from the water, and burying them and others left on the ground. For a long time old people dated nearly everything by " the battle of Brandywine,"—it was the universal era of the neighborhood. There was a current tradition that a long and expensive mill-race, owned by William Twaddle, below the battle-ground, was dug by soldiers while waiting for the advance of the British, or by deserters from one or both armies afterwards ; and it was further current that Twaddle, by some trick or device, did not fully compensate them for their work. ALMOST A DUEL ABOUT THE BATTLE. † After the battle of Brandywine a portion of Gen. Wayne's division retreated across the Valley hill, and encamped in the evening in the meadow on Christian Hench's farm. Mr. Hench, who was a strong Whig, told the soldiers they were welcome to take whatever they wanted. So † By W. D. Hartman. 82 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. soon as their tents were pitched and their camp-fires lighted from the fences in the vicinity, forty head of fat bullocks were driven into the barnyard, and the slaughtering continued until a sufficient number were secured to supply their wants. So soon as the skin was taken off a slaughtered animal many of the soldiers, who were shoeless and their feet sore and bleeding, gathered around, and, placing their feet on the flesh side of the skin, and doubling it around their foot in the form of a shoe, secured it with thongs cut from the same. A large peach-orchard adjoining the camp was stripped of its fruit, and the next morning every soldier had a knapsack full of peaches. My grandmother was wont to relate that her mother, Mrs. Bench, was occupied in her dough-tray kneading and baking bread for the officers from the time the army pitched their tents in the evening until the next morning at daybreak. Observing some commotion among the officers about the house the next morning, she found upon inquiry that two wounded officers who occupied separate beds in one of her rooms were about to fight a duel sitting up in bed, and their waiters were down-stairs cleaning and loading their pistols for the fray. She soon settled the quarrel by taking the pistols from the waiters, and, going to the officers' room, gave them a lecture, ending with the declaration that she would not permit such conduct in her house. The quarrel arose from a dispute in reference to the battle of Brandywine a few days previous. Before they left Mrs. Bench succeeded in restoring friendship between them. After breakfast was over a troop of cavalry galloped into camp, and immediately tents were struck, and in a short time the army was on the march, and no halt was made until the Schuylkill River was placed between them and the British. After the departure of Wayne's troops, Mr. Bench, supposing that, in consequence of his having entertained the army, the British and Tories might be induced to wreak their vengeance upon him, decided to leave home. Collecting his goods, and loading them on a four-horse wagon, and driving his stock before him, he with his family followed the army into the forest some miles, where they remained encamped for several days. Previous to leaving home Mr. Bench took his gold and silver and, placing it in a milk-pot, buried it in one corner of the cellar ; calling only my grandmother to witness the deposit, and telling her if all should lose their lives she, being the youngest of the family, might be spared, and she should remember where the treasure was hidden. About ten days after leaving home, hearing that the British army had gone to Philadelphia, they returned home, finding everything as they had left it saving the destruction of the fences around the buildings by the army. MOVEMENTS OF THE ARMIES IN CHESTER COUNTY AFTER THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE. A considerable part of the British army remained from the 11th to the morning of the 16th of September in the neighborhood of the battle-field, the chief portion lying encamped about Dilworthtown, and south of it, on the properties then owned by Charles Dilworth and George Brinton. Gen. Howe had his headquarters at a house near by, still standing, and owned by Elias Baker. During this time they had a cattle-pen near Chad's Ford, where they collected and slaughtered large numbers of cattle and other animals, and preserved them for the use of the army. Nearly all the live stock in the country for a considerable distance around was taken from the inhabitants. In some instances payment was made in British gold,- but generally no compensation whatever was given. The day after the battle a detachment of the army under Maj.-Gen. Grant marched to Concord Meeting-house, where it was joined on the 13th by Lord Cornwallis with some light infantry and British grenadiers. From this point they moved to Village Green, a short distance from Chester, arid .there encamped, leaving a detachment at Concord to guard the wounded left in the meeting-house, and sending another to Wilmington, where there were sonic wounded. The next day after the battle Washington retreated by way of Chester to Philadelphia, and in a few days Howe continued his course through Chester County towards the Schuylkill, with the intention of effecting an entrance, if possible, into that city. As it was deemed important to save the city from falling into their hands, Washington resolved to risk another engagement; for, although the battle of Brandywine had resulted unfavorably to the American army, it was considered that the British had there gained little more than the battle-field, and the ardor of the troops was unabated. At that time one of the principal crossing-places of the Schuylkill was at Swedes' Ford, near the present southern limits of Bridgeport and Norristown, and as the British could not well cross lower down, on account of the depth of the water, it was expected they would make the attempt to force a passage at that point or higher up the stream. On the 15th of September Washington left his camp at Germantown, and with the main body of his army crossed the Schuylkill, and marched up the Lancaster road, with the intention of meeting the enemy and again giving battle. He proceeded to a point near the junction of the Lancaster and Swedes' Ford road, in East Whiteland township, northwest of the Admiral Warren tavern, and encamped his forces between that point and the White Horse tavern, having his headquarters at the residence of Joseph Malin, now belonging to Benjamin Carruthers. The British commander, having received intelligence that Washington was advancing upon the Lancaster road, resolved to attack him. The portion of his army which had been encamped in the neighborhood of Village Green—then known as the " Seven Stars"—left that point, under the command of Cornwallis, on the 16th of September, and proceeded northward towards the Great Valley by what is known as the Chester road, by way of the present villages of Glen Riddle, Lima, and Howellville, and by Rocky Hill and Goshen Friends' Meeting-house. On the morning of the 16th Washington received information that the enemy were approaching by the way of Goshen Meeting-house, and were already in the neighborhood of that place. The two armies moved to positions between the White Horse and Goshen Meeting-house, on the high ground south of the valley, and both commanders commenced making preparations for action. Some detachments were made GENERAL HISTORY - 83 by the Americans to reinforce the advanced guard and keep the enemy in check until the army should be properly arrayed. To Gen. Wayne was assigned. the duty of leading the advance and opening the battle. Skirmishing began between the advance of the forces under Wayne and the light infantry at the head of Lord Cornwallis' column, and a sanguinary battle would probably have been fought, but a rain-storm of great violence stopped its progress. A consultation was had as to whether the British should be received on the ground then occupied by our troops, or whether they should retire beyond the Great Valley, which was in the rear, and in which the ground was said to be wet, and where, in case of a defeat, the artillery would certainly be lost. Washington accordingly, after consultation, gave the order to move, and the American forces retired, and formed on the high ground in the Great 'Valley, east of the White Horse, and north of the old Lancaster road, and there remained until about four o'clock in the afternoon, awaiting the advance of the British army. Col. Timothy Pickering, adjutant-general of the American army, gives the following account of these movements : "On the 11th of September, 1777, the battle of Brandywine took place. After carrying General Washington's orders to a general officer at Chadsford, I repaired to the right, where the battle commenced, and remained by the general's side to its termination at the close of the day. Orders were given for the troops to rendezvous at Chester, whence they marched the next day to the neighborhood of Philadelphia. When refreshed and supplied with ammunition the army again crossed the Schuylkill River, and advanced to meet General Howe. On the 16th of September, in the morning, information was received of the approach of the enemy. Some detachments were made to reinforce the advanced guards and keep the enemy in cheek until the American army should be arrayed for action. General Washington ordered me to the right wing, to aid in forming the order of battle. On my return to the centre I found the line not formed. Seeing the commander-in-chief with a number of officers about him, as in consultation, I pressed my horse up to learn the object. It was a question whether we should receive the British on the ground then occupied by our troops, or retire beyond a valley in their rear, in which the ground was said to be wet and impassable with artillery, which, in case of a defeat, would of course be lost, except that with the left wing, commanded by General Greene, through which there was a firm road. By this time, the fire of the troops engaged appeared to be drawing near. At this movement, the consultation yet continuing, I addressed General Washington. 'Sir (said I), the advancing of the British is manifest by the reports of the musketry. The order of the battle is not completed. If we are to fight the enemy on this ground, the troops ought to be immediately arranged. If we are to take the high grounds on the other side of the valley, we ought to march immediately, or the enemy may fall upon us in the midst of _,our movement.' Let us move,' was the general's answer. The movement took place. Iti had begun to rain. The British army halted. Ours formed on the high ground beyond the valley, and there remained during a very rainy day." The point where the skirmishing took place was on the high ground about one mile and a half north of Goshen Meeting-house, and a half a mile or more a little west of south of the old "Three Tuns" tavern, on the property then of Thomas Rees, now belonging to the heirs of John Parry, deceased, in the northeastern part of East Goshen township. Twelve American soldiers were killed in the conflict and buried there. A few were also wounded, and some prisoners were taken by the British. The British forces which had remained encamped near the field of battle at Birmingham and Chad's Ford, at the same time that Cornwallis moved northward from the Seven Stars towards the Great Valley by the Chester road, proceeded, under Knyphausen, by way of the Turk's Head, now West Chester, towards the same point, with the view of joining the forces under Cornwallis. A part of this division, under Brig.-Gen. Matthews, proceeded from the Turk's Head northward by the Reading road to the Indian King tavern. From thence they passed across the farm of David Dunwoody, then occupied partly by himself and partly by his son, James Dunwoody, and encamped on the northeast part of it, near the Ship road, and overlooking the valley. It was raining heavily, and they at once took measures to protect themselves from the inclemency of the weather. The Hessian line, under the command of Count Donop, took the road leading from the Turk's Head to the Boot tavern, arid from thence northward towards the Ship tavern. When they reached the South Valley Hill, on the farm of Daniel Meredith, now owned and occupied by his grandson, Isaac Meredith, and were near to his residence, they encountered a detachment of the Americans, and a spirited skirmish took place, in which a few were killed on both sides and a considerable number wounded, and some prisoners were taken by the Hessians. The killed were buried near to the dwelling of Daniel Meredith, and the wounded taken to the house of Daniel Thompson, a short distance north of Meredith's, which was used as a hospital. The house, now torn down, stood immediately in front of the site of the present new house on the Ship road, belonging to Rev. Samuel L. Tennis. This engagement, which was interrupted by the rain, took place about the same time as that with the forces of Cornwallis near the Three Tuns tavern, already referred to. The points are about three miles distant from each other. Bullets and other relics of the war have frequently since been found on the sites of both of these engagements. The Americans left the White Horse about four o'clock in the afternoon of the 16th, and retired northward to the Yellow Springs, about five miles distant, where they arrived in the night. The division of Wayne encamped on the farm of Christian Hench, now partly owned by Joseph J. Tustin. An inspection disclosing the alarming fact that the army was not in a condition to engage in a conflict, in consequence of their ammunition having been greatly damaged by the rain, and that scarcely a musket in a regiment could be discharged, the march was continued the next day to Warwick Furnace, on the south branch of French Creek, in the northern part of Chester County, where there was an ordnance depot and some stores for the use of the army, from whence a fresh supply of arms and ammunition was obtained. The storm lasted some time, the division of the British army under Cornwallis being encamped during its continuance along the South Valley Hill, south and west of the Three Tuns tavern, that portion of the division of Knyphausen under Gen. Matthews on the farm of David Dun-woody, and the Hessian line, under Count Donop, on the farm of John Bull, south of the present residence of George W. Jacobs. Other forces lay at the Boot tavern, and north of it.* The headquarters of Gen. Howe were at the Boot * The British forces, during this storm, burned and destroyed large numbers of fence-rails on the properties where they encamped and 84 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. tavern, then kept by John Bowen, and of Lord Cornwallis, during a part of the time, at the house of George Hoopes, now owned by his descendant, George Hoopes, of West Chester, a short distance north of Goshen Meetinghouse, and afterwards at the house of Daniel Durborow, now owned by Francis S. Fiss, about one mile west of the Three Tuns, or what is now known as the King road. All these houses are still standing. On the evening of the 17th Cornwallis, with his division, advanced to the old Lancaster road, in the Great Valley, and took post about two miles distant from Knyphausen. On the 18th the division under Knyphausen advanced on the Ship road northward to the Lancaster road, and thence eastward to the White Horse, where they joined the forces under Cornwallis on the same day, and the entire army moved down the Lancaster and Swedes' Ford road into Tredyffrin township, and encamped on the south side of the Swedes' Ford road, at the present village of Howellville, and between that and the village of Centreville. Gen. Howe, the commander-in-chief, had his headquarters at the residence of Samuel Jones, now belonging to Franklin Latch, a short distance west of Centreville, and Lord Cornwallis at that of Abel Reese, now late of Mrs. Reese, near the bridge at the crossing of the Swedes' Ford road and Chester Valley Railroad. The quarters of Gen. Knyphausen were east of Gen. Howe's, and of Gens. Agnew and Grey, near Howellville. From French Creek Gen. Wayne, on the 17th, was detached, with his division, amounting to about fifteen hundred men and four field-pieces, to join Gen. Smallwood, who had command of the Maryland militia, and was then in the rear of the British army. Wayne was ordered to harass and annoy the enemy, and to seize every occasion which might offer to engage him with advantage, and to endeavor to cut off the baggage-train, and by this means to arrest his march towards the Schuylkill until the Americans could cross the river higher up. and pass down on the east side and intercept the passage of the river by the British. Gen. Wayne proceeded to the duty assigned him, and on the 18th of September encamped about three hundred yards a little north of east of the present Paoli monument, on land now belonging to Hannah G. Griffith, and which was about four miles in the rear of the enemy, distant from any leading road, and securely concealed, as he believed, from the knowledge of Howe. He established his headquarters at the house of a man named King, now of Robert Hutchinson, on the east side of what is now called the Sugartown road, and a short distance south of the gate by which the monument grounds are entered from that road.* those adjoining. After the close of the War returns were made to the County Commissioners, in pursuance of an act of Assembly, passed Sept. 21, 1782, of damages and losses sustained from the troops and adherents of the king of Great Britain during the war, from which we learn that David Dunwoody reported, among other things, the loss of 8500 rails; Daniel Thompson, 8800; Thomas Lewis, 8000; Thomas Rees, 9000; John Bowen, 9000; Thomas Harris, 2300, and many other considerable numbers. Samuel Jefferis, who oWned the property late of Samuel R. Kirk, near Kirkland Station, on the West Chester Railroad, who made no report, lost about ten thousand rails, and his farm. lay unfenced for many years thereafter. * Wayne was no doubt especially chosen for this service, as his home was in the neighborhood,_ and he was well acquainted with the locality. On the 19th of September Gen. Wayne watched the movements of the enemy as far as was practicable, with the view of attacking them should they attempt to move. On the morning of that day, on the enemy's beating the reveille, he ordered his troops under arms, and took up the line of march for their left flank, and proceeded to within half a mile of their encampment, but found they had not stirred, and lay too compact to admit of an attack with prudence. In a letter to the commander-in-chief, written at Paoli after ten o'clock A.M., he stated that the enemy would probably attempt to move towards evening. They did not move, however, but on the 20th he received what he believed was reliable information, that the British commander would take up his line of march for the Schuylkill at two o'clock on the following morning, and he sent Col. Chambers as a guide to Gen. Smallwood, then near the White Horse, to conduct him to the place of encampment. When the junction with his forces should be effected, it was his design to advance upon the British rear and attack it while in the operation of moving. He had already reconnoitred a road leading along their right flank, and had determined on his plan of operation. To be in readiness for this purpose, he directed his men to lie on their arms, and, as it was raining, to protect their cartridge-boxes with their coats ; and that no time might be lost after the arrival of Gen. Smallwood, he had his own horse brought out, saddled and holstered, ready for mounting, and his cloak thrown over his horse to preserve his accoutrements from injury from the inclemency of the weather. He had carefully guarded himself against surprise, planted pickets and sentinels, and thrown forward patrols upon the roads leading to the enemy's camp. Between nine and ten o'clock he received a visit from a friendly citizen of the neighborhood, a Mr. Jones, who had come to his quarters to give information that a servant of Mr. Clayton, who had been taken by the enemy and afterwards liberated, had said that he had overheard some of the British soldiers speak.: ing of an attack to be made upon Wayne's detachment during the course of the night. Gen. Wayne thought proper; in consequence, to take some additional precautions. He dispatched a number of videttes, with orders to patrol all the roads leading to Howe's camp. He planted new pick-. ets, one on a by-path leading from the 'Warren tavern to the camp, and others to the right and in the rear. In addition to these, a horse-picket was well advanced uponi the Swedes' Ford road ; and having taken these precautions, he lay in momentary expectation of Gen. Smallwood's arrival, to enable him to take the offensive. Although the British commander did not know where the forces under Gen. Wayne lay, there were Tories residing in the neighborhood who did, and by these he was informed of the precise locality, and of the nature of the approaches: to it. lie at once sent Gen. Grey to surprise and cut him off, a service •of a dangerous character, as Wayne's corps was known for its stubborn and desperate conduct in fight. Col. Musgrave, with the Fortieth and Fifty-fifth Regiments, was moved up to the Lancaster road, near the Paoli tavern, to be in a position to aid Gen. Grey if necessary, and to intercept any attempt by Wayne's forces to retreat over: that route. The watchword of the Americans for that GENERAL HISTORY - 85 night was " Here we are and there they go," and this, the tradition of the neighborhood says, through some treachery, was communicated to the enemy. Gen. Grey, guided by his Tory aids,* as is generally believed, marched from his encampment near Howellville up the Swedes' Ford road, and massed his troops on that road, as near the camp of Wayne as possible without betraying a knowledge of his approach. From there he moved on up the road to what is now known as the " Valley Store," at the crossing of the Swedes' Ford and Long Ford roads, north of the Admiral Warren. At this point there was an American picket, who fired and escaped. Tradition says the British made use of the American watchword, but the picket discovered they were not Americans and fired. Gen. Grey then proceeded south on the Long Ford road to near the Admiral Warren, where they encountered another picket, who also fired and escaped from there he cautiously moved through the woods and up the ravine through the South Valley Hill, north of this point, and near to the present Malvern Station on the Pennsylvania Railroad. The first intelligence Gen. Wayne received of the enemy's advance was from one of the videttes whom he had sent out in consequence of the notice received from Mr. Jones. Several pickets had been silently bayonetted in the darkness, and being missed by the patroling officer, his suspicions were aroused, and he hastened to the headquarters of his commander with the information. The troops were immediately ordered under arms, and many of them were awakened from their slumbers by the cry, " Up, men, the British are on you !" The night was dark, and, being rendered more obscure by the surrounding wood-- land, much had to be left to conjecture as to the point of attack. Having ascertained, however, that the enemy were advancing upon his right, where the artillery was placed, Wayne directed Col. Humpton, his second in command, to wheel the division by sub-platoons to the right, and to march off by the left, and gain the road leading on the summit of the hill towards the White Horse, being the road on which the division had marched two miles the previous evening. The division wheeled accordingly, and the artillery moved off; but, owing to some misapprehension, as is alleged, on the part of Col. Humpton, the troops did not move, although they were wheeled and faced for the purpose, until the second and third order had been issued. In addition to this, only part of the force took the right direction, while the other part took a wrong one, and were brought within * The Admiral Warren tavern was at that time kept by one Peter Mather, and tradition has always charged him with having been active in piloting Gen. Grey on the night of the massacre. His sympathy was doubtless with the British, but there is reason to question the truth of the tradition. lie denied it himself, and his daughter, at. the age of eighty years, stated to a friend that she was eight years of age at the time, that her father was at home on that night, that the British, in their march to surprise Wayne, came to the house and urged her father to pilot them, but that he positively refused and did not go, and she added that it was a dreadful night to them. As somewhat corroborative of this, it may be stated that several letters of British. offieers concerning the surprise speak of having compelled a blacksmith residing. close to the Warren tavern to give them information and to accompany them, but make no mention of Mather. the light of their fires, and thus gave the enemy an advantage which should have been most assiduously guarded against. Gen. Wayne took the light infantry and First Regiment-, and formed them on the right, with a view to receive the enemy and cover the retreat of the artillery. Gen. Grey, † whose forces consisted of two regiments,—the Forty-second and Forty-fourth,—the Second Battalion of light infantry, and the Second and Tenth Dragoons, was enabled, in consequence of the darkness, and aided by the knowledge of his Tory guides, to approach very closely without observation. lie gained Wayne's left about one o'clock in the morning. The troops under Wayne met the enemy with spirit, and gave them several close and well-directed fires, which did considerable execution. They were, however, soon obliged to give way before the superior numbers of the assailants. Seeing this, Gen. 'Wayne immediately flew to the Fourth Regiment, with which he again received the shock of the enemy's charge, and covered the retreat of the rest of his line. After being again compelled to retire, he rallied such of Col. Humpton's troops as had taken the proper course in their retreat, about three hundred yards in the rear of the last stand, where they were again formed ready to renew the conflict. Both parties, however, drew off without further contest, and 'Wayne retreated to the White Horse, carrying with him his artillery and ammunition, except eight wagons loaded with baggage and stores, which, with a considerable amount of arms, were left upon the field, and fell into the hands of the enemy. The British forces amounted to nearly double the number commanded by Wayne. Gen. Howe had received from disaffected persons such accurate accounts of the strength and position of the American forces as enabled him to give to his own detachment so decided a superiority as to insure victory. He knew from his guides the precise point where to make the attack, and was enabled to move with decision and accuracy, while Wayne was under the necessity of acting, in a great measure, from conjecture. The British attack was made with bayonets and light horsemen's swords only, in a most ferocious and merciless spirit. In emulation of a remarkable action which took place in the German war, Grey ordered his men to remove the flints from their guns, that not a single shot should be fired, and thus gained the sobriquet of the " No-flint general." Even the wounded and sick were not spared, and many were killed after resistance on their part had ceased. It is this feature in the conduct of the British commander which has stigmatized it as " British barbarity" and " cold- † Winthrop Sargent, in his " Life of Maj. John Andre," states thati Andre was an aide to Grey at Paoli. He had been appointed on his staff early in the summer of 1777, and was With him at the battle of Brandywine; but on that occasion Grey's brigade, which formed parti of the column of Cornwallis, was not called into action. Its char-. acter was so high that it was preserved intact as a recourse in case Knyphausen failed. Maj. Andre had been a prisoner of war on parole from November, 1775, until January, 1777, spending his time-at Lancaster, Carlisle, and Reading, and during this period had frequently traveled the Lancaster road, and was therefore doubtless of service to Grey on the night in question. 86 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. blooded cruelty," and has given to this affair the title of the Paoli massacre.* When the attack commenced, Gen. Smallwood, with about eleven hundred and fifty Maryland militia, and Col. Gist, with seven hundred men, were within a short distance of 'Wayne, whom they were hastening to join. Had they commanded soldiers of sufficient firmness, their sudden arrival might have greatly embarrassed the British general, and even given a different turn to the affair. The raw militia commanded by them became, however, excessively alarmed, and could not be brought to face the enemy thus unexpectedly encountered ; and the advance having fallen in with a small party of the enemy who were returning from the pursuit, they fled in confusion, with the loss of one man only, and Gen. Smallwood, with the remainder of his Romans, agreeably to the orders of Wayne, joined him at the 'White Horse. † The loss of the Americans was about one hundred and fifty killed and wounded. The British reported their loss as eight killed, but the opinion of the neighborhood at the time was strongly against the veracity of this report, as many litters were seen to pass that night towards the British camp, and it is well known that they manifested extreme jealousy with regard to the discovery of the extent to which they suffered. ‡ The next morning the scene of the conflict was visited by the people of the neighborhood, one of whom was Joseph Cox, and the sufferings of' the wounded were alleviated as far as circumstances would permit. It had rained heavily the night before, and to assuage their thirst the water was dipped up with leaves, and with the broad brims of their hats, from the pools which had formed, and given to the men. Fifty-three mangled dead were found upon the * In Lossing's "Field-Book of the Revolution," vol. ii. p. 164, 1860, the following is given: " A Hessian sergeant, boasting of the exploits of that night, exclaimed, a What a running about barefoot and half-clothed, and in the light of their own fires! These showed us where to chase them, while they could not see us. We killed three hundred of the rebels with the bayonet. I stuck them myself like so many pigs, one after another, until the blood ran out of the touch-hole of my musket.'" † Copy of a Memorandum in the handwriting of Capt. Thomas Buchan- an, of First Pennsylvania Regiment.   " At the affair of the Paoli, in the fall of 1777, I was sent forward to Gen. Smallwood, that lay at the White Horse, to get him to cover our retreat and fix a place of rendezvous, etc. He sent me forward to try to stop as many of his broken troops that had taken the road to Downingtown. On coming near to there I found where some of his artillery had thrown a field-piece into a lime-kiln, and had broken the carriage. I went on to Downingtown, and fixed a guard on the road to stop the runaways; got a wheeler and blacksmith to mend the carriage, and Went down and put the cannon on the carriage, etc." ‡ " Lieut. Samuel Brady, of Buffalo Valley, now in "Union Co., Pa., belonged to Capt. John Doyle's company of Independent Rifles, then attached to the Sixth Pennsylvania, in Wayne's brigade, and was with him at Paoli. Brady was on guard, and laid down with his blanket buckled around him. The British were nearly on them before the sentinel fired. Brady ran, and as he jumped a fence a soldier struck at him with a musket and pinned his blanket to a rail. He tore the blanket and dashed on. A horseman overtook him and ordered him to stop. He wheeled and shot the horseman dead, and got into a small swamp, supposing no one in but himself. In the morning he found fifty-five men in it, of whom he took command and conducted to camp."—From John B. Linm's Annals of Buffalo Valley, Pa. field, and decently interred by the farmers in one grave, immediately adjoining the scene of action, on the spot now marked by a monument. While they were engaged in the act of' burying the dead a number of British officers rode up and viewed the grounds, but did not interfere with them. About two weeks thereafter the body of another dead soldier was found in the woods and buried where it lay. Among those killed was Major Marion Lamar, of (now) Centre County, who fell in the midst of the British in the retreat. His last words were, " Halt, boys, give these assassins one fire !" He was instantly cut down by the enemy. In honor of this martyr in. the cause of his country a township in Centre County, erected in 1817, was given his name. Dr. Christian Reinick, of Lancaster, surgeon's mate of the First Pennsylvania, was also killed. § The unfortunate affair soon became the subject of animadversion in the army, instigated, it was said, by those who were envious of Wayne's rising reputation, and in consequence he at once requested an inquiry into his conduct. This request was granted, and soon after the battle of Germantown a court-martial was convened. The charge, which was preferred by Col. Humpton, was that Gen. Wayne " had timely notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops under his command on the night of' the 20th of September, and, notwithstanding that intelligence, he neglected making a disposition until it was too late either to annoy the enemy or make a retreat without the utmost danger and confusion." Gen. Wayne made a written answer to this charge against him, and after a full investigation the court unanimously acquitted him of the charge, arid further declared that he had done everything that could be expected from an active, brave, and vigilant officer under the orders which he then had, and they further added, " The court do acquit him with the highest honor." The attack upon Wayne's forces and their consequent retreat frustrated the contemplated operations against the right wing and rear of the enemy, and enabled Howe to move without being molested. On the morning of the 21st of September he resumed his march, and, in pursuance of his § Dr. R. C. Smedley, born and reared in the neighborhood, relates the following traditions : " On the night of the massacre, while the slaughter was going on, the family of Joseph Cox, living near by, on the property now owned by Wm. G. Cox, on the State road, were aroused by a man outside calling to them. The battle of Brandywine having occurred but a short time before, and the family knowing that soldiers were in the neighborhood, had been living in a state of apprehension and excitement, and were easily awakened. Joseph immediately arose, hoisted the window, and asked, 'Who is there?' ` For God's sake get up ; we're all routed,' replied the man. 'Don't you hear them ?' At this every member of the family was soon at the windows listening to the work of carnage. There was borne to them distinctly on that midnight air the sounds of the British as they rushed through the camp in their demon-like madness and murderous intent, crying out with vociferous yell the Americans' watchword of that night, Here we are and there they go,' the cracking of leaves and bushes as men rushed through them, and the groans of the wounded as they were stabbed with swords and bayonets, becoming fainter and fainter until they died. "Early the next morning a soldier came to the house of Joseph Cox to borrow of him a plain coat and hat to wear back to the place to look after his fallen comrades, saying he was afraid to go in his uniform lest some of the English might be lying around to kill any American soldiers that might return." GENERAL HISTORY - 87 purpose to reach Philadelphia, moved down the road leading to Swedes' Ford, intending to cross the Schuylkill at that point ; but there were breastworks on the opposite side of the river, occupied by troops placed there by Washington, and, seeing this, he turned up the river on the west side, with the intention of making its passage at some of the fords higher up. The American army under Washington, in order if possible to prevent the British from passing the river, had in the mean time moved from Warwick Furnace, and crossed the Schuylkill at what was then known as Parker's Ford, at or near the present village of Lawrenceville, in this county, the officers and men wading the stream, which was breast-high, and marched southward on the east side, by way of the Trappe, as far as the Perkiomen. The British commander then made a feint of moving his army northward along the west bank of the Schuylkill, with the view of inducing the Americans to suppose that it was his intention to gain their right, or else by a sudden movement to seize the ammunition and other military stores deposited at Reading. Washington, deceived by this movement., returned up the eastern side of the river to the neighborhood of Pottsgrove, and while he was there Gen. Howe, on the 23d of September, suddenly wheeled his army, marched rapidly down the river, and, dividing his forces, crossed with little opposition at Gordon's Ford, now Phoenixville, and at Fatland Ford, a short distance below Valley Forge, and proceeded by easy marches to Philadelphia, which he entered in triumph on September 26th. One of the great difficulties with which the American cause had to contend during the entire period of the Revolutionary war, after the early enthusiasm had in some measure subsided and war became a stern reality, was the fct that a portion of the people were either apathetic or disposed to favor the British interest. The region bordering on the Schuylkill River, through which the armies passed, was largely disaffected towards the American cause, and for that reason Washington could procure very little reliable information of the movements of the enemy. Could he have obtained correct intelligence, he might have foiled Howe and saved Philadelphia. We perhaps appreciate too little the difficulties under which Washington sometimes labored in obtaining correct information, by reason of this disposition among a portion of the people to withhold their aid from the struggling cause. The British army, in its march from the Head of Elk to Philadelphia, occupied about two weeks in its passage through Chester County, having entered it on the 9th of September, 1777, and left it on the 23d of the same month. It traversed nearly the whole length of the southern part of the county (then comprising within its limits the present county of Delaware), and also made incursions into several townships not on the line of the main route, before making its exit in the neighborhood of the present town of Phoenixville and of Valley Forge, and taking up its winter quarters in the quiet city of Penn. This was the only time during the entire contest that the soil of our good county was pressed by the foot of the invader, if we except the occasional foraging expeditions sent out from Philadelphia while it was occupied by the British army. The plunder and devastation perpetrated by the enemy—English as well as Hessians—on the private property of passive non-combatants during this period, in violation of the proclamation issued by Howe, was enormous and wanton, while compensation for any portion of the property taken was rarely made by those in command. Many families were stripped of everything they possessed, and left in a state of perfect destitution. " The British army had not before passed through a district of country so rich in agricultural productions, nor one in which every farm house was so well stored with everything that could minister to the real comforts of life." Hence they did not fail to gather a rich harvest, carrying off horses, cattle, sheep, swine, grain, provisions, clothing, merchandise in stores, liquors in public-houses, and whatever they could lay their hands on that could be used in the camp or on the march. Independent, however, of the property thus carried off, the wanton destruction of furniture and other articles which they could not use was unworthy of the most barbarous people, and this devastation was not confined to the track of the army, but extended for a considerable distance on either side.* For forty years the spot where the patriot dead of this field lay interred was unmarked save by a heap of stones, but on the 20th of September, 1817, the Republican Artillerists of Chester County, aided by their fellow-citizens, erected a monument over their remains, appropriately inscribed. On that occasion an address was delivered by Major Isaac D. Barnard, and an account of the massacre was .given by the Rev. David Jones, then in his eighty-second year, who had been the chaplain to the ill-fated warriors, and who was on the ground on that fatal night and barely escaped. The occasion was also honored by the presence of Col. Isaac Wayne, the son of Gen. Wayne. Soon thereafter these grounds, containing twenty-three acres, were purchased by the military organizations of Chester and Delaware Counties, and set apart as a parade-ground. On each returning anniversary of the massacre, for many years, the citizens, soldiers of these counties, and occasional visiting companies from Philadelphia and elsewhere, met here to participate in the ceremonies of the day, which, we believe, were for some years invariably closed with a sham battle. These visits were interrupted by the war of the Rebellion, but since its close they have been resumed: The scene of this conflict is probably the best preserved of any that marked the progress of the Revolutionary war. It is in Willistown township, less than half a mile southwest of Malvern. PAPERS RELATING TO THE PAOLI MASSACRE. The following account is from the diary of Lieut. (afterwards Gen.) Hunter : " As soon as it was dark the whole battalion got under arms. Maj.Gen. Grey then came up to the battalion, and told Maj. Maitland, * While the British army lay in Tredyffrin township a detachment was sent to Valley Forge, and destroyed property belonging to Col. William Dewees, valued by him at £4171, Pennsylvania currency, equal to over $11,000. Among the property destroyed and taken from him was a forge, saw-mill, two large stone dwelling-houses, two coal-houses and four hundred loads of coal, and twenty-two hundred bushels of wheat and rye in sheaf. 88 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. who commanded, that the battalion was going on a night expedition to try and surprise a camp, and that if any men were loaded they must immediately draw their pieces. The major said the whole of the battalion was always loaded, and that if he would only allow them to remain so, he, the major, would be answerable that they did not fire a shot. The general then said if he could place that dependence on the battalion they should remain loaded, but firing might be attended with serious consequences. We remained loaded, and marched at eight in the evening to surprise Gen. Wayne's camp. We did not meet a patrol or vidette of the enemy until within a mile or two of the camp, when our advanced guard was challenged by two videttes. They challenged twice, fired, and galloped off at full speed. A little farther on there was a blacksmith's forge; a party was immediately sent to bring the blacksmith, and he informed as that the picket was only a few hundred yards up the road. He was ordered to conduct us to the camp, and we had not marched a quarter of a mile when the picket challenged, fired a volley, and retreated. General Grey then came to the head of the battalion, and cried out, ' Dash on, light infantry !' and without saying a word the whole battalion dashed into the wood, and, guided by the straggling fire of the picket, that was followed close up, we entered the camp, and gave such a cheer as made the wood echo. The enemy were completely surprised; some with aims, others without, running in all directions in the greatest confusion. The light infantry bayonetted every man they came up with. The camp was immediately set on fire, and this, with the cries of the wounded, formed altogether one of the most dreadful scenes I ever beheld. Every man that fired was instantly put to death. Capt. Wolfe was killed, and I received a shot in my right hand soon after we entered the camp. I saw the fellow present at me, and was running up to him when he fired. He was immediately killed. The enemy were pursued for two miles. I kept up until I grew faint from loss of blood, and was obliged to sit down. Wayne's brigade was to have marched at once in the morning to attack our battalion while crossing the Schuylkill River, and we surprised them at twelve. Four hundred and sixty of the enemy were counted the next morning lying dead, and not one shot was fired by us,—all was done with the bayonet. We had only twenty killed and wounded." Account by an officer of the Second Battalion British Light Infantry : "I have been in a more bloody affair at midnight on the 20th of September. The battalion I served in (the Second Light Infantry),• supported by three regiments and some dragoons, surprised a camp of the rebels consisting of 1500 men, and bayonetted (we hear) from four to five hundred. "The affair was admirably conceived and executed. I will (as it is remarkable) particularize. I was released from picket at sunset,—the preceding sunset I mounted,—and was waked at nine at night to go on the bloody business. The men were ordered to unload; on no account to fire. We took a circuit in dead silence; about one in the morning fell in with a rebel vidette (a vidette is a horse sentinel), was challenged three times and fired. He was pursued but escaped. Soon after two foot sentries challenged and fired ; these escaped also. We then marched on briskly, still silent; our company was advanced, immediately preceding a company of riflemen, who always are in front. A picket fired upon us at the distance of fifteen yards, miraculously without effect. This unfortunate guard was instantly dispatched by the riflemen's swords. We marched on through a thick wood, and received a smart fire from another unfortunate picket,—as the first, instantly massacred. We then saw the wigwams or huts, partly by the almost extinguished light of the fires and partly by the glimmer of a few stars, and the frightened wretches endeavoring to form. We then charged. For two miles we drove them, now and then firing scatteringly from behind fences, trees, Ste. The flashes of the pieces had a fine effect in the night. " Then followed a dreadful scene of havoc. The light dragoons came on sword in hand; the shrieks, groans, shouting, imprecations, deprecations, the clashing of swords and bayonets, etc., no firing from us, and little from them, except now and then a few, as I said before, scattering shots, was more expressive of horror than all the thunder of the artillery, etc., on the day of action." From the " Diary of the Revolution," by Frank Moore, vol. i. page 498, copied from Gaines'. Mercury "September 22d. Yesterday, the British having received intelligence of the situation of General Wayne, and his design of attacking their rear should they attempt to pass the Schuylkill, a plan was concerted for surprising him, and the execution intrusted to Maj.-Gen. Grey. The troops for this service were the Fortieth and Fifty-fifth Regiments, under Lieut.-Col. Musgrave, and the Second Battalion of light infantry, and the Forty-second and Forty-fourth Regiments, under the general. The last detachment marched at ten o'clock last night, the other at eleven. No soldiers of either were suffered to load; they that could not draw their pieces took out their flint. The general knew nearly the spot where the rebel corps lay, but nothing, of the disposition of their camp. He represented to the men that firing would discover them to the enemy, kill their own friends, and cause a confusion favorable to the escape of the rebels, and perhaps productive of disgrace to the British. On the other hand, by not firing they would know the foe to be wherever fire appeared, and a charge insured his destruction; that amongst the enemy, those in the rear would direct their fire against whoever fired in front, and consequently destroy each other. "General Grey marched by the road leading to the White Horse, and took every inhabitant with him as he passed along. About three miles from camp he turned to the left and proceeded to the Admiral Warren, where, having forced intelligence from a blacksmith, he came in upon the out-sentries, pickets, and camp of the rebels. The sentries fired and ran off, to the number of four, at different intervals; the picket was surprised, and most of them killed in endeavoring to retreat. On approaching the right of the camp the line of fires were perceived, and the light infantry, being ordered to form to the front, rushed along the line, putting to the bayonet all they came up with, and, overtaking the main herd of fugitives, stabbed great numbers, and pressed on their rear till it was thought prudent to order them to desist. The Forty-fourth Regiment, advancing in line likewise, closed up in support of the light infantry, putting to the sword such of the rebels as the heat of the pursuit had escaped that corps, whilst the Forty-second came on in a third line as a reserve. Upwards of two hundred were killed, and as many more wounded. Seventy-one prisoners were brought off; forty of them, being badly wounded, were left at different houses on the road. The British loss consisted of Capt. Wolfe and one or two men killed, Lieut. Hunter and five men wounded. It was about one o'clock this morning when the attack was made, and the rebels were then assembling to move towards the king's forces." Extract from Gen. Howe's letter to Lord George Germain :* "HEAD-QUARTERS, GERMANTOWN, Oct. 10, 1777. "MY LORD: * * * * * "The enemy crossed the Schuylkill on the 18th, above French Creek, and encamped upon the river on each side of Perkyomy Creek, having, detached troops to all the fords of Schuylkill, with cannon at Swedesford and the fords below it. "Upon intelligence that Gen. Wayne was lying in the woods with a corps of fifteen hundred men and four pieces of cannon, about three miles distant, and in the rear of the left wing of the army, Maj.-Gen. Grey was detached on the 20th, late at night, with the Second Light Infantry, the Forty-second and Forty-fourth Regiments, to surprise. this corps. "The most effectual precaution being taken by the general to prevent his detachment from firing, he gained the enemy's left about one, o'clock, and, having by the bayonet only forced their out-sentries and: pickets, he rushed in upon their encampment, directed by the light of their fires, killed and wounded not less than three hundred on the spot, taking between seventy and eighty prisoners, including several officers, the greater part of their arms, and eight wagons loaded with Baggage and stores. Upon the first alarm the cannon were carried off, and the darkness" of the night only saved the remainder of the corps. One captain of light infantry and three men were killed in the attack, and four men wounded. Gallantry in the troops and good conduct in the general were fully manifested upon this critical service. * * * * *  " With most perfect respect, "I have the honor to be, &c., " W. HOWE." * See Remembrancer, vol.. v. p. 413. GENERAL HISTORY - 89 Letter of Col. Samuel Hay to Col. (afterwards Gen.) William Irvine : " CAMP AT THE TRAP, Sept. 29, 1777. "DEAR COLONEL,—Since I had the pleasure of seeing you the division under the command of Gen. Wayne has been surprised by the enemy with considerable loss. We were ordered by his Excellency to march from the Yellow Springs down to where the enemy lay, near the Admiral Warren, there to annoy their rear. We marched early on the 17th instant, and got below the Paoli that night; on the next day fixed on a place for our camp. We lay the 18th and 19th undisturbed, but on the 20th, at twelve o'clock at night, the enemy marched out, and so unguarded was our camp that they were among us before we either formed in any manner for our safety or attempted to retreat, notwithstanding the general had full intelligence of their designs two hours before they came out. I will inform you in a few words of what happened. The annals of the age cannot produce such a scene of butchery. All was confusion, the enemy among us, and your regiment the most exposed as the enemy came on the right wing. The First Regiment (which always takes the right) was taken off and posted in a strip of woods, stood only one fire, and retreated ; then we were next the enemy, and as we were among our fires they had a great advantage of us. I need not go on to give the particulars, but the enemy rushed on with fixed bayonets and made the use of them they intended. So you may figure to yourself what followed. The party lost three hundred privates in killed, wounded, and missing, besides commissioned and non-commissioned officers. Our loss is Col. Grier, Capt. Wilson, and Lieut. Irvine * wounded (but none of them dangerously), and sixty-one non-commissioned and privates killed and wounded, which Was just half the men we had on the ground fit for duty. The 22d I went to the ground to see the wounded; the scene was shocking, the poor men groaning under their wounds; which were all by stabs of bayonets and cuts of light horsemen's swords. Col. Grier is wounded in the side by a bayonet, superficially slanting to the breast-bone. Capt. Wilson stabbed in the side, but not dangerous, as it did not take the guts or belly ; he got also a bad stroke on the head with the cock-nail of the lock of a musket. Andrew Irvine was run through the fleshy part of the thigh with a bayonet. They are all laying near David Jones' tavern. I left Capt. McDowell with them to dress and take care of them, and they are all in a fair way of recovery. Maj. Lamar, of the Third Regiment, was killed, and some other inferior officers. The enemy also lost Capt. Wolfe killed, and four or five light horsemen, and about twenty privates, besides a number wounded. The general officers have been in council for three days, and the plan is fixed, but what it is we do not yet know. Inclosed you have the state of the British army, with their loss at Brandywine; you have it as I have it, and may judge of it as you think proper. "You will see by this imperfect scrawl how many sorts of ink I have written with,—all borrowed, and the inkstands dry,—as I have no baggage, nor have had any these four weeks, more than one shirt and one pair of stockings, besides what is on my back. The other officers are in the same way, and most of the officers belonging to the division have lost their baggage at Col. Frazer's, taken by the enemy. I have nothing new to inform you of. My compliments to Mrs. Irvine and Mrs. Armstrong; let her know the general is very well, and lodges near our camp. "I am, with great respect, "Yours affectionately, "SAMUEL HAY. "P. S.—The officers of the division have protested against Gen. Wayne's conduct and lodged a complaint, and requested a court-martial, which his Excellency has promised they shall have. This has brought down his pride a little already." GEN. CHARLES GREY. Gen. Charles Grey, the British officer who " conducted" the massacre at Paoli, also distinguished himself subsequently in superintending the bayoneting of sixty-nine un- * Capt. Andrew Irvine received seventeen bayonet-wounds in all, one of which penetrated through his company book, which, in the confusion, he had taken up and thrust into the breast-pocket of his coat to carry off. He never entirely recovered, but died, soon after the close of the war, from the effects of these wounds. - 12 - armed men of Baylor's regiment, near Tappan, N. Y., to whom he ordered no quarters to be given, although they begged for their lives on bended knees. After these heroic achievements he returned to England, where he was dubbed by King George III.—presumably as a reward for his meritorious services—Sir Charles Grey, Knight of the Bath. He was created Baron- Grey of Howick in 1801, and in 1806, Viscount Howick and Earl Grey. One of his sons became Prime Minister in 1830, and others of his descendants have been conspicuous in British annals. PAPERS RELATING TO THE TRIAL OF GEN. WAYNE. REQUEST OF GEN. WAYNE FOR COURT-MARTIAL. Shortly after the 20th of September Gen. Wayne addressed the following letter to Washington : "SIR: I feel myself very much injured until such time as you will be kind enough to indulge me with an inquiry into my conduct concerning the action of the 20th of September. " Conscious of having done my duty, I dare my accusers to a fair and candid hearing; dark and insidious friends I dread, but from an open and avowed enemy I have nothing to fear. I have no other mode of showing them forth to open view than through your means. I must, therefore, beg an immediate investigation by a court-martial. Your compliance will much oblige your Excellency's most obedient humble servant. "ANTHONY WAYNE." ORDER OF GEN. WASHINGTON TO COURT OF INQUIRY. "HEADQUARTERS, TOAMENSING, Oct. 11, 1777. "The Court of Inquiry of which Lord Stirling is President, † now sitting at the President's quarters, is to inquire into the conduct of Brig.-Gen. Wayne, viz.: That he had timely notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops under his command on the night of the 20th ultimo ; and, notwithstanding that intelligence, he neglected making a disposition until it was too late either to annoy the enemy or make a retreat without the utmost danger and confusion. The President will give notice when the court can enter on the inquiry, and when the parties and evidence are to attend. "GEORGE WASHINGTON." COURT-MARTIAL CONVENED. A general court-martial, of which Gen. Sullivan was president, was held the 25th, 26th, 27th, and 30th of October, for the trial of Brig.-Gen. Wayne on the following charges, viz. : That he had timely notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops under his command on the night of the 20th of September last, and, notwithstanding that intelligence, neglected making a disposition until it was too late either to annoy the enemy or make a retreat without the utmost danger and confusion. DEFENSE OF GEN. WAYNE. "After the expiration of five weeks, during which period the tongue of slander has not been idle, I am happy to bring my case before a court of whose honor and impartial judgment I cannot have the least doubt. I shall not intrude on the patience of this court by any useless preface, but proceed to answer the charge. "The first part of the charge exhibited against me, that 'I had timely notice of the enemy's intention to attack the troops under my command.,' is very readily answered. "I shall briefly notice what these gentlemen call a timely notice. A Mr. Jones, an old gentleman living near where we were encamped, came to my quarters between nine and ten o'clock at night, and informed me, before Cols. Hartley, Broadhead, end Temple, that a servant-boy belonging to Mr. Clayton had been taken by the enemy and liberated again, who said that he had heard some of their soldiers say † It consisted of Gens. McDougall and Knox, Cols. Spencer and Clark. 90 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. that they intended to attack me that night. Although this could not be deemed a sufficient notice upon any military principle, yet I immediately ordered out a number of videttes, in addition to those already planted, with directions to patrol all the roads leading to the enemy's camp. I also planted two new piquets, the one in front on a blind path leading from the Warren to my camp, the other to the right, and in the rear, which made on that night not less than six different piquets. I had, exclusive of these, a horse piquet under Capt. Stoddard; well advanced on the Swedes' Ford road, being the very way the enemy marched that night. But the very first intelligence which I„ received of their advancing was from one of the videttes which I' sent out in consequence of the timely notice from Mr. Jones, who had only time to go about a mile before he met the enemy. Immediately on his return the troops were all ordered to form, having been warned to lay on their arms in the evening, for a purpose which I shall presently mention. At this time it was raining, and in order to save the cartridges from wet I ordered the soldiers to put their cartouchboxes under their coats. This, gentlemen, does not look like a surprise : it rather proves that we were prepared either to move off or act as the case might require when once apprized which way the enemy were actually advancing. To have made any move previously to ascertaining that fact might have been attended by fatal consequences, totally subversive of the views of the commander-in-chief. So soon as it was discovered that the enemy were pushing for our right, where our artillery. was planted, Maj. Ryan carried my orders to Col. Humpton and to the division to wheel by sub platoons to the right, and to march off by the left, and gain the road leading on the summit of the hill toWards the White Horse, it being the very road on which the division moved the previous evening. The division Wheeled accordingly, the artillery moved off, but, owing to some neglect or misapprehension, which is not .uncommon in Col. Humpton, the troops did not move until a second and third order were sent, although they were wheeled and faced for the purpose. At the very time this order for the retreat was at first given, and which I presumed was obeyed, I took the light infantry and the First Regiment, and formed them on the right, and remained there with them and the horse, in order to cover the retreat. If this was not makimg a disposition, I acknowledge I know not what,. a disposition is. "Those troops met and received the enemy with a spirit becoming free Americans, but were forced to give way to numbers. The neglect or misapprehension of Col. Humpton had detained the division too long, otherwise the disposition would have been perfect. I was, in consequence, necessitated to form the Fourth Regiment to receive the enemy and favor the retreat of the others; this Col. Butler and the officers of the infantry of that regiment were concerned in and Witness of. About three hundred yards in rear of that I again rallied such of the divisions as took the proper route; those who went a contrary way and out of supporting distance perhaps Col. Humpton can give' the best account of. Here I have a fair and ample field for recrimination were I so disposed. I shall waive the subject; and beg leave to read the orders which I received from time to time from his Excellency Gen. Washington. "In the eyes of gentlemen and officers I trust that I stand justified for the part I took on that night. I had the fullest and clearest advice that the enemy would march that morning at two o'clock for the river Schuylkill, and in consequence of this intelligence I had reconnoitred a road leading immediately along the right flank of the enemy, with Cols. Humpton and Hartley, and had the men lying on their arms, to move (as soon as Gen. Smallwood should arrive) not from but to the enemy. For this purpose I had sent Col. Chambers as a guide to conduct that officer into my rear, who, with his division, was expected to arrive every moment from two in the afternoon until we were attacked, at which time he was within a short distance of our rear, and retreated to the White Horse. "I shall just put a serious question or two, and then submit the mat ter to the decision of this court. Suppose that, after all these repeated orders from his Excellency, and the arrival of Gen. Smallwood, I had retreated, before I knew whether the enemy intended to attack me or not, and that they should have marched for the Schuylkill that morning, which they actually did, would not these very gentlemen have been the first to default me for putting it out of my power to attack their rear ? Would not his Excellency, with the greatest justice, have ordered me in arrest for cowardice and disobedience of his repeated peremptory and most pointed orders ? Would not I have stood culpable in the eyes of the world? Would I not justly have merited immediate death or cashiering? I certainly would. What line could I follow but the one I trod? What more could be done on the occasion than what was done? The artillery, ammunition, etc., were covered and saved by a body of 'troops who were rallied and remained on the ground more than an hour after that gentleman, Col. Humpton, the prosecutor, had effected his escape from danger, although, perhaps, not without confusion. "I hold it needless to say any more, or to take up the time of this court on the occasion. I rest my honor and character, which to me are more dear than life, in the hands of gentlemen who, when deciding on my honor, will not forget their own." DECISION OF THE COURT. "The court having fully considered the charge against Brigadier-General Wayne, and the evidence produced to them, are unanimously of opinion that Gen. Wayne is not guilty of the charge exhibited against him, but that he on the night of the 20th ultimo did everything that could be expected from an active, brave, and vigilant officer under the orders which he then had. The court do acquit him with the highest honor. "The Commander-in-Chief approves the sentence." THE EVIDENCE OF CAPT. JAMES WILSON, OF THE FIRST PENNSYLVANIA REGIMENT. "That on the night of the 29th Septr Genl. Wayne Personally placed me With the Light Infantry, his orders to me Was, Stand like a Brave Soldier and Give them fire. his Orders I Obey'd as Long as Possible, but the Enimy being too numereus forsd me to Give Way to the middle Fence, Where I Rallied about Thirty men and Gave them the Last Fire. "JA. WILSON, "Capt. 1st Regt." On the back, in the handwriting of Lord Stirling, are the following questions and answers,— “Q. What distance was the Light Infantry advanced from ye right of ye Division when you received the enemy ?" " A. 300 yards. " Q. How long was ye placed to oppose the Enemy before they came to you at Firing distance? "A. About 8 minutes, & then not above a rod distance." CENTENNIAL ANNIVERSARY OF THE MASSACRE. The monument thus erected having, in the lapse of years, become very much injured and defaced by relic hunters, and being no longer a fitting memorial to the heroic dead, steps were taken to procure the erection of a new one, and on September 20, 1877, the one hundredth anniversary of the massacre, the new one, built under the auspices of the military of Chester and Delaware Counties, aided by many citizens, was dedicated with appropriate military honors. The 20th of September, 1877, was a day which will long live in the annals of Chester County. The sky was unclouded, and the balmy air seemed to invite the people to turn out in holiday garb and greet each other upon the historic field of Paoli. At an early hour they began to gather from all directions, in carriages, on horseback, and on foot military and civic processions paraded into the grounds to the music of bands and drum corps, and the numerous trains on the West Chester and Pennsylvania Railroads added their quota to the moving tide of humanity, until, as the hour approached for the commencement of the exercises, the grounds seemed to be literally covered with people. There was such an assemblage as had never hefore convened on the soil of Chester County. The number present was variously estimated at from eight to ten thousand persons. While on the dedication of the first monument, on the fortieth anniversary, September 11, 1817, Col. Isaac GENERAL HISTORY - 91 Wayne, a son of Gen. Anthony Wayne, was present and participated in the ceremonies, so on this occasion, the one hundredth anniversary, the day and event were honored in the presence of Capt. William Wayne, a great-grandson of Chester County's brave and gallant hero, Anthony Wayne, a gentleman who, inheriting the military qualities of his noble ancestor, was himself an officer in the Union army during the war of the Rebellion of 1861-65. The monument is of Quincy granite, twenty-two feet and a half in height, chaste and rich, and impressive in its simplicity. A square pedestal of rugged granite supports a sub-base of similar material but smaller proportions; on this rests the die with its inscriptions, from which springs upward a plain granite shaft, the whole making a well-proportioned obelisk. On the west face of the shaft is cut in bold letters the word " Paoli," while the polished die bears the following inscriptions: West side : "Sacred to the memory of the PATRIOTS who on this spot fell a sacrifice to British barbarity during the struggle for AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, on the night of the 20th of September, 1777." North side : " THE ATROCIOUS MASSACRE which this stone commemorates was perpetrated by British troops under the immediate command of MAJOR-GENERAL GREY." South side : " Here repose the remains of fifty-three AMERICAN SOLDIERS, who were the victims of cold-blooded cruelty in the well known "MASSACRE AT THE PAOLI," while under the command of GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE, an officer whose military conduct, bravery and humanity, were equally conspicuous throughout the REVOLUTIONARY WAR." East side: "Erected by the citizens of Chester and Delaware counties, September 20, 1877, being THE CENTENNIAL ANNIVERSARY of the Paoli Massacre. The other inscriptions on this monument are copied from the memorial stone formerly standing here, which was erected by the Republican Artillerists, and other citizens of Chester County, September 20, 1817." These inscriptions (except that on the east side), taken from the old monument, were written by Dr. William Darlington, who was the master-spirit on the occasion of its erection in 1817. PAOLI MONUMENT. The monument is built upon a mound of about three feet, giving it an elevation of twenty-five feet. On the south end of the mound stands the old monument, erected in 1817, which is preserved as a relic of the past. It is nine feet in height, has a base of blue marble and pedestal of white marble, upon which are the inscriptions as above mentioned. The stone wall was removed, and the whole plot is surrounded by a wrought iron picket-fence five feet high. When the corner-stone of the wnew monument was laid a copper box was placed at its base, containing the following articles: 1. Original subscription list, dated July 4, 1875, with the name of projector of monument and the subscriptions obtained on that day. 2. Address on monument project to the citizens of Chester County. 3. List of contributors. 4. Specifications and contract. 5. Officers of the day. 6. Large handbill of dedication ceremonies. 7. Portrait of Gen. Anthony Wayne. 8. Chester and Delaware County newspapers. 9. Names of President and Vice-President of the United States. 10. Naive of the Governor of Pennsylvania. 11. Names of county officers, with their signatures. 12. Confederate money,—$50, $20, $5, $1. 13. Specimens of colonial and Continental money. 14. Likenesses of President and Vice-President of United States. 15. Ticket of admission to the counting of the electoral vote, 1877, House of Representatives, signed by T. W. Ferry, President of Senate, and Samuel J. Randall, Speaker of House. 16. Silver coins, as follows : trade dollar, ordinary dollar, half-dollar, quarter-dollar, dime, and two three-cent pieces; five-cent nickel, two-cent piece, one-cent-piece, old copper penny, and half-penny, copper. 92 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. Governor John F. Hartranft and staff, with other gentlemen, arrived by an early train, and were escorted to the residence of Capt. William Wayne, where a bountiful breakfast bad been provided. After breakfast the whole party, preceded by the Washington Troop, repaired to the monument grounds, and were met at the western entrance by Col. Alfred Rupert, the chief marshal of the day, and his aides, and as the procession moved across the field the military organizations were drawn in line to receive the Governor, and presented an imposing sight. A Governor's salute of seventeen guns was fired by the Griffen Battery. At twelve o'clock the meeting, which was held in the grove immediately west of and near the monument, was organized by Dr. Wood, who named the following officers : President.—Hon. Washington Townsend. Vice-Presidents.—Capt. Wm. Wayne, John D. Evans, Dr. John R. Hoskins, Jesse Matlack, Abraham Fetters, Jr., Isaac W. Vanleer, Gen. George Hartman, Dr. Jacob Rickabaugh, Chandler Phillips, Col. F. B. Speakman, John McWilliams, Evans Rogers, Robert E. Monaghan, Esq., Col. N. M. Ellis, John 0. K. Robarts, John P. Thornbury, Edwin Otley, Hon. William Ward, James M. Wilcox, Dr. J. L. Forwood, Charles D. Manley, Esq., David Ruth, Esq., Tryon Lewis, Dr. George Smith, P. Frazer Smith, Esq., David Ramsay, John Irey, Matthew Barker, Hon. Jesse C. Dickey, Capt. Samuel Holman, J. Lacey Darlington, Harmon Bond, Wm. T. Shafer, Hon. J. M. Broomall, Robert L. McClellan, Nimrod Strickland, Wellington Hickman, W. Cooper Talley. Secretaries.—Maj. A. C. Fulton, R. Jones Monaghan, W. W. Thomson, Thomas V. Cooper, William W. Polk, William H. Hodgson, Barton D. Evans, W. I. Kauffman, Henry L. Brinton, John Miller, Edward B. Moore, Ezra Evans, Vosburg Schaeffer. The exercises were then conducted in the following order: 1. Delivery of monument by Mr. Van Gunden, on behalf of Messrs. Van Gunden, Young & Drumm, of Philadelphia, the contractors, to the committee. 2. Reception of the same, on behalf of the committee, by Capt. Robert T. Cornwell. 3. Presentation of monument by Dr. Wood, on behalf of the committee, to the president for dedication. 4. Address of Hon. Washington Townsend at dedication. 5. Unveiling of monument by Dr. Wood. 6. National salute of thirty-eight guns by Griffen Battery. 7. Prayer by Rev. Joseph S. Evans. 8. Historical address by J. Smith Futhey, Esq. 9. Oration by Hon. Wayne MacVeagh. 10. Benediction by Rev. Mr. Elliott. At the conclusion of the foregoing programme, the military and citizens formed in line, and to the solemn music of the bands and the low roll of the muffled drums marched slowly around the monument. It was a very impressive ceremony. The order of march was as follows : Gen. John R. Dobson and Staff. Col. Alfred Rupert and Aides. Washington Troop, of Glenloch, Chester County, Capt. Wilson M. Matlack. Griffen Battery, of Phcenixville and West Chester, Capt. John Denithorne. 11th Regt. Pa. National Guards Band, of Phoenixville, 15 pieces, Capt. B. Frank Dunhower. Wayne Fencibles, Co. I, 11th Regt. N. G. Pa., Capt. Robert T. Cornwell. West Chester Grays, Co. E, 11 th Regt. N. G. Pa., with drum corps, Lieut. Henry M. Worth commanding. Cooper Rifles, Co. G, 11th Regt. N. G. Pa., Capt. John W. Russell. Wheatly Cadets, of Phoenixville, Co. D, 11th Regt. N. G. Pa., Capt. Samuel Wilson. Reeves Rifles, of Phoenixville, Co. A, 11th Regt. N. G. Pa., Capt. Samuel Gilbert. Coatesville Guards, Co. C, 11th Regt. N. G. Pa., Capt. Caleb Brown. Delaney Guards (col.), Independent, of West Chester, Capt. Levi M. Hood. West Chester Pioneer Corps, Capt. J. Lacey Darlington, Jr. Coatesville Pioneer Corps. Chester Springs Soldiers' Orphans' School, 62 boys, clad in blue uniforms. Valley Forge Cornet Band, 16 pieces. Township delegations followed, representing, among others, Tredyffrin, Uwchlan, Pikeland, Schuylkill, Charles- town, and Easttown, the latter carrying a banner bearing the words, " Easttown, the home of General Wayne." This ended the formal exercises of the day, the vast assemblage slowly departed, and when the shades of evening fell over the scene there was nothing left but the old monument and the new over the dust of the dead. Altogether, it was an event long to be remembered, and during the whole day there occurred nothing to mar any feature of the occasion. FURTHER MOVEMENTS OF THE TWO ARMIES IN CHESTER COUNTY. Pennypacker's " History of Phoenixville and its Vicinity" says that in the course of these manoeuvres, on Sunday afternoon, at four o'clock, on the 21st of September, 1777, the British army, numbering about fourteen thousand men, entered Schuylkill township, and encamped along Nutt's road from the Fountain inn to Fatland Ford. The English occupied the upper side of the road, and upon the other the Hessians were stationed. The headquarters of Gen. Knyphausen, the commander of the Hessians, was at the house of Frederick Buzzard, which at that time stood about midway between the " Corner Stores" and the Morris' woods. The headquarters of Gen. Howe were at the house of William Grimes, recently occupied by John Acre, and the first house below the Bull tavern. No sooner were the men dismissed and ordered to encamp than they commenced depredations upon the surrounding neighborhood. In a little while every house had been visited. All the provisions, clothing, straw, and hay that could be found were carried off, and the cattle and horses were driven away. So completely were the people divested of everything which could be used in the camp that they in many instances suffered from the want of food and clothing. The only means by which anything could be retained was by application to the commanding general for a guard. Requests of this kind were usually granted. To the residence of Moses Coates, Jr., the Hessians came in droves as soon as the army halted, and they continued their incursions until the next morning, when a guard was obtained. The garden, cellar, and larder were emptied, and the hen-roosts soon made desolate. Among other things carried away was a large flock of geese. The last of them, an old gander, was pursued through the yard, and finally caught, around the neck, by a huge Hessian, who held the bird aloft as he throttled it, and cried, exultingly, to the members of the family, " Dis bees goot for the poor Hes- GENERAL HISTORY - 93 sian mans !" One of the daughters expressed the hope that it would choke him to death, upon which he began to curse, and departed with his prey. The family of Patrick Anderson had been informed of their approach, and had removed and secreted as many things of value as possible. The bedding and clothing were locked up in the bureau drawers, and the house was abandoned. The English, who knew that Anderson was absent in the American army, broke open the doors of the dwelling, and completely destroyed everything in it. They pushed the locks off from the bureau drawers and closets by thrusting their bayonets through the key-holes, and took possession of the contents. The furniture, which was in good condition, they broke into pieces and used for their fires. Mirrors were thrown upon the floor, and paintings and other articles of vertu, with the single rather remarkable exception of a portrait of George 'Washington, which was left in its place upon the wall, were ruined. The cattle and sheep were slaughtered, and the meat was salted and prepared for transportation in the parlor. The blood-stains remaining after this butchery could be seen upon the floors when the house was removed in 1842. They came to the residence of Matthias Pennypacker in the night, and ransacked it in the search of provisions and clothing. The grain and flour in the mill became a valuable acquisition. The mill was at that time new and in excellent order, and to prevent its future use they hacked the machinery and cut the bolting cloth into strips. From the Fountain inn, where 'William Fussell then lived, they carried away whatever could be obtained. In order to secure some bed-curtains, which she considered to have a particular value, Mistress Fussell wrapped them about her person and covered them with her dress. Some Hessian women, however, who accompanied the army, having their suspicions aroused, threw the lady unceremoniously upon the floor, unwound the wrapping from about her, and made it their spoil. Lord Cornwallis came himself to the house of Benjamin Boyer after it had been thoroughly stripped. The bee-hives, for preservation, had been carried into a room in the west end of the house and covered over with sheets. Cornwallis inquired what was concealed there, and was informed they were bees. Not to be deceived, however, by what he thought to be a subterfuge, with an impatient movement he removed the covering. The insects, already disturbed by their recent transportation, resented the interference by flying into his face and hair, and they probed him unmercifully. His lordship beat a hasty retreat. A horse belonging to a son of Moses Coates, then quite a youth, was taken from the pasture-field, and it was known the animal was among the British forces. The young man went to the headquarters of the commanding general, and upon making inquiries of some of the attendants about that officer's person received only insolent and taunting replies. He insisted, however, upon an interview with their superior, and was finally shown into Howe's presence. Upon making his errand known, he was treated politely and detained in conversation. The subject of the condition of the American army was adroitly introduced, and every effort made to elicit information from him. At length Howe said to him that he could have his horse if he would go over the Schuylkill and learn as accurately as he could the number of Washington's troops. The offer was rejected, and Howe increased it by saying that he would not only return his horse, but would give him, in addition, six guineas in gold. The youth replied, with indignation, that he could not be bribed to perform an act so base ; and when it was found that he would not answer Howe's purposes, he was given permission to search for his horse through the camp and take it away. Joseph Starr was carried to the camp and charged with conveying intelligence to the Americans. While there he met with very abusive treatment. The people residing north of the French Creek were very little molested. A portion of the American forces were stationed on the high ground, belonging to the Jacobs family and others, on the opposite side of the river. When the British discovered them there, they planted a battery on the hill, about where the Reading Railroad depot now stands, and fired three shots across, all of which took effect among a row of cherry-trees growing beside the road. Howe made his arrangements to ford the river on Tuesday, the 23d of September. The Hessians, under the command of Knyphausen, and the division of Cornwallis were ordered to force a passage at Gordon's Ford, at the end of Bridge Street, while he, with the right wing of the army, crossed at Fatland Ford, below. Early on the morning of the 23d, Cornwallis, with his suite, came riding across the fields to the residence of Thomas Robinson, and, calling the old man from the house, they told him they wanted him to point out the location of the ford. He refused to give any information, but, compulsion being threatened, he put on his broadbrim hat and went along with them, determined to be of as little use as possible. They were on horseback and the old Quaker was on foot, and in a little while he was lagging with tardy steps far in the rear, seeking for an opportunity to escape. When Cornwallis reached the crest of the hill, where the late David Reeves resided, he turned to ask some questions of his guide and found that he was almost out of sight. Some aides were dispatched for him, and he was hurried to the presence of the general, who began to threaten and swear most furiously. Just at this time, however, the balls from the other side of the river began to whistle among them, and the attention of Cornwallis was drawn to some military movement. Robinson, availing himself of the favorable circumstance, hurried away with a much more youthful and vigorous gait, and thus avoided the disagreeable task. In crossing the river the cavalry were in the advance, and were followed by the Hessian infantry, who, as soon as the water reached their knees, began to sing their German hymns and chants. " It must have been amusing," adds my informant, who had perhaps imbibed a very natural prejudice, " to have seen such cowards going into battle." The Americans shot and killed an Englishman and his horse by the side of the buttonwood-trees, a few yards from the river, where the Port Providence road and the upper Norristown road intersect. The man was carried away, 94 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. but the horse lay where he fell for several days after their departure. A rifleman, secreted upon the island, fired at and struck an English officer standing upon the Phoenixville shore, just as he was about to enter the water at the ford. He fell, and, being conveyed back to the house of John Allen, on the south side of Bridge Street, expired in a short time afterward. He was buried in the Starr burying-ground. His grave was not marked, but it was directly in the angle made by the intersection of Church and Main Streets. John Kider, who then lived at the old Rhoades farmhouse, upon the north bank of the French Creek, went around over the hill to the mouth of the creek, in order to see the army as it passed. A Hessian at the ford, probably supposing him to be a rifleman or a spy, raised his piece and fired. The ball struck a tree near the river. This tree and its bullet-hole stood an object of curiosity until it was removed in digging the canal of the Schuylkill Navigation Company. A squad of the British stopped at Gordon's Cave, in Mount Clare, and there found a goose roasting upon the fire. They took advantage of the opportunity to make a rich repast, and while thus engaged were abandoned by their comrades and captured by a party of American militia, who had come down from the hills to follow in the rear of the enemy. The two wings of Howe's army, after having successfully crossed the Schuylkill, united at Bean's tavern, on the pike, and proceeded to Philadelphia. The country which they had left was a picture of desolation. The fences had been burned, the corn in the fields had been beaten to the ground by the tread of horses and men, and the hay and straw from the barns were tramped into the mud of the deserted encampments. The division which crossed at Fatland Ford took with them a lad, a son of Edward Lane, intending to make use of him as a guide. To all the questions, however, that were addressed to him he replied, in a silly way, " I don't know," and, concluding that he was either obstinate or idiotic, they dismissed him. They then compelled Jacob Richardson to conduct them over the river and accompany them 'to Philadelphia. Richardson, although his actions had been entirely involuntary, feared to return home. While he remained in the city a number of propositions were made to him to act as a spy in the service of the British, but were all refused. One morning he recognized an American officer of some distinction in the market-house, dressed in the garb of a Quaker farmer and selling provisions. Richardson went to him privately, and told him that he could be readily detected through his disguise, and that his lace was well known to many people ill-affected to the cause who would not hesitate to betray him. The officer accepted the advice and assistance he proffered, and, after having escaped and arrived safely at 'Valley Forge, made a certificate, detailing the circumstances, and vouching for Richardson's loyalty and attachment to American interests. Rendered secure by this evidence, he came back to his home. Gen. John Armstrong, who commanded the Pennsylvania militia, wrote on the 26th of September to President Wharton from the Trappe : " A feint of the Enemy, in rapidly moving, a part of their body up the Scuilkill, by French Creek, led the General to apprehend they designed to cross above us and turn our right wing; to prevent this he marched high on this side on the Swamp road when the same night or next morning, they crossed at Fatland ford, and proceeded on to Sweed's ford also by another road, I think, called the Manotany (Ridge Road) so that before full intelligence of their crossing came to headquarters, or rather before it gained credit they were thought in council to be at too great a distance to be harassed in the rear by fatigued troops, by these means we have got but a few prisoners." After the entrance of Howe into Philadelphia, Washington approached nearer to the city, and encamped for a week or two at Pennypacker's Mill, between the Perkiomen and Skippack Creeks. The main division of Howe's army was at Germantown, and he determined to surprise the British at that place. An attempt was made on the 4th of October, resulting in the battle of Germantown, which was almost a decided success, but after the check at Chew's house he was compelled to withdraw to his encampment at Skippack. The next six or seven weeks were spent in energetic but fruitless efforts to prevent communication between Howe in Philadelphia and his fleet in the Delaware Bay, and on the 18th of December, the weather having become intensely cold, 'Washington retired into winter quarters at Valley Forge, in Tredyffrin township, Chester County. In the intervening time, subsequent to the departure of the British, foraging-parties of the Americans were passing through this neighborhood continually in the search for supplies. Upon one occasion a party of this kind galloped up to the residence of Edward Lane, and the following conversation ensued : We have come to get your hay and grain." " You cannot have it." " We will." " You shall not. I have a special permit from the British to retain the whole of it." " Damn the British." They hastened to the barn, and found that there was not a bundle of straw or peck of wheat in it. The enemy had been there before them. An incident in which the Marquis de la Fayette participated occurred in this vicinity, and is worthy of narration. The lady interested spent the greater part of a long life in Schuylkill township. Soon after the battle of Brandywine, Lafayette, who had been wounded, was conveyed to the house of Dr. Stephens, a short distance from Valley Forge, in order that his injuries might receive attention. The office of the doctor, in the second story of the building, with a flight of steps leading down into the kitchen, was under the charge of his daughter, a young girl, afterwards Mistress Elizabeth Rossiter. One morning, while she was engaged in cleaning the room, Lafayette entered, followed by a young aide-de-camp. The aide, with French impulse, seized the girl and kissed her. Lafayette turned quickly about and unceremoniously kicked the young gentleman down the steps and out of the house, telling him at the same time that such conduct was not admissible. Benedict Arnold, after the victory at Saratoga, which his gallantry had won, remained for a week at the house of Moses Coates. He had received three wounds in that engagement, and Dr. Cochrane came daily from Moore Hall GENERAL HISTORY - 95 to dress them. While there Arnold prepared a luxurious feast, to which many of the army officers were invited. The table was arranged under a row of cherry-trees, to the southeast of the dwelling, upon the bank of the meadow. Twenty-one guests were present, among whom the only civilian was Samuel Howard, an old Quaker from the valley. From the army were Gens. Greene and Knox, Col. Biddle and others. Gens. Lafayette and Wayne, through courtesy, came to the table, drank a few glasses of wine and departed. Gen. Washington sent a note declining the invitation, and expressing the opinion that such expensive entertainments were ill-suited to times in which one-half of the soldiers were suffering from the want of food and clothing. Arnold had a personal guard of twelve men. While the army was lying at Valley Forge a well-known farmeri of the valley, whose descendants still live upon the place he owned, about four miles from Phoenixville, went repeatedly to Gen. Wayne to complain of depredations committed by the soldiers upon his property. Wayne, annoyed by these frequent visitations, and unable to prevent the men from straggling away from camp, said to him, in irritation, one morning, when he came to detail the circumstances of another incursion, " Well, damn 'em, shoot 'ern ! Why in the devil don't you shoot 'em ?" A few days afterwards the farmer, on going to his barnyard, saw a soldier sitting beside one of his cows busily engaged in milking. Returning to the house he procured a fire-arm, and without any further ceremony killed the intruder. He was arrested, tried by court-martial, and only escaped with his life by pleading and proving the hasty, unintended advice of Wayne. A board of general officers, convened at Valley Forge Dec. 28, 1777, made the following arrangements concerning rations : "1 ¼ lb Beef, lib Pork, or 1 ¼ lb Salt Fish, per Man a Day ; 1 ¼ lb Soft Bread or Flower, 1 lb Hard Bread, 1/2 Gill Wisky or Rum per Man per Day in Lieu of Beer; 3 lb Candles per 100 Men per Week for Guards, 24 lb Soft Soap or 8 lb of hard Soap per 100 Men per Week. " N. B.---The Liquor to be Issued only in General or Special orders." On the 23d of October, 1777, Washington, accompanied by his aides-de-camp, was ascending the hill at the Fountain Inn tavern, on the suburbs of Phoenixville. The general was a little in advance of the rest of his company, when his attention was arrested by the shock of a terrific explosion in the neighborhood of Philadelphia. In a moment every man had turned upon his saddle and was gazing eagerly in the direction from which the sound had come. " General," said one of the party, " they are cannonading us somewhere." " No, that isn't a cannon : a magazine has blown up." His opinion proved to be correct. Two English frigates, the " Augusta" and " Merlin," in attempting to pass the chevaux-de-frise and fortifications in the Delaware, had run aground, and were soon reached by hot shot from the batteries. Their magazines exploded with a concussion that shook the country for many miles around. The wrecks of these vessels lay in the river for years, slowly rotting away. The anchor of the " Augusta" was raised and taken to Philadelphia. There it was purchased by George Thompson when proprietor of the iron-works at Phoenixville, and was used by him for some purpose about his rolling-mill. When the army encamped at Valley Forge many of the farm-houses in this vicinity were selected by officers for their quarters. Col. Clement Biddle was for some time at Moore Hall Gens. Gates and Mifflin and Cols. Davis and Ballard were quartered at the house of' Moses Coates. They had, in addition to their attendants, a guard of twenty-four men. Officers were quartered for the winter at the house of Edward Lane, and also at the house of Jacob Pennypacker. The wife of the latter, nee Ann Pawling, is said to have complained very bitterly when her store of clothing was taken away. As was the custom of the matrons of those days, she had devoted the leisure hours of her life to the manufacture of quilts, blankets, and woolen goods, which were stowed away in chests for future use. She entreated the detail to leave a portion of them, and the reply was, " Madame, they are good, warm blankets." A company of horse was stationed at the residence of Matthias Pennypacker. The orchard was used as a parade-ground, and the barn as a magazine. The powder was kept in kegs and barrels upon the, floor, and the building was surrounded by a guard continually. It is also told of this good Mennonite that he secreted a quantity of his neighbors' clothing in barrels. There was a constant picket-guard through the winter on his property, where the West Chester road crosses the Pickering Creek. A number of sick soldiers were at the house of Philip Rapp two of them died, and were buried in the woods. The house of Henry Miller was converted into a commissary store. Eleven surgeons also lived in it, and every morning they rode over to camp. Provisions were kept in the cellar, and in the barn were a number of cattle ready to be slaughtered. These animals, being of great importance, were honored with a guard. In the barn of David James spies, deserters, and delinquents were confined, and were watched continually by a provost-guard. Daniel Sower was arrested upon some charge, and kept there for several days. Nothing could be proven, however, and he was liberated. The old Varley house became a hospital. Six or seven of the sick who were there, died, and were buried in a field a few steps to the northward from the southeast corner of the farm recently occupied by George Hellerman. There was a large hospital upon the farm of Joest Smith, and the soldiers placed there had the smallpox and camp fever. About forty-five of them died, and were buried beneath some cherry-trees, a hundred yards eastward from the barn. The largest hospital was erected upon some high ground in a field on the Gwynn farm. About one hundred and fifty men are supposed to have been buried around it. The site has all been plowed over, and not a trace of it is to be seen. Many persons offered their teams voluntarily, and those of others were impressed. They were used in hauling supplies from a distance. In this service Edward Lane and Jacob Pennypacker were engaged through the greater part 96 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA; of the winter. A large portion of the timber and all of the rails from the fences in the immediate neighborhood were burned. The fatted cattle were all killed, and many cows were driven daily to the camp and there milked. Generally, during the war, drafted men who did not wish to enter the army were permitted either to pay a fine or furnish a substitute. Occasionally, however, when the exigencies of the service demanded it, sterner measures were adopted. A miller by the name of Yost was taken from the mill of Matthias Pennypacker without being given time to change his clothes. He refused to go, and, manifesting some opposition, was hurried away bareheaded. The headquarters of the general were at a stone house on the lower side of Valley Creek, only a few yards distant from the Reading Railroad. His wife spent the winter there with him. Beneath one of the old-fashioned windows is a secret place, in which he is said to have kept private papers. At the door rests a large flat stone, serving as a step, on which, at that time, a sentinel always stood keeping guard. One very cold morning Washington, upon starting away after breakfast, found the sentry at his post endeavoring to keep warm by stamping his feet and clapping his hands. Said the General,- " My good man, have you had anything to eat this morning ?" " No, sir," was the reply. " Give me your musket, then, and go inside and get some breakfast," and the commander stood as a guard over his own house, while his wife waited upon the soldier within. General Wayne, writing from Mount Joy on the 28th of December, says,— " At this inclement Season one third of our Troops are totally Destitute of either Shoes, Stockings, Shirts or Blankets, so that unless they receive an immediate supply of these Necessary Articles, Sickness, Death & Desertion will be the inevitable consequence."—(Arch., vol. vi. page 143.) Washington, writing from Valley Forge, February 15, 1778, says,- " I am constrained to inform You that the Situation of the army is most critical & alarming for want of provisions of the meat kind. Many of the troops for four days & some longer, have not drawn the smallest Supplies of this article. This being the case, it is needless to add, to convince You of their distress they have been on the point of dispersing & without the earliest relief, no address or authority will be Sufficient to keep them long together. Their patience & endurance are great, but the demands of nature must be Satisfied. I must therefore, Gentlemen, entreat & request your immediate & most active exertions to procure & to forwarde to Camp as expeditiously as possible, all the provisions of the meat kind which it may be in your power to obtain. I would not have you wait till You collect a large quantity, but wish You to Send on Supplies as fast as you can get them. The troops must have instant relief or we shall have reason to apprehend the worst consequences. I need not mention to You the necessity of Secrecy, in an affair of such delicacy, your own prudence & discretion will point it out. The state of forage is the same with that of provisions & a supply is materially wanted. Without it & very speedily, we shall not have a horse left."—(Arch., vol. vi. page 263.) Previous to the occupation of Philadelphia by the forces of the enemy, Congress removed the seat of government to York, and the Council of Safety withdrew to Lancaster. Communication between these two places and the army at Valley Forge was maintained by means of express-riders, who traversed the intervening country upon horseback. One of these horsemen was Isaac Anderson, a son of Patrick, then a youth, and afterwards a member of Congress from this district. He was frequently intrusted with important dispatches by the commander-in-chief. On the 18th of June, 1778, the British army evacuated Philadelphia, and soon afterwards, the Americans having withdrawn from this neighborhood, it was no longer the scene of that commotion and disturbance which always attend upon military occupation. On the 18th of August, 1778, the vice-president of the Council wrote to Col. William Evans, of Vincent, Chester County, concerning a Quaker Tory named Thomas Clarke, who had accompanied the British from the Elk River, where they landed, to Philadelphia, and had been subsequently captured, saying,- " His doings in this place are cast into equal shade With the practices of many evil-doers residing here. It is necessary to look abroad for testimony. Benjamin Coates, near the Valley Forge, and Mrs. Graham, at the Bull, in Charlestown, are represented as capable of giving evidence against this man." To which the reply was,— " VINCENT, CHESTER COUNTY, September 1st, 1778. "SIR,—On the 28th of Augt. I Reed your favour Dated the 18. In obedience thereto I immediately Proceeded to Valley Forge and saw Mr. Benjamin Coates and ex'd him Concerning Knowledge of Thomas Clarks Being with the Enemys of this Countrey at his house, who Saith that befor they Came he, the said Coates with his famalay, fled and never saw Clark at all but was informed by Mis Graham that he made his house his quarters in Company with one Stackhouse, a tall, slender man, who said that he Came from Bucks County, and appeared in the Habit of a Quaker. As said Coats Knew nothing from his own Knowledge, thought it needless to send him to you. I also Examined Mrs. Graham, a gentle woman of varacty, who saith she Knew Clark well, and saw him Come with the English army. As I thought her a very material witness I got her to Concent to corn to you on the 4th Day of this instant, to be Examined before Council, to whom I think she will give general satisfaction Concerning this matter. As to the Tory Estates, Col. Bell and myself are now taking a return of them and in a few Days Expect to send an Exact List to Council. "I am your H Sert, WM. EVANS." * Col. William Evans lived in the neighborhood of the Yellow Springs, and took a very active part in maintaining the colonial interests during the war. In 1777 he was authorized to impress wagons and collect arms, accoutrements, blankets, and similar articles from those persons in the county who had not taken the oath of allegiance. Later he was appointed a commissioner to purchase supplies, and also a justice of the peace. In the minutes of the Supreme Executive Council, under date of the 28th of April, 1779, is the following: " A letter from Patrick Anderson of 27th ins., representing that Elections of officers in the militia have been held in Chester County & voters admitted who have not taken the test & returns of the said election by Col. Gronow, Ordered, That the Secretary do write Col. Gronow & enquire into the aforesaid charge" (Col. Rec., vol. xi. page 760); and under date of May 11th, "Col. Grono, Sub Lieutenant of Chester County, attended in consequence of a Letter wrote him on the 28th April, And it appearing that the Election referred to in the said Letter was conducted without proper attention to the Test Law & that the said Election on that account is informal, Ordered, That the same be vacated & that Col. Grono be directed to hold a new * Arch., vol. vi. pages 709, 731. GENERAL HISTORY - 97 Election as soon as convenient 86 report to this Board, that Commissions may issue without further delay."—(Col. Rec., vol. xi. page 772.) Capt. MacFall died during the war, at the residence of William Grimes, and was buried with military honors, at the Friends' meeting-house in the valley. His parents were Quakers, and when they arrived at the place of sepulture his aged mother stood in a distant corner of the yard. While the remains were being lowered into the grave three cannon were discharged over them, and the old lady, to whom this was little consolation for a lost son, exclaimed, " There, you need not fire now, he is dead enough ; cover him over." In order to prevent Gen. Howe from obtaining supplies for his army in the well-cultivated district west of the Schuylkill, Gen. Potter, with six hundred militia, was ordered to scour the country between that river and Chester. Congress had also adopted a resolution subjecting to martial law and death all who should furnish provisions or certain enumerated articles, and who should be taken within thirty miles of any place occupied by the British troops. The army under Gen. "Washington was now in the most destitute situation for the want of clothing, blankets, etc., besides which no provision had been made for the recruits icoming in. A strong appeal was made by Geni Washing-•ton to Congress for supplies, who in turn had the matter brought to the notice of the Executive Council. The following order from that body sufficiently explains the means resorted to to obtain a portion of these supplies, without which the army could not have been continued in the field : "IN COUNCIL, LANCASTER, October 21, 1777. " Ordered, " That Col. Evan Evans, Col. Wm. Evans, Col. Thomas, Col. Gibbons, Capt. Thomas Levis, Capt. William Brooks, and Capt. Jacob Rudolph be authorized and required to collect without delay, from such of the inhabitants of the County of Chester as have not taken the oaths of allegiance and abjuration, or who have aided or assisted the enemy, arms and accoutrements, blankets, shoes, and stockings, for the use of the army; that they appraise the same when taken, according to their quality, allowing at the rate of three pounds for a new single blanket, and give certificates for the same to the owners; that they call to their aid the militia of this Commonwealth, who are hereby ordered to obey and assist them in the execution of this .order ; and that they deliver the same, so taken, to the order of the Clothier General, or his agent, with whom they are to correspond in the discharge of this business." The Quakers having generally refused to take the oath of allegiance and abjuration, were no doubt great sufferers from the enforcement of this order, for, in addition to the inconveniences of parting with articles provided for family use, their conscientious scruples would not permit them to receive the proffered compensation. There was an outpost of the Valley Forge encampment in Radnor, on the property now belonging to Tryon Lewis. About seven acres of heavy timber had been cleared near the middle of a large tract of woodland by the troops stationed here; this was afterwards cultivated, and was well known in the neighborhood as the " camp-field." Radnor Friends' meeting-house, which is more than half a mile distant from this camp-ground, was occupied in connection with it, probably as officers' quarters and for a hospital. The records of the society show that they were deprived - 13 - of the use of their meeting-house early in the year, " in consideration of its being occupied by soldiers," and that it required considerable repairs before it was put in a condition for holding a Monthly Meeting, which was not till near the middle of 1780. It is probable that during the winter and spring most of the scouting-parties that served to restrain, in a measure, the foraging of the enemy within our limits, and at the same time to prevent disloyal farmers from carrying their produce to the city, were detached from the outpost at Radnor. The inhabitants of the townships on the eastern margin of the county suffered severely while the enemy occupied Philadelphia, and numbers of the Whigs were captured and carried off as prisoners. Notwithstanding the punishment of death was denounced against those who furnished aid and comfort to the enemy, still a large amount of marketing reached the British lines, and those -engaged in its transportation, when captured by the American scouts, were rarely subjected to any other punishment than the forfeiture of their goods and the imposition of a fine. In default of the latter, a good whipping was sometimes substituted. In the townships nearest the city even some of those who were not disposed to favor the enemy engaged in this traffic, for while persons at a distance had no temptation but British gold, these had no alternative but to carry their produce within the lines of the enemy and receive its value or have it taken without compensation. But our people were not subjected to the depredations of the enemy alone. The necessities of our army at Valley Forge had become so great that Congress had authorized the commander-in-chief to seize provisions for its use at any place within seventy miles of his headquarters. Washington reluctantly yielded to the overwhelming necessity that induced Congress to confer this unusual authority upon him ; but he did yield, and in order that the present year's crop should be made available for the pressing necessities of the army, he had, early in the winter, issued a proclamation enjoining and requiring all persons residing within seventy miles of his headquarters to thresh out one-half of their grain by the 1st of February, and the other half by the 1st of March, under the penalty of having all that remained in sheaves after the last-mentioned period seized by the commissaries and quartermasters of the army and paid for as straw. The necessities of the army were too great to await the times specified in the proclamation, and the general was obliged to keep parties of his troops threshing grain to prevent his supplies from failing. Certificates were given for the property taken for the American army, payable in Continental money ; but, unfortunately for the credit of the government, this currency was never redeemed. On the 10th, 11th, and 12th days of December, 1779, Cornwallis, with a detachment of the British army, made a sally from Philadelphia into Darby, Haverford, and Radnor, and at that inclement season of the year stripped many families of all their provisions, their stock and provender, and many articles of household furniture. These outrages were premeditated, were committed under the eye of the general, and by his authority, and many of them were 98 - HISTORY OF CHESTER COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. against persons who had never raised a hand against the home government. For unfeeling brutality they scarcely have a parallel in civilized warfare. Many of the Whigs were captured at this time, and many had been captured previously and carried to Philadelphia, where they were detained as prisoners till the enemy evacuated the city ; but after that event the tables were turned, for now the Tories who had given aid and comfort to the enemy, or who were suspected of having done so, were seized and tried as traitors, their property confiscated, and a few were executed. Several classes of the militia were called out in the year 1778, but many refused to turn out, and also refused to pay their fines. When the goods of these defaulters, such as horses, etc., were levied upon and sold, they would be frequently stolen from the purchaser, which rendered the collection of fines very difficult. In 1777 but little tax was collected in this part of the country. The presence of the enemy rendered its collection very difficult in some places, and the robberies committed by them made collections impossible in others. Many collectors refused to serve, and paid their fines during the period of the Revolution, but more particularly in the years 1777 and 1778. Two taxes appear to have been laid the latter year, but the commissioners of Chester County reported to the Council on the 29th of May that they had not been able to get a return of property from near one-third of the townships, the township assessors having refused or neglected to act," owing, as the commissioners supposed, to the proximity of the enemy. The delinquents were fined, and writs issued to the sheriff, but, for the same reason, these writs were not executed. In the minutes of a meeting of the county commissioners, " held at the sign of the Ship in East Caln, Jany ye 5th 1778," the following entry occurs : " The Board appointed Sketchley Morton, David Cloyd, and the Clerk to remove the press and chest of books, papers &c from Chester to James McClellans in Sadsbury." The next meeting of the board was held at the house of James McClellan, on the 26th of the same month, when " the committee appointed to remove the records from Chester reported that they had removed the same according to order & presented their bill of expense," etc. During the occupation of Philadelphia by the enemy, the armed galleys and other craft that escaped up the river were sunk by order of Gen. Washington, to prevent them from being captured, but after the evacuation they were put afloat again, and some of them fitted up for active duty. Mud Island Fort and Billingsport were both to be put in repair and to be reoccupied ; the former was to be supplied with two, and the latter with four, heavy guns. The Council employed Col. John Bull to direct the workmen and to complete the works, and agreed to pay him " three pounds per day, and forage at Billingsport for one horse." The evacuation of Philadelphia by the British was the dawn of returning prosperity in this section of our country. Up to this time Pennsylvania had suffered more from the war than any other State, more of her men had been cap. tured or lost, and no district had been so thoroughly plundered as that which. had been overrun by Gen. Howe, between the Head of Elk and Philadelphia. From this time till the end of the war our people suffered no serious inconvenience beyond what was common all over the country. Perhaps the greatest inconvenience resulted from the great depreciation of the paper money authorized by Congress. Early in the year 1779 it had depreciated so much that the price of every article had become almost fabulous, and yet it had not then reached its lowest point. A barrel of flour was sold for twenty pounds, and a bushel of salt for fifteen pounds ; a journeyman blacksmith was paid eight pounds per day, and the price for shoeing a horse all round was four pounds. The county commissioners encountered very great difficulties in levying taxes. The moderate fines that the law had imposed upon officers for neglect of duty when the currency was good failed to secure the services of those whose duty it was to assess and collect the taxes. By a minute made by the board of commissioners and county assessors for Chester County, at a meeting held on the 18th of' January, it appears that " from the greatest number of townships" no return of taxable property had been made. The assessment was consequently postponed till the 26th of April, the commissioners in the mean time having borrowed money, and the Legislature having enacted a law imposing fines on delinquent assessors and collectors more in accordance with the inflated character of the currency. Late in November the American army went into camp in a strong position at Whitemarsh, (now) Montgomery Co., where (and at Gulf Hills, fourteen miles from. Philadelphia) it remained, notwithstanding Gen. Howe's attempts to draw Gen. Washington into battle, until it went into winter quarters at Valley Forge, on the 18th of December, 1777. THE ENCAMPMENT AT VALLEY FORGE was partly in Tredyffrin township, the line between Chester and Montgomery Counties running through the encampment. The headquarters of. Gens. Lafayette, Wayne, Knox, and Woodford were in Tredyffrin, as was also the encampment of the forces of Gens. Wayne and Scott, and a part of those of Gens. Woodford and Poor.* The encampment was about two miles in length, its eastern extremity resting near the present Port Kennedy ; and stretching in a semicircle to the northwest, as far as the Gulf road, were the brigades of Gens. Muhlenberg, Patterson, Learned, Weeden, and Glover. Continuing west of that ,road were the brigades of Poor, Wayne, and Scott, north of the intersection of two small roads was Gen. Woodford, and a short distance from him was stationed Knox's artillery. From Knox, parallel with Valley Creek, extended * The headquarters within the limits of Chester County were Gen. Lafayette's, at Samuel Howard's, now Edward Wilson's; Gen. Knox's, at John Brown's, noW Mrs. Mary Jones; Gen. Wayne's, at Joseph Walker's, now Ivan Walker's; Gen. Woodford's and Count Duportail's, at John Havard's, now William Davis'. The location of the brigades in Tredyffrin township were Gen. Woodford's command, on the right, above Brown's orchard, extending as far east as the turn of the Baptist road; Gen. Knox's, about the camp-house, extending towards the limekiln ; Gen. Scott's, on Thomas Brown's patch, now owned by Kendall ; Gen. Wayne's, east of Scott's location, extending forty or fifty perches; and Gen. Poor's, east of Wayne's, about the same distance. GENERAL HISTORY - 99 a line of intrenchments, from which abatis stretched to the cast to a point near the ford now known as Sullivan's Crossing. The crossing was defended by a large star-shaped redoubt, and below this redoubt was placed the command of Gen. Varnum. Between the abatis and a line of redoubts on the north were Huntington, Maxwell, and Conway. The brigade of McIntosh and Washington's Life-Guards were stationed in the northeast portion of the camp, below Valley Creek, on an eminence by the river. North of the creek, near the Schuylkill, were the artificers. Excluding the last-named detachment, which was in the present Schuylkill township, the camp was bounded on the east by the Schuylkill River, on the south and west by a range of hills, and on the north by Valley Creek. There is still preserved at Valley Forge a small two-story stone house, which was the abode of the commanderin-chief. It is situated on the Gulf road, at a point where a back-road intersects. The back room of the first floor was occupied by the general as both office and bedroom, and under the window, in secret closets which still remain, lie was accustomed to deposit important papers. There may also be seen the secret doors which were built to facilitate the flight of Washington in case of any sudden invasion by the enemy. During the Revolution, and for many years subsequent, the house was the property of Isaac Potts, an honest farmer. WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS AT VALLEY FORGE. The sufferings of the patriot army at Valley Forge are too well known to the general reader to require detail here. Well might Washington exclaim, " Our sick naked, our well naked, our unfortunate men in captivity naked ! Our difficulties and distresses are certainly great, and such as wound the feelings of humanity." " Naked and starving as they are," writes one of their officers, " one cannot sufficiently admire the incomparable patience and fidelity of the soldiers, that they have riot been ere this excited by their sufferings to a general mutiny and desertion." In March Thomas Wharton wrote, in the name of Pennsylvania,— "The unparalleled patience and magnanimity with which the army-, under Your Excellency's command have endured the hardships tending their situation, unsupplied as they have been through an uncommonly severe winter, is an honor which posterity will consider as more illustrious than could have been derived to them by a victory obtained by any sudden and vigorous exertion." " I would cherish these dear, ragged Continentals, whose patience will be the admiration of future ages, and glory in bleeding with them," cried John Laurens in the enthusiasm of youth. " The patience and endurance of both soldiers and officers was a miracle which each moment seemed to renew," said Lafayette in his old age. But the noblest tribute comes from the pen of him who knew them best : " Without arrogance or the smallest deviation from truth, it may be said that no history now extant can furnish an instance of an army's suffering such uncommon hardships as ours has done and bearing them with the same patience and fortitude. To see men without clothes to cover their nakedness, without blankets to lie upon, without shoes (for the want of which their marches might be traced by the blood from their feet), and almost as often without provisions as with them, marching through the frost and snow, and at Christmas taking up their winter quarters within a day's march of the enemy, without a house or hut to cover them till they could be built, and submitting without a murmur, is a proof of patience and obedience which in my opinion can scarce be paralleled." Such was Washington's opinion of the soldiers of Valley Forge. On the 18th of December, 1877, the one hundredth anniversary of the establishment of the cantonment at Valley Forge, " The Centennial Association of Valley Forge" was organized. Committees were appointed to make the necessary arrangements for a demonstration on the centennial anniversary of the departure of Gen. Washington's army from Valley Forge, and the memorable event was befittingly celebrated June 19, 1878. In the varied exercises of the day the National Guard of Pennsylvania, Governor Hartranft, Gen. Hancock, and many eloquent speakers, and numerous military and martial bands, participated. In the procession arid the grand review, witnessed by a vast concourse of spectators, were the, following Chester County organizations : Col. Rupert and staff, commanding five companies of the Eleventh Regiment (West Chester Grays, Company C, of Coatesville, Company G, Media, Company K, Chester, Wayne Fencibles) ; then followed the Washington Troop, Griffen Battery, Delaney Guards, West Chester Pioneer Corps, Chester Springs Soldiers' Orphans, and a delegation from the Phoenix Iron Company's Works. From the eloquent address delivered on this occasion by Hon. Henry Armitt Brown, of Philadelphia, a few paragraphs are here given : "And who are the leaders of the men whose heroism can sanctify a place like this ? Descend the hill and wander through the camp. . . . "These are the huts of I-Iuntington's brigade of the Connecticut line; next to it those of the Pennsylvanians under Conway. Beyond Conway, on the hill, is Maxwell, a gallant Irishman, commissioned by New Jersey. Woodford, of Virginia, commands on the right of the second line, andin front of him the Virginian, Scott. The next brigade in order is of Pennsylvanians, many of them men whose homes are in the neighborhood,—Chester County boys, and Quakers from the valley, turned soldiers for their country's sake. They are the children of three races,the hot Irish blood mixes with the colder Dutch in their calm English veins,____and some of them— their chief, for instance —are splendid fighters.. There he is at this moment riding up the hill from quarters in the valley. A man of medium' height and