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CHAPTER VII.


COL. BROADHEAD'S CAMPAIGN — TREACHEROUS CONDUCT AND MURDER BY THE MILITIA — WILLIAMSON'S CAMPAIGN — THE " PRAYING INDIANS "— REMOVAL OF THE CHRISTIAN DELAWARES TO DETROIT — MURDERS CHARGED TO THE MORAVIAN INDIANS — EXPEDITION ORGANIZED ARRIVAL AT THE MORAVIAN TOWNS — INDIANS SURRENDER — THEIR TREATMENT — REVOLTING MURDER — CRAW- FORD'S CAMPAIGN— EXPEDITION AGAINST' INDIAN TOWNS — RENDEZVOUS AT MINGO — THE FIGHT—TIE RETREAT CAPTIVITY OF COL. CRAWFORD — HIS TERRIBLE FATE — DR. KNIGHT'S ESCAPE — SLOVER'S CAPTIVITY AND ESCAPE ST. CLAIR'S EXPEDITION — FORTS HAMILTON AND JEFFERSON BUILT—ENGAGEMENT WITH THE INDIANS — ST. CLAIR'S DEFEAT—THE ARMY RETURNS TO FORT WASHINGTON — ST. CLAIR UNJUSTLY CENSURED — COMMUNICATION TO CONGRESS BY THE PRESIDENT — GEN. WAYNE'S CAMPAIGN.


GEN. LACHLAN McINTOSH, who was in command ' of the Western Military department, with headquarters at Fort Pitt, retired from the command in April, 1779, and Col. Daniel Broadhead was appointed in his stead. At the time of his appointment he was in command of the Eighth Pennsylvania regiment. He was an able, active and energetic soldier, and was prompt in taking effective-measures against the Indians. In April, 1781, with 150 regulars he came to Wheeling, where he was joined by Col. Shepherd, county commandant of Ohio county, Va., with a force of about 140 militia. This expedition was organized to act against the unfriendly Delawares.


From Wheeling they proceeded by the nearest route to Coshocton. When the army had reached the Muskingum, a little below Salem, the lowest Movarian town, Gen. Broadhead sent an express to the missionary dwelling there, Rev. John Heckewelder, informing him that he was in the neighborhood with his army and requesting of him a small supply of provisions and a visit from him to his camp.* The Christian Indians sent the supply of provisions and the missionary repaired to Gen. Broadhead's camp. Gen. Broadhead then said, "that being on an expedition against the hostile Indians at or near the forks of the river, he was anxious to know before he proceeded any


*Doddridge's Notes p. 291.


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further, whether any of the Christian Indians were out hunting, or on business in the direction he was going." Being answered in the negative, he declared that, " nothing would give him greater pain, than to hear that any one of the Movarian Indians had been molested by his troops, as these Indians had conducted themselves from the commencement of the war in a manner that did them honor." *


While, however, he was assuring Mr. Heckewelder that the Christian Indians had nothing to fear, an officer came with great speed from one quarter of the camp and reported that a particular division of the militia "were preparing to break off for the purpose of destroying the Moravian settlements up the river, and he feared they could not be restrained from so doing." Gen. Broadhead and Col. David Shepherd, of Wheeling, immediately took such measures as prevented it. + The army then proceeded until within a few miles of Coshocton, when an Indian prisoner was taken. Soon after two more Indians were discovered and fired upon, but notwithstanding one of them was wounded, both made their escape.


General Broadhead, knowing that these two Indians would endeavor to give immediate notice of the approach of the army, ordered a rapid march, in order to reach the town before them, and take it by surprise. This was done in the midst of a heavy fall of rain, and the plan succeeded. The army reached the place in three divisions, the right and left wings approached the river a little above and below the town, while the center marched directly upon it. The whole number of the Indians in the village, on the east side of the river, together with ten or twelve from a little village some distance above, were made prisoners, without firing a single shot. The river having risen to a great height, owing to the recent fall of rain, the army could not cross it. Owing to this, the villages on the west side of the river, escaped destruction. Among the prisoners, sixteen warriors were pointed out by Pe Killon, a friendly Delaware chief, who was with the army of Gen. Broadhead. A little after dark a council of war was held, to determine on the fate of the warriors. They were doomed to death. They were then bound, taken a little distance below the town, dispatched with tomahawks and spears, and scalped.


Early the next morning an Indian presented himself on the opposite bank of the river and asked for the " Big Captain." Gen. Broadhead presented himself and asked the Indian what he wanted ? The Indian replied, " I want peace." " Send over some of your chiefs," said Broadhead. " May be you kill." He was answered, " they shall not be killed." One of the chiefs, a


* Heckewelder's Nam, p. 214.

+ of Ibid., p. 215.


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well looking man, came over the river and entered into conversation with Gen. Broadhead in the street; but while engaged in conversation, a man belonging to the army, in a cowardly manner came up behind him, with a tomahawk concealed in the bosom of his hunting shirt, and struck him a blow on the back of his head. He fell and instantly expired. The name of the man who committed this dastardly deed was John Wetzel.


About mid-day the army commenced its retreat from Coshocton. Gen. Broadhead committed the care of the prisoners to the militia. There were about twenty in number. After marching about a mile the men commenced killing them, and did not cease until the whole were murdered and scalped, except a few women and children, who were spared and taken to Fort Pitt.


Although we have in a preceding portion of this history briefly adverted to the massacre of the Moravian Indians in the month of March, 1782, yet we feel called upon to give a more detailed account in a succinct form, of that unfortunate occurrence, which is a stigma on those who perpetrated it, and will forever remain a blemish on the courage and humanity of brave men. This wicked and miserable episode is known as:


Williamson’s Campaign.—In 1769, the "Praying Indians," as they were called, upon the Delaware river, had removed and commenced three settlements upon the Muskingum river, which they called Gnadenhuttan, Schoenbraun and Salem. They were under the ministerial charge of the Moravians, and more particularly of the Rev. John Heckewelder, Michael Jung and David Zeisberger. Here they hoped to live in peace and quiet undisturbed by the temptations of white settlements and the bloody conflicts which raged along the borders. They were partially

civilized, cultivating the soil and receiving education and religion. Their towns were situated in the southern portion of Tuscarawas county, Ohio, and had become places of some consequence. They had several hundred acres of corn on the river bottoms, 200 head of cattle and 400 head of hogs. As some of the Delaware nation were unfriendly to the government of the United States, and the whites supposed many more to be so than were in reality, the frontiersmen indulged in a strong dislike to the Christian Indians who were Delawares. Many persons thought or pretended to think, that, although the Christian Delawares had renounced theft and war, they still did not

scruple to carry information to those who had not.' On the other hand, the Wyandots, mortal enemies of the whites, and at open and secret war against them, suspected the Moravian Indians of being in communication with the white citizens, and even with the military of the United States.


The British officers at Detroit made application to the Six Nations in the year 1781, to cause them to be removed. The


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matter was considered in a council at Niagara, at which the Iroquois evaded the question by authorizing the Ottawas and Chippewas to kill them, in a figurative message which reads thus: " We herewith make you a present of the Christian Indians, to make soup of." But both the Chippewas and the Ottawas refused the present, and returned the following speech: " We have no cause for doing this."


As early as 1781, the Wyandots, under a noted chief called Half King, arrived at the Moravian towns, with 200 warriors on their way against the Virginians, and threatened these peaceable Indians with destruction.


According to the statement of Mr. Doddridge, in the History of the Indian Wars, the Christian Delawares were really friendly to the whites, and gave them timely notice of the approach of the inimical tribes. Those expatriated whites, Girty, McKee and Elliott, who now held commissions in the British service, and swayed as with an hereditary authority the movements of the Wyandot tribe, longed for the blood of these peaceable Indian settlers. Half King and Capt. Pipe were of the same mind. In this condition of things the Six Nations sent the message, which the Ottawas and Chippewas had refused to execute, to the Wyandots, who were in a very different state of feeling with regard to the Delawares. They did not, however, give it a literal fulfillment, but forcibly removed the Moravians from their towns and their property into their own country on the Sandusky. While Capt. Pipe and his savage troops were prosecuting the removal, a courageous squaw stole one of his horses and rode it from the Muskingum to Fort Pitt, in order to inform the garrison of the doings of the Wyandots. The Indian woman was a relative of Glickhikan, the sachem of the Moravian band of the Delawares, and this daring act very nearly cost him his life. He was taken to Sandusky with the tribe, and their dear missionaries were compelled to accompany them. Considering the geographical position of these unfortunate Indians, situated between the contending forces of the British, British Indians and the Americans, it is by no means strange that they should have been suspected by both parties, and therefore a prey to both.

These inoffensive and unprotected Christians arrived at the Wyandot villages about the middle of October, 1781, accompanied by their children and women, all of them in destitution of body and sorrow of heart. During the winter of 1781-2 their missionaries were separated from them and sent prisoners to Detroit. Not only the missionaries, but the people, were treated with severity. The British finally released their preachers and suffered them to return, expressing their disapprobation of the proceedings. Half King, who had already interfered to save Glickhikan, threw all blame on the head of Girty and his white


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confederates, whom he upbraided with vehemence and indignation in a public speech.


The suspicions entertained against them by the whites had been of several years' standing. Immediately after Dunmore's expedition, the people inhabiting the exposed frontiers of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Kentucky, regarded the position of these Indians as favorable in a military view to their red enemies, the Shawnees, Delawares, and especially the Wyandots. Their villages on the Muskingum lay directly on the war-path of the Northwestern Indians, and the corn which they raised necessarily afforded sustenance to the warrior on his way to the settlements. So, on his return, he probably rested himself in the Moravian cabins, ate their food and perhaps exchanged a portion of his plunder. They showed the same hospitality to traders, and in case a party of whites had passed that way, would undoubtedly have shown them equal kindness. Weak, peaceable, and opposed to contention, they could do no otherwise than to succor all who came to their villages.


In the fall of 1781 this feeling of dissatisfaction had become so strong that a party of men, chiefly from the Monongahela, under the command of Col. Williamson, marched to their towns determined that they should remove from the Muskingum. When Williamson arrived at Gnadenhuttan, others, as related, had previously been there with an armed force for the same purpose, and had succeeded in their object. A few persons were still at the Moravian towns, who had been stripped of their property by the Wyandots, and that branch of the Delawares at enmity with the whites. They were taken and carried as prisoners to Pittsburgh, where they remained during the winter.


On the i18th of February, 1782, Henry Fink and his son John were assaulted by the Indians at the Buchanan settlement, where John was killed. In the latter part of the same month, William Wallace, who lived above Wheeling on the Ohio, with his wife and five children, were killed, and John Carpenter was made prisoner. This was probably the work of a party of Wyandots, but was charged upon the Moravian Indians or persons whom they sustained and harbored. Several murders and arrests had taken place on Buffalo creek, late in the fall or early in the winter, and for all these acts the Christian Indians were held responsible. In fact, a prisoner who escaped is said to have charged the affair on Buffalo creek upon them directly. Finally on the night after the prisoners taken by Williamson and his men in the fall, were released from Fort Pitt, the family of Mr. Monteurs were all killed or made prisoners in the settlement adjacent to the fort. The people no longer hesitated to undertake the work of revenge, and early in March an irregular force collected on the Ohio at the Mingo Bottoms of about 100 men.


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Their confessed object was to capture and remove the Christian Delawares and destroy their fields and houses. Many of them, however, entertained a deadly hostility within their bosoms. They moved on with rapidity, and on the morning of the 7th of March arrived within a mile of Gnadenhuttan, which lay upon both banks of the river.


Unfortunately it so happened that, although the villages had been unoccupied all the winter, at this moment about 150 of the Moravians were there. In the severity of the season among their red captors, they had suffered severely for the want of corn, while large quantities still remained in their old fields on the Muskingum. They had been permitted to make a temporary visit to their once happy homes for the purpose of gathering a supply of food. They were engaged in the fields when the whites arrived. The latter deferred the attack on that portion of the village on the eastern shore until one-half the men had crossed to the other side. As the river was high and contained floating ice, it was with difficulty they were enabled to make the passage. A young man by the name of Slaughter, seeing a small canoe on the west shore, swam across and brought it back with him, but it proved to be only a large sap-trough, which would carry but two men at a time. They concluded at once to place their clothes, ammunition, etc., in the trough and swim the river without delay. This was soon accomplished, and they stole unseen by the Indians upon the western bank. Both parties extended around the town, enclosing it within their lines.


Another account* of this affair states that in the morning the men were divided into equal parties, one of which was to cross the river about a mile above the town. The other party was divided into three divisions, one of which was to take a circuit in the woods, and reach the river a little distance below the town on the east side; another division was to fall into the middle of the town, and a third was to enter at its upper end. When sixteen of the party, designed to make the attack, had crossed the river, their two sentinels discovered an Indian whose name was Shabosh. One of them broke one of his arms by a shot; the other sentinel then fired and killed him. These heroes then scalped and tomahawked him. Fearing that the firing of the guns which killed Shabosh would lead to an instant discovery, they sent word to the party designed to attack the town to move on instantly, which they did. In the meantime the small party, which had crossed the river, marched to the main town on the west side. Here they found a large company of Christian Indians gathering the corn which they had left in their fields the preceding fall, when driven away by the British Indians of Sandusky. On the arrival of the murderers at the town, they professed peace and


*Early History of the West, pp. 204-5.


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good will to the Christian Indians, and informed them that they had come to take them to Fort Pitt for their safety. The Christian Indians, not doubting their sincerity in the least, walked up to them, and thanked them for being so kind, delivered up their arms and appeared to be highly delighted with the prospect of their removal, and began with all speed to prepare victuals for the white men, and for themselves on their journey.


To resume our account taken from the American Pioneer:— " The other party, in surrounding the eastern village saw a woman skulking through the brush, who was shot also, and proved to be the wife of the Indian Shabosh— who had been killed on the west side of the stream. A few were killed in passing the river, but the remainder offered no resistance. The people at Gnadenhuttan being thus secured and without arms of which they had been deceitfully deprived, and which, had they been in possession of, they could not conscientiously and probably would not have attempted to resort to them for defense They were then collected in two log houses and made prisoners. A party was dispatched to Schoenbrunn and Salem to practice the same deception with similar success. A boy who had witnessed the imprisonment at the latter place, escaped to Schoenbrunn and saved those at that place from a horrible fate. The half savage troops now avowed their determination to dispatch every Indian in their power. A portion, however, opposed the act with tears and remonstrances, but an officer having no more influence than a man, the matter was referred to a vote of the mass. When Col. Williamson requested those who were in favor of life to step to the front, only sixteen moved from the ranks, and the doom of the wretched Moravians was fixed. They were ordered to prepare for death. That portion of the company who were determined upon blood, inpatient for the butchery, rushed in among them as they knelt in prayer and supplications of forgiveness from heaven for their transgressions. .From the time they were placed in the guard house they foresaw their fate, and began their devotions of singing hymns, praying and exhorting each other to place a firm reliance in the mercy of the Savior of men. On being accused of aiding the hostile Indians they declared their innocence. They were told that they had the property of the white people in their possession, They were prepared to render a satisfactory account of every article — where or from what trader they had purchased it. But the number of horses and other property which the Christian Indians possessed was an object with these murderers who concluded that when they killed the Indians the country would be theirs; and the sooner this was done the better. When the poor creatures were told that they must die, finding that all entreaties for the preservation of their lives were of no avail, they united in beseeching a short respite that they


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might prepare themselves for death, which request was at length granted. During the time of their devotions their murderers were consulting on the manner in which they should put them to death. Some were for setting fire to the houses they were in and burning them alive, others wanted to take their scalps home with them as a signal of victory; while others remonstrated against either of these plans, declaring that they never would be guilty of murdering a people whose innocence was so satisfactorily evinced; and these proposed to set them at liberty, or if they would not do that, at least to take them as prisoners and deliver them up to the proper authority; but, -finding that they could not prevail on these monsters to spare their lives, they wrung their hands, and calling God to witness that they were innocent of the blood of these harmless Christian Indians, they withdrew to some distance from the scene of bloodshed.


" While they were engaged in these pious duties the murderers, impatient to make a beginning, came to them, as we have already stated, and inquiring whether they were ready to die; they answered in the affirmative, adding. ' That they had commended their immortal souls to God who had given them the assurance in their hearts that He would receive their souls.' While the prayer was still breathing from their lips, and the hymn of praise was still lingering on their tongues, one blood-thirsty villain took up a cooper's mallet, saying How exactly this will do for the business, and continued knocking down one after another, until he counted fourteen that he had killed with his own hands. Handing the instrument of death to one of his fellow murderers, he said: ' My arm fails me! Go on in the same way! I think I have done pretty well!'


" In another house, where mostly women and children were confined, Judith, a remarkably pious, aged widow, was the first victim. Christina, who had formerly lived with the sisters in Bethlehem, Penn., and spoke English and German equally well, fell on her knees and begged for life in vain. Only two lads escaped, each between fifteen and sixteen years of age—one hiding himself in the cellar of the house where the women and children were murdered, beheld the blood run in streams into the cellar, and waiting until night, escaped through a window. The other, receiving but one blow, and not being scalped, recovered his senses; but seeing the murderers return and kill a man by the name of Abel, who was endeavoring to raise himself up, he lay still until evening when, the doors being open, he escaped into the woods.


"While we write these lines the very blood boils within our veins at the bare recital of this infamous deed. Its particulars are too horrid to relate. In addition to what is narrated, it is sufficient to say that in a few minutes these two slaughter-houses,


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as they were called, exhibited in their ghastly interior the mangled, bleeding remains of these poor unfortunate people, of all ages and sexes, from the aged, grey-headed parents, down to the helpless infant clinging to its mother's breast, dishonored by the fatal wounds of the tomahawk, mallet, war-club, spear and scalping knife. The number of the slain was ninety-six; forty-three men, twenty-one women and thirty-four children.


"The Indians in the upper-town Schoenbrunn, ten miles further up the river, were apprised of their danger, and providentially made their escape just in time to avoid the fate of their brethren below. A new division of the members arrived at Schoenbrunn just after the Indians left, but finding the place deserted took what plunder they could find, and returned to their companions. After the work of death was finished and the plunder secured, all the buildings in the town were sett on fire, and the slaughter houses among the rest. The dead bodies were thus consumed in ashes. They then returned to the settlements and proceeded to Pittsburgh, where, on the opposite side of the Ohio river, they attacked the camps of the peaceable Delaware chiefs, with a number of friendly families, all under the protection of the government; killed a number, and among them a promising young chief, and went off. Fortunately the chief Gillelmund and others, saved their lives by taking to the river, and reaching the town."


There have been some who have attempted to act as apologists for those who were engaged in this horrid affair, but their efforts to palliate the enormity of this tragedy have only resulted in adding condemnation instead of excuse. Would that the mantle of charity was broad enough to mitigate the just judgment of humanity in reference to this outrage; but, alas, truth compels the sad conclusion in all fair and impartial minds that it was murder most foul, unprovoked and audacious.


The massacre of the Moravian Indians was foreseen and recognized by the settlers on the frontier as initiatory of a fearful and avenging warfare, as the indignant Delawares, Shawnees and Wyandots would surely find vent for their fury in visiting condign punishment upon the settlements by way of retaliation. And this proved to be only too true. The savages soon broke loose upon the frontier, visiting it with massacre, fire, plundering and captivity.


All of the settlements in the upper Ohio valley were in a state of continued alarm, and most of the settlers had abandoned their homes and gone into the forts for protection. During the day they worked their small clearings while sentinels stood guard to watch against a sudden surprise from the savages, carrying their guns with them to the fields, where they were


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stacked for use in case of an emergency which might occur at any moment.


Gen. Irvine was appointed to the command of the western military department in September, 1781. Soon after his arrival at Fort Pitt, having made himself acquainted with the prevailing state of affairs, he addressed a letter to Col.. Shepherd, of Ohio county, calling a convention of the county commandants and the officers of militia to consult as to the best means to be adopted for the defense of the frontier. After a full and free discussion had been indulged in a plan was adopted by which the militia was to patrol the east side of the Ohio from Pittsburgh to Wheeling and take every precaution to prevent the incursions of the Indians. To the extent proposed this was a wise plan. But along a frontier of such length a limited number of militiamen could not effectually guard against their inroads, for- in spite of all their vigilance, roving bands would watch their opportunity to cross the river, which they did, and suddenly accomplished the object of their visitation, and then hastily retreated to the western side.


Under these circumstances a general sentiment prevailed among those on the border to the effect that the most efficacious manner in which to secure safety; was by carrying the war into the enemy's country. Hence a meeting of the settlers was called, which was held at Wheeling, one of the objects of which was to further this scheme. It received the approval of Gen. Irvine, and after due deliberation it was determined that a force should be raised to march to Sandusky and destroy the Wyandot towns, and that the place of rendezvous should be at Mingo Bottoms. This expedition was composed wholly of volunteers.


The day which had been appointed for their gathering was the 20th of May, but it was several days after this before the completed force arrived. The men who collected here were from the upper portion of Virginia bordering on the Ohio river, and from Westmoreland and Washington counties, Penn. Col. William Crawford, of Westmoreland county, was elected commander, and Col. Williamson, second in command. Dr. John Knight was appointed surgeon, and Jonathan Zane and John Slover, guides.


The little army began its march on the 25th day of May, 1782, in four columns in the straightest line for Sandusky, distant 150 miles. They numbered nearly 500 men, and each man owned his own horse, equipments and clothing. We have the authority of Doddridge for saying that Col. Crawford did not seek the position in which he was placed, and when notified of his election it is said that he accepted it with apparent reluctance. Crawford was the friend and agent of Washington. He received


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from Washington a colonel's commission in the revolution, as a reward for his efforts and energy in behalf of the cause of his country at the very commencement of the revolution.


The army followed along the trail which had been traced by Williamson at the time he marched against the Moravian Indians. One of their encampments was at one of the Moravian towns which had been burned and plundered by Williamson's forces. In the fields they still found plenty of corn hanging on the stalks, with which they fed their horses during the night they encamped there. Shortly after their arrival, three men who had walked out of the camp in company discovered two Indians. The three fired at one of them, but their shots proved to be harmless and the Indians made good their escape.


As soon as this news was communicated in camp, a rush was made by a large portion of the men in the most excited and tumultuous manner to see what had happened. This want of discipline upon the part of his men was the cause of great agitation to Col. Crawford, who became depressed and entertained a presentiment of evil, and that defeat must certainly follow. The murder of the Moravians had caused the Indians to be on the alert to guard against surprises on the part of the whites. There was not a settlement on the Ohio from Pittsburgh to Grave creek, below Wheeling, which was left unobserved: They knew the number of the forces under Crawford and their destination, and visited every encampment as soon as it was vacated, and saw from their writings on the trees and scraps of paper lying around which had been carelessly thrown down, that " no quarter was to be given to any Indian, whether man, woman or child."


The two Indians to whom we have referred above, were spies, engaged in watching the movements of the troops. On the 6th of June, twelve days after beginning their march, they reached the site of one of the Moravian villages on one of the branches of the Sandusky river. Here, instead of meeting with Indians as they had suspected, they met with nothing but a bare scene of desolation, the ruins of a few huts alone giving evidence that it had been the residence of those whom it was their intention to destroy.


Puzzled by this discovery and having no well formed plan as to their movements, they resolved to hold a council, the result of tile deliberations of which was that they would one day more continue their march in the direction of Upper Sandusky, and if they did not succeed in reaching the town in the specified time that they would then beat a hasty retreat. At this council Jonathan Zane advised a retreat at once, giving weighty reasons for his advice, which impressed themselves with great force upon the mind of Col. Crawford, who acquiesced in them. But he was overruled by his officers, a majority of whom were in favor of


9—A.


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pressing forward. The march was commenced on the following morning through the plains of Sandusky, and continued until between two and three o'clock in the afternoon of the same day, when the troops in advance were furiously attacked by the Indians and driven in. The plain where the attack took place was covered with high grass in which the Indians lay concealed. At the time the Indian forces were about entering a piece of woods which was almost entirely surrounded by open ground, but they were partially checked in accomplishing their purpose by a rapid movement on the part of the whites. Heavy firing at once commenced on both sides. From a partial possession of the woods which the Indians had gained in the outset, they were in a short time dislodged by the whites. The next move of the Indians was to gain possession of a portion of the woods on the right flank of Col. Crawford, but this they were prevented from accomplishing by the vigilance of Major Leet, who had command of the right wing. The firing, which was heavy and continuous, was kept up until dark, when it ceased, and both armies laid on their arms during the night. Large fires were kindled along the line of battle on each side, the armies lying some distance in the background, to prevent being surprised by a night attack. During the fight in the afternoon several of Col. Crawford's men were killed and wounded. How many of the Indians had suffered it was impossible to tell, but certainly as many of them as the whites.


On the following morning the army occupied the same ground which they did on the preceding day. During the day no attack was made by the Indians, until evening, but they were noticed to be traversing the plains in various directions, busily engaged, probably in carrying away their dead and wounded.


During the morning of this day a council of officers was held .and a retreat was resolved upon as the only means of saving the army. Reinforcements for the Indians appeared to be pouring in throughout the entire day. In the meantime preparations for retreat were being made on the part of the whites, by interring the dead, lighting fires over their graves to prevent discovery and making arrangements for carrying off the wounded. It was ordered that the retreat should not commence until some time in the course of the night. By some means the Indians were made aware of the intended retreat, and just as the sun went down attacked the whites in force and with great fury, in every direction, except Sandusky. When the line of march was formed and the retreat had commenced, the guides wisely took the direction of Sandusky, which was the only opening in the Indian lines, and which afforded the only opportunity of concealment. The army had marched about a mile in this direction when it wheeled about to the left, and by a circuitous route gained be-


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fore daylight of the following morning the trail by which they had come. Their march was continued the whole of that day without interruption except the firing of a few harmless shots by the Indians at the rear guard. As night came on they halted, built fires, prepared and ate their suppers, secured their horses, and tired and jaded, resigned themselves to sleep, without stationing a single sentinel for their security. In the midst of this carelessness on their part, they might easily have been taken by surprise and cut off by the Indians, who, however, failed to disturb them during the night. The number who retreated in the main body is estimated to have been about 300.


When the retreat was resolved upon conflicting opinions pre- vailed as to the best means of effecting it. The majority thought it best to keep together in one compact body, while the minority thought it best to break up into small bands and make their way home in different directions, abandoning the route by which they had come. Many, indeed, attempted to do so, acting under the impression that the Indians with their whole force would follow the main body. In this they were sadly mistaken, as the Indians instead of pursuing the main body, followed the small parties with such celerity that few of them escaped.


The only successful detachment was that composed of about forty men in number who were under the command of Williamson, who late in the night of the retreat had managed to break through the Indian lines under a severe fire, and not without loss. These succeeded in overtaking the main body early in the second day of the retreat. For days after the retreat of the whites the Indians covered the whole country from the Sandusky to the Muskingum in pursuit of the small parties, most of whom were overtaken and killed at the time. Some were pursued nearly to the Ohio river, one man by the name of Mills, whose family resided about two miles east of Wheeling, on Wheeling creek, being killed about two miles east of the present site of St. Clairsville, almost in sight of his home.


When the retreat commenced Col. Crawford placed himself at the head of the main body, but had gone only the distance of about a quarter of a mile, when he missed his son John, his son- in-law Maj. Harrison, and his nephews, Maj. Rose and William Crawford. Halting, as the line passed by him, he called for them by name, but there was no response and he failed to find them. After the line had passed him, he attempted to overtake it, but was unable to do so owing to the weariness of his horse, resulting from the fatigue to which it had been subjected. Falling in company with Dr. Knight and two others, they traveled all night, first in a northerly direction, and then eastwardly to avoid the pursuit of the Indians, their courses being directed by the north star.


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On the day following they fell in company with Capt. John Biggs and Lieut. Ashley, the latter of whom was wounded. Biggs and Ashley were accompanied with two other companions in their retreat. They all encamped together that night. On the following day, about noon, they reached the trail by which the army had advanced upon the Indian towns but a few days preceding, and here a discussion arose as to the propriety of taking that path homewards. Capt. Biggs and Dr. Knight thought it prudent to continue their course through the woods and avoid the trail and all traveled paths, but they were overruled by Col. Crawford who assured them that the Indians would not urge the pursuit beyond the plains, which they had already left far behind them. Accordingly abandoning the eastern course which they had been following, the party pursued the beaten track. Crawford and Knight, who were together, were about 150 yards in advance, followed by Captain Biggs and his wounded friend, Lieut. Ashley, in the center, both of whom were on horseback, while these were followed by two men on foot.


They had not proceeded more than a mile in this order when several Indians suddenly sprang up within a few yards of Crawford and Knight, and presenting their guns, in plain English ordered them to halt. Knight sought the cover of a tree and leveled his gun at the foremost Indian. Crawford ordered him several times not to fire, which order was reluctantly obeyed by Knight. The Indians advanced to Crawford in the most cordial manner, shook him by the hand, and asked him how he was. Biggs and Ashley halted, while the two men in the rear taking advantage of the situation, took to their heels, running away, and thereby escaping the necessity of a closer acquaintance with the unexpected intruders. Biggs was ordered by Col. Crawford to advance and surrender, but instead of obeying the order, he deliberately took aim at one of the Indians and fired, and then he and Ashley put spurs to their horses and for the time being made good their escape. But the next day they were both overtaken and killed.


Col. Crawford and Dr. Knight, in company with nine other prisoners, under the conduct of a band of Indians, seventeen in number, were marched to the old Sandusky town, about thirty odd miles away. The nine prisoners were placed in advance of Crawford and Knight, who were conducted by two Delaware chiefs named respectively, Pipe and Wingemund. All of the prisoners, including Col. Crawford and Dr. Knight, had been previously daubed black by Pipe. Four of the prisoners at different stages in the journey were tomahawked and scalped, and when the other five arrived at the town, the boys and squaws fell upon them and tomahawked them.

Upon the arrival of Crawford, they surrounded him, and


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stripping him naked, compelled him to sit on the ground, near a large fire, around which they gathered a large number of warriors, and a much larger number of squaws and boys. They then beat him severely with sticks and their fists. In a little while after a large stake was placed in the ground and great piles of hickory poles and wood were spread around it. Crawford's arms were then securely bound behind his back, and a strong rope was then used, one end of which was fastened to the ligature between his wrists, and the other was tied to the bottom of the stake. The rope was of sufficient length to permit him to walk around the stake several times and then return. Fire was then applied to the wood which lay in piles at a remove of six or seven yards from the stake.


Col. Crawford, observing these terrible preparations, called to the notorious renegade, Simon Girty, who sat on horseback a few yards distant from the fire, calmly surveying the preparations, and inquired of him whether the Indians intended to burn him. Girty replied, in a nonchalant manner, that such was the case.


Crawford received the information with unflinching firmness, merely remarking that he would endeavor to bear it with fortitude. After the hickory poles had been burnt asunder in the middle, Capt. Pipe slowly arose, and, pausing for a moment, commenced to address the crowd in earnest and energetic tones and with animated gestures, repeatedly and frequently pointing to Crawford, who gave no signs of fear but composedly returned his gaze. When he concluded the assembled crowd gave a loud whoop and then simultaneously rushed upon Crawford. For several seconds the press around him was so great that Dr. Knight could not discern what they were engaged in, but in .a short time they had sufficiently scattered so that he could obtain a view of the victim. They had cut off his ears and the blood was flowing in a thick stream down each side of his face. And now commenced a most revolting scene of torture. The warriors amused themselves by shooting charges of powder into his naked body, commencing with the calves of his legs and continuing to his neck. The boys snatched the burning brands from the fire and applied them to his quivering flesh. This caused him to try to elude them by running around the stake, but as fast as he did so to avoid one party of tormentors, he was met at every turn by others with burning brands, red hot irons and rifles loaded with powder only. In the course of a few minutes not less than a hundred charges of powder had been shot into his body, which was now all black and blistered. The squaws would gather up a quantity of coals and hot ashes, and throw them upon his body, so that in a few minutes he had nothing but fire to walk upon.


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In this extreme of excruciating agony the unhappy man called aloud upon Girty, who stood coolly by watching his writhing agony, in tones that rang through Knight's brain with maddening effect: "Girty! Girty! shoot me through the heart! Quick! quick!! Do not refuse me!!" " Don't you see I have no gun, Colonel!" replied the monster, bursting into a loud laugh, at the same time turning to an Indian beside him, he uttered some brutal jests upon the naked and miserable appearance of the prisoner.


This terrible scene had now lasted for more than two hours, and Crawford had become much exhausted. He now walked very slowly around the stake, spoke in a subdued tone, and earnestly besought God to look with compassion upon him and pardon his sins. His nerves had lost much of their sensibility, and he no longer shrunk from the burning brands with which they constantly touched him. At length overcome, he sank in a fainting fit upon his face and lay motionless. Instantly an Indian sprang upon his back, knelt lightly upon one knee, made a circular incision with his knife upon the crown of his head, and put ting the knife between his teeth tore the scalp off with both hands. When this horrible action was accomplished, an old withered hag bearing a board filled with burning embers, poured them upon the crown of his head, which had been laid bare to the bone. A deep groan escaped from Crawford, who with difficulty arose and with slow and tottering steps walked around the stake. But here let us pause and drop the veil. Suffice it to say that exhausted nature at length gave up the struggle and death at last ended his excruciating agony at a late hour of the night. A thrill of horror at the cruel taking off of Col. Crawford was felt throughout the whole western borders, and caused an involuntary shudder wherever the particulars were made known.


Dr. Knight, the surgeon of the command, was also doomed to death by burning, which was to have taken place at a point about forty miles from Sandusky. He was committed to the care of a young Indian to be taken there. The evening of the first day they had traveled about twenty-five miles when they encamped for the night. During the latter part of the night the gnats became very troublesome, so that they prevented sleep. At the request of the doctor the Indian unbound him so that he might aid the latter in kindling a fire to drive them away. The Indian complied. While the Indian was down on the ground bending over, blowing the fire into a flame, the doctor caught up a burning stick with which he struck the Indian on the head with main might, knocking him into the fire. Gathering himself up, he ran off at the top of his speed, making night hideous with his dismal howls. Seizing the Indian's rifle he pursued after him.


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In attempting to cock it, he drew back the lock with such force as to break the main spring, and he was compelled to cease his efforts to overtake him. The doctor successfully made his way home, which he reached in about three weeks, nearly exhausted from his long tramp and want of food, having subsisted on such roots, berries and young birds as he was fortunate enough to secure.


John Slover, who had been a prisoner among the Indians, and who was one of the guides of the ill-fated force, was, with two others taken prisoners, and they were sent to one of the Shawnee towns on the Scioto. One of his companions — a prisoner—was murdered on the way, having first been painted black, and then compelled to run the gauntlet, when they struck and cut him with their tomahawks, shot his naked body black with loads of powder, and burned holes in it with red hot irons. His other companion — a prisoner — was sent to another town to be burned, soon after their arrival at their destination. Slover was kept for several days after their arrival, a closely guarded prisoner. During this period of his captivity they sought to obtain from him full information concerning the whites. As he understood several Indian languages, and among them the Shawnees, this they could do in their own tongue. But the information he corn: municated to them was not very encouraging. At length a council of the warriors was held and he was condemned to be burned.


When the eventful day arrived he was stripped naked and blackened according to their custom — his arms pinioned behind him —and a rope was placed about his neck. He was then conducted to the waiting post, and the flames were kindled around him. Just as they were about to commence to apply their tortures to him, a sudden storm accompanied with thunder and lightning occurred. The wind blew a fearful hurricane, the rain fell in torrents and the burning flames were extinguished. The savages in dire amazement stood around in utter silence and . awe stricken. They resolved to postpone the deed, saying: " We will wait until to-morrow morning and take a day in burning him." He was then unbound from the stake and made to sit down while they danced around him until late into the night, at the same time beating and wounding him with their tomahawks and clubs. When they had made an end he was escorted to an empty hut, where a rope was fastened around his neck and tied to a beam. His arms were fastened behind him with a cord. A board was given him to lie down upon and he was guarded by three warriors. During the night they repeatedly taunted him, and asked him how he would like to " eat fire to-morrow." They continued their talking and smoking until after midnight when they laid down and slept. Slover, who all along had resolved on making a desperate effort to escape at the first favorable op-


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portunity which presented, now made an effort to unloose himself, and soon unloosed his arms from the cord by which, they were bound: At this moment one of the warriors awoke and got up and stirred the fire. Fearing that an examination would take place should he make any movement, he lay perfectly quiet, feigning deep sleep. The Indian in a short time laid down again, when hope revived again. In due time he attempted to unloose the rope from his neck, and to this end he began gnawing it with his teeth, but to no purpose, as it was very thick and hard, being made of the hide of a buffalo. Again hope began to desert him and despair began to take hold of him. The dawn of day was now about breaking, and he resolved to make another and final effort, when, by pulling the rope with his fingers, to his astonishment it became unloosed, and slipping it over his head he stepped over the sleeping warriors and sprang over a fence into a cornfield. Here he came across a squaw with four children sleeping under a tree. Changing his course he came out upon a tract where a number of horses were feeding, and catching one he took the cord from his arm, with which he had been tied, and used it for a halter, and appropriating a piece of an old quilt which he found lying on the ground, for a saddle, mounted and rode off at full speed. It was now daylight, but his horse, which was strong and swift, was rapidly widening the distance between him and his captors. By noon he was many miles distant from the scene of his captivity. After traveling a few hours longer his horse gave out, abandoning which he ran on foot until he also was exhausted, and was compelled to stop and take a rest. During his flight he had traveled about seventy-five miles, fear lending wings to his feet and hope urging him onward. As a spy and scout he was perfectly acquainted with the country, and in three days he succeeded in reaching Wheeling in safety, but nearly famished with hunger and exhausted with fatigue. This was the last campaign which took place during the revolution from our western borders.


But hostilities on the part of the Indians did not cease, but they continued with small expeditions to harass the west, particularly the borders of Kentucky. The inhabitants of the exposed sections established numerous posts on the frontiers, which were garrisoned by a few men to watch the enemy and intercept them in their progress or spread the alarm of their approach. These precautions availed and finally the conclusion was reached that a stop to their aggressions could only be affected by a successful offensive war. Hence, in the fall of 1789, congress authorized the president to call out the militia and break the power of the savages. Accordingly, Washington directed Gen. St. Clair, then governor of the northwest territory, to call out 1,500 men from the western counties of Virginia and Pennsylvania, and proceed


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directly against the settlements of the hostile Indians on the Maumee.


In the summer of 1790, Virginia furnished her quota, which consisted of 500 men who rendezvoused at Elizabethtown (now Moundsville) , in Marshall county, W. Va., from whence they were carried in batteaux to Fort Washington (Cincinnati), from whence the army took up its line of march. The men from Virginia were most of them accustomed to Indian warfare, being well acquainted with all their arts of strategy and deception. The march from Fort Washington was commenced on the 17th of September, and continued a distance of about twenty miles from Fort Washington, where he erected a fort on the east bank of the Miami, which he called Fort Hamilton. After completing and garrisoning this fort, he continued his march to the northward another twenty miles, where he established another fort, which he called Fort Jefferson. Here he also left a garrison and continued his march. The cutting of roads for the passage of troops and artillery necessarily consumed much time, and while it was in progress, small parties of the enemy were frequently seen watching the movements of the army. When nearing the Indian villages, sixty of the militia deserted in a body. To prevent the evil influence of this example, Gen. St. Clair dispatched an officer to bring them back, while the rest of the army continued their forward movement. The main army at this time was about 1,400 strong.


On the night before the 3rd of November, Gen. St. Clair encamped near the Great Miami village. Here he threw up slight works for the purpose of protecting the baggage, etc., of his troops, and notwithstanding the reduced condition of the forces under his command, determined on the following morning to march directly to the attack.


* The troops were encamped in two lines, with an interval of seventy yards between them, which was all that the nature of the ground would permit. The battalions of Majors Butler, Clark and Patterson, composed the front line, the whole under the orders of Major General Butler, an officer of high and merited reputation. The front of the line .was covered by a creek, its right flank by the river, and its left by a strong corps of infantry. The second line was composed of the battalions of Majors Gaither and Badinger, and the second regiment under the command of Lieut. Col. Darke. This line like the other was secured upon one flank by the river, and upon the other by the cavalry and pickets. + The night passed away


* Early History of the West, pp. 272-281.


+ The militia, amounting to about 250 men, were thrown across the creek, about 30o yards in front of the first line and a small detachment of regulars, under the orders of Capt. Slough, w ere pushed still farther in advance, in order to prevent the possibility of surprise.


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without alarm. The sentinels were vigilant*, and the officers upon the alert. A few hours before day, St. Clair caused the reveille to be beaten, and the troops to be paraded under arms, under the expectation that an attack would probably be made. In this situation they continued until daylight, when they were dismissed to their tents. Some were endeavoring to snatch a few minutes' sleep, others were preparing for the expected march, when suddenly the report of a rifle was heard from the militia; a few hundred yards in front, which was quickly followed by a sharp, irregular volley in the same direction. The drums instantly beat to arms, the officers fled in every direction, and in two minutes the troops were formed in order of battle. Presently the militia rushed into camp in the utmost disorder, pursued by swarms of Indians, who, in many places, were mingled with them, and were cutting them down with their tomahawks. +


Major Butler's battalion received the first shock, and was thrown into disorder by the tumultuous flight of the militia, who, in th eagerness to escape, bore down everything before them. Here Major General Butler had stationed himself, and here St. Clair irected his-attention, in order to remedy the confusion whit began to spread rapidly through the whole line. The Indians pressed forward with great audacity, and many of them were mingled with the troops before. their progress could be checked. Major General Butler was wounded at the first fire, and before he could be dressed an Indian who had penetrated the ranks of the regiment, ran up to the spot where he lay and tomahawked him before his attendants could interpose. The desperate savage was instantly killed. By great exertions Butler's battalion was restored to order and the heavy and sustained fire of the first line compelled the enemy to pause and shelter themselves.


This interval, however, endu ed for a moment. An invisible but tremendous fire quickly pened upon the whole front of the encampment, which rapidly extended to the rear, and encompassed the troops on both sides. St. Clair, who at that time was worn down with fever, and unable to mount his horse, nevertheless, as is universally admitted, exerted himself with a courage and presence of mind worthy of a better fate.


* Capt. Slough was alarmed in the course of the night by the appearance of an unusual number of the enemy in his front, and upon both flanks. A short time before clay they had collected in such numbers as seriously to alarm him, and induced him to fall back upon the militia. He instantly informed Gen. Butler of the circumstance, but that officer unfortunately slighted the intelligence and did not deem it of sufficient importance to inform the commander-in-chief.

+ In a letter written at Fort Washington, April 20, 1792, it is said " two of our men have lately made their escape from the Miami villages and arrived here, who give account of a mock fight, lately exhibited by the Indians assembled there, to divert the squaws and children. It was in ridicule of Gen. St. Clair's disposition of his troops on the 4th of November last, and of his flight before the Indians, who pursued him and his army, whilst the others plundered the camp. They gave out that they mean to celebrate this event annually by a like sham fight, and a great dance to be called St. Clair's Fight Dance."


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He instantly directed his litter to the right of the rear line, where the great weight of the fire fell, and where the slaughter particularly of the officers, was terrible. Here Darke commanded, an officer who had been trained to hard service during the revolutionary war, and who was gallantly exerting himself to check the consternation which was evidently beginning to prevail. St. Clair ordered him to make a rapid charge with the bayonet and rouse the enemy from their covert. The order was instantly obeyed, and at first, apparently, with great effect. Swarms of dusky bodies arose from the high grass, and fled before the regiment with every mark of consternation; but as the troops were unable to overtake them, they quickly recovered their courage and kept so fatal a retreating fire that the exhausted regulars were compelled in their turn to give away. This charge, however, relieved that particular point for some time; but the weight of the fire was transferred to the enter of the first line, where it threatened to annihilate every ing within its range. There, in turn, the unfortunate general was borne by his attendants and ordered no second appeal to the bayonet. This second charge was made with the same impetuosity as the first, and with, the same momentary success. But the attack was instantly shifted to another point, when the same charge was made, and the same result followed. The Indians would retire before them, still keeping up a most fatal fire and the Americans were uniformly compelled to retire in turn. St. Clair brought up the artillery in order to sweep the bushes with grape, but the horses and artillerymen were destroyed by the terrible fire o the enemy, before any effect could be produced. They we instantly manned afresh from the infantry, and again the fenders wee swept off.


The slaughter had become prodigious. Four-fifths of the officers and one-half of the men were either killed or wounded. The ground was covered with bodies, and the little ravine which led to the river was running with blood. The fire of the enemy had not in the least slackened, and the troops were falling in heaps before it in every part of the camp. To have attempted to maintain his position longer, could only have led to the total destruction of his force, without the possibility of annoying the enemy, who never showed themselves unless when charged, and whose number was equal to his own, if not greater. The men were evidently much disheartened, but the officers, who were chiefly veterans of the revolution, still maintained a firm countenance, and exerted themselves with unavailing heroism to the last. Under these circumstances St. Clair determined to save the lives of the survivors if possible, and for that purpose collected the remnants of several battalions into one corps, and at the head of which he ordered Lieut.-Col. Darke to make an impetuous charge upon the enemy, in order to open a passage for


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the remainder of the army. Darke executed his orders with great spirit, and drove the Indians before him to the distance of a quarter of a mile. The remainder of the army instantly rushed through the opening, in order to gain the road, Maj. Clarke with the remnant of his battalion bringing up the rear, and endeavoring to keep the Indians in check.*


The retreat soon degenerated into a total rout. Officers who strived to arrest the panic only sacrificed themselves. Clarke, the leader of the rear guard, soon fell in this dangerous service, and his corps was totally disorganized. Officers and soldiers were now mingled without the slightest regard of discipline, and "Save himself who can," was the order of the day. + The pursuit at first was keen; but the temptation afforded by plunder of the camp, soon brought them back, and the wearied, wounded and disheartened fugitives, were permitted to retire from the field unmolested. The rout continued as far as Fort Jefferson, twenty-nine miles from the scene of action. The action lasted more than three hours, during the whole of which time the fire was heavy and incessant. The loss in proportion to the number engaged, was enormous, and is unparalleled, except in Braddock's disastrous defeat. Sixty-eight officers were killed on the spot, and twenty-eight wounded. Out of 900 privates who went into action, 550 were left dead on the field. and many of the survivors were wounded. Gen. St. Clair was untouched, although eight balls passed through his hat and clothes, and several horses were killed under im. The Indian loss was reported by themselves as fifty-eight killed and wounded, which was probably underrated, . they were never visible after the first attack, until charged with the bayonet. At Fort Jefferson the fugitives were joined by the first regiment, who, as noticed above, had been detached in pursuit of the deserters. Here a council of war was called which terminated in the unanimous opinion that the junction with the first regiment did not justify an attempt upon the enemy, in the present condition of affairs, and that the army should return to Fort Washington without delay. This was accordingly done, and thus ended St. Clairls campaign against the Indians. We notice several private incidents connected with this battle:


William Kennon, of Fleming county, Ky., at that time a


* General St. Clair's horses were killed as well as those of his aids. He was placed by a few friends upon an exhausted pack-horse, that could not be pricked out of a walk, and in this condition followed in the rear of the troops.


+ There were in the army at the commencement of the action about 150 women, of whom fifty-six were killed in the battle and the remainder were made prisoners by the enemy, except a small number who reached Fort Washington. One of the survivors lived until recently (1846), in Cincinnati, a Mrs. Catherine Miller. This woman ran ahead of the whole army, in their flight from the field of battle. Her large quantity of long red hair floated in the breeze, which the soldiers followed through the woods, as their forerunner, that moved rapidly forward, to the place of their ultimate destination.— Atwater's History of Ohio, p. 142:,


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young man eighteen years of age, was attached to a company of rangers, that accompanied the regular force. He had long been remarkable for strength and activity. On the evening preceding the action his corps had been advanced, as already observed, a few hundred yards in front of the first line of infantry, in order to give seasonable notice of the enemy's approach. Just as day was dawning, he observed thirty Indians, within 10o yards of the guard fire, advancing cautiously toward the spot where he stood, together with about twenty rangers, the rest being considerably in the rear. Supposing it to be a mere scouting party, as usual, and not superior in number to the rangers, he sprang forward a few paces in order to shelter himself in a spot of peculiarly rank grass, and firing with a quick aim upon the foremost Indian, he 1nstantly fell flat upon his face, and proceeded with all possible rapidity to reload his gun, not doubting for a moment but that the rangers would hold their position and support him. The Indians, however, rushed forward in such overwhelming masses, that the rangers were compelled to fly with precipitation, leaving young Kennon in total ignorance of his danger. Fortunately the captain of his company had observed him, when he threw himself in the grass, and suddenly shouted aloud, " Run Kennon, or you are a dead man." He instantly sprang to his feet, and beheld Indians within ten feet of him, while his company was already more than 100 yards in front.


Not a moment was to be lost. He darted on with every muscle strained to its utmost, and was pursued by a dozen of the enemy, with loud yells. He at first pressed straight forward to to the usual fording place in the creek, which ran between the rangers and the main army, but several Indians who had passed him before he arose from the grass, threw themselves in the way, and completely cut him off from the rest. By the most powerful exertions he had thrown the whole body of pursuers behind him, with the exception of one young chief, probably Masshawa, who displayed a swiftness and perseverance equal to his own. In the circuit which Kennon was obliged to take, the race continued for more than 400 yards. The distance between them was about eighteen feet, which Kennon could not increase, nor his adversary diminish. Each for the time put his whole soul into the race. Kennon, as far as he was able, kept his eyes upon the motions of his pursuer, lest he should throw the tomahawk which he held aloft in a menacing attitude, and at length finding that no other Indian was at hand, he determined to try the mettle of his pursuer in a different manner, and felt for his tomahawk in order to turn at bay. It had escaped from its sheath, however, while he lay in the grass, and his hair had almost lifted the cap from his head when he saw himself totally disarmed. As he had slackened his pace for a moment, the Indian was almost in reach


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of him when he recommenced the race, but the idea of being without arms, lent wings to his flight, and for the first time he saw himself gaining ground. He had the motions of his pursuer too closely, however, to pay proper attention to the nature of the ground before him, and he suddenly found himself in front of a large tree which had been blown down, and upon which brush and other impediments lay to the height of nine feet or more.


The Indian, who heretofore had not uttered the slightest sound, now gave a short, quick yell, as if sure of his victim. Kennon had not a momemt to deliberate. He must clear the impediment at a leap or perish. Putting his whole soul into the effort, he bounded into the air, with a power which astonished himself, and clearing limbs, brush and everything else, alighted in perfect safety upon the other side.


A loud yell of astonishment burst from the pursuer, who had not the hardihood to attempt the same feat. Kennon, as may be imagined, had no leisure to enjoy his triumph, but dashing into the bed of the creek, upon the bank of which his feat had been performed, where the high banks would shield him from the fire of the enemy, he ran up the stream, until a convenient place afforded for crossing, and rejoined the rangers in the rear of the encampment, panting from the fatigue of exertions which have seldom been surpassed. No breathing time was allowed him, however. The attack instantly commenced, and as we have already observed, was maintained for three hours with unabated fury.


When the retreat commenced Kennon was attached to Maj. Clarke's battalion, and had the dangerous service of protecting the rear. This corps quickly lost its commander and was completely disorganized. Kennon was among the hindmost when the flight commenced, but exerting those same powers which had saved him in the morning, he quickly gained the front, passing several horsemen in the flight. Here he beheld a private in his own company, an intimate acquaintance, lying upon the ground with his thigh broken, and in tones of the most piercing distress, implored each horseman who hurried by him to take him up behind him. As soon as he beheld Kennon coming up on foot, he stretched out his arms and called loud upon him to save him. Notwithstanding the imminent peril of the moment, his friend could not reject so passionate an appeal,' but seizing him in his arms, he placed him upon his back, and ran in that manner for several hundred yards. Horseman after horseman passed them, all of whom refused to relieve him of his burden.


At length the enemy was gaining upon him so fast that Kennon saw their death certain, unless he relinquished his burden. He accordingly told his friend that he had used every possible exertion to save his life, but in vain; that he must relax his hold


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around his neck, or they would both perish. The unhappy wretch heedless of every remonstrance, still clung convulsively to his back, and impeded his exertions until the foremost of the enemy. armed with tomahawks alone, were within twenty yards of them. Kennon then drew his knife from his sheath and cut the fingers of his companion, thus compelling him to relinquish his hold. The unhappy man rolled upon the ground in utter helplessness, and Kennon beheld him tomahawked before he had gone thirty years. Relieved of his burden, he darted forward with an activity which once more brought him to the van. Here he again was compelled to neglect his own safe in order to attend that of others.


Gov. Madison, of Kentucky, who afterward commanded the corps which defended themselves so honorably at the river Raisin — a man who united the most amiable temper to the highest courage — was at that time a subaltern in St. Clair's army, and being a man of infirm constitution, was totally exhausted by the exertions of the morning, and was now sitting down calmly upon a log, awaiting the approach of his enemies. Kennon hastily accosted him and enquired the cause of his delay. Madison pointing to a wound which had bled profusely, replied that he was unable to walk farther, and had no horse. Kennon instantly ran back to a spot where he had seen an exhausted horse grazing, caught him without difficulty, and having assisted Madison to mount, walked by his side until they were out of danger. Fortunately, the pursuit soon ceased, as the plunder of the camp presented irresistible attractions to the enemy.


Lieut.-Col. Darke's escape was almost miraculous. Possessed of a tall, striking figure, in full uniform, and superbly mounted, he led three desperate charges against the enemy, in each of which he was a conspicuous mark. His clothes were cut in many places, but he escaped only with a slight flesh wound. In the last charge Ensign Wilson, a young officer, of only seventeen years of age, was shot through the heart, and fell a few paces in the rear of his regiment, which was then rapidly returning to their original position. An Indian, attracted by his rich uniform, sprung up from the grass and scalped him. Col. Darke, who was at that time in the rear of the regiment, suddenly faced about, dashed at the Indian on horseback, and cleft his skull with his broad-sword, drawing upon himself by the daring act, a rapid discharge of more than a dozen rifles. He, however, regained his regiment in safety, being compelled to leave young Wilson to the enemy.


A party of Chickasaws were on their march to join St. Clair, but did not arrive in time to share in the action. One warrior, alone, of that nation was present, and displayed the most admirable address and bravery. He positively refused to stand in the


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ranks with the soldiers, declaring that the " Shawnees would shoot him down like a pigeon." But he took refuge behind a log, a few yards in front of Butler's battalion, and discharged his rifle eleven times at the enemy, with unerring accuracy. He could not be persuaded, however, to forego the pleasure of scalping each Indian as he fell, and on the eleventh time, he was himself shot by the enemy, and scalped in turn.


The leader of the Indian army in this bloody engagement, was a chief of the Mississago tribe, whose name was " Little Turtle." Notwithstanding his name, he was at least six feet high, strong, muscular and remarkably dignified in his appearance. He was forty years of age, had seen much service, and had accompanied Gen. Burgoyne in his disastrous invasion. His aspect was harsh, sour and forbidding, and his person during the action, was arrayed in the very extremity of Indian foppery. The plan of attack was concerted by him alone, in opposition to the opinion of almost every other chief.


On the evening of the 8th of November, the broken remains of the army arrived at Fort Washington, worn out, dejected, and mortified at the terrible disaster of their defeat. The unfortunate general was, as usual, assailed from one end of the country to the other, but particularly in Kentucky, with one loud and merciless cry of abuse and even detestation. All the misfortunes of his life, and these were many and bitter, were brought up in array against him. He was reproached with cowardice, treason, imbecility and a disposition to prolong the war, in order to preserve that authority which it gave him. He was charged with sacrificing the lives of his men, and the interests of his country, to his own private ambition. Men who had never fired a rifle, and never beheld an Indian, criticised severely the plan of his encampment and the order of his battle, and in short, all the bitter ingredients, which compose the cup of the unsuccessful general, were drained to the dregs.


It seemed to be a universal and probably a correct rule that, as the general reaps all the glory of success, so in like manner, he should sustain all the disgrace of defeat. A victorious general, whether by a lucky blunder or otherwise, is distinguished for life; and an unfortunate one degraded. No charge in the one case, or excuse in the other, is listened to for a moment. Victory hides every blemish and misfortune obscures every virtue. This is the popular rule for estimating the merits of a leader which, for a time, might elevate a noisy Cleon to the level of Alexander. But the historian decides otherwise. Let us look at the unfortunate St. Clair's conduct, and see whether it deserves the furious and unbounded censure that has been heaped upon it. It is acknowledged that, although attacked suddenly—all Indian attacks are sudden — he was not surprised. His troops


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were encamped in order of battle, and formed at a moment's notice.


He cannot by charged with remissness, for he had arrayed them in order of Wale three hours before daylight, and they had just been dismissed when the attack commenced. He cannot be charged with incompetency during the action, for all his measures, if allowance be made for the circumstances attending it, were bold, judicious and military. He did not suffer his men to be shot down in their ranks, as in Braddock's case; but made repeated, desperate and unsuccessful charges against the enemy, numbering in force equal to his own. The troops in general behaved with firmness, the officers were the flower of the revolutionary army, and not a man deserted his colors until order was given to retreat. Though the army was composed of so many different troops, the utmost harmony prevailed during the campaign.


The charge of cowardice is unworthy of an answer. It could only be brought by a blind and ignorant populace, stung with rage, as they ever are with defeat, and pouring upon their unhappy victims every reproach which rage, ignorance and the malice of interested demagogues may suggest. It may be observed that Gen. St. Clair always stood high in the opinion of Washington, notwithstanding his repeated misfortunes, and that in his last battle, although worn down by a cruel disease, he exposed his person in every part of the action, delivered his orders with coolness and judgment, and was one of the last who arrived at Fort Jefferson in the retreat.*


On the 12th of December, following, the president sent a message to congress communicating the defeat of St. Clair, and accompanied the same with the following reports received by Maj. Gen. Knox, secretary of war, from that unfortunate general. The first of these is dated —


" FORT WASHINGTON, October 6, 1791.

"SIR: I have now the satisfaction to inform you, that the army moved from Fort Hamilton, the name I have given to the fort on the Miami, on the 4th at eight in the morning, under the command of Gen. Butler. The order of march and encampment I had regulated before, and on the 3d, returned to this place to get up the militia. They marched yesterday and consist of about 300 men, as you will see by the enclosed abstract of the muster. I have reason to believe, however, that at least an equal number will be up there by the 10th, and I have left orders for their following us. The monthly return should have accompanied this letter, but it was not ready when I left camp, and has not been forwarded since. I have hitherto found it impossible

*McClung's Sketches of Western Adventure, pp. 351, 357.


10—A.


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to reduce the officers commanding corps to punctuality in respect to their returns, but they are mending. Our numbers after deducting the garrison of this place, and Fort Hamilton, are about 2,000, exclusive of the militia. I trust I shall find them sufficient; and should the rest of the militia come on, it would make the matter pretty certain. But the season is now so far advanced, that I fear the intermediate posts, which indeed would have been highly necessary, it will be impossible to establish; in that, however, I must be governed by circumstances, of which I will take care that you shall be apprised in due time. Should the enemy come to meet us, which seems to be expected, and be discomfited, there will be no difficulties; but if they expect us at the Miami villages, the business will wear another face, and the intermediate posts become more essential.


" Since the quartermaster has been here and got into his gears, which it took him a little time to do, I am very well satisfied with him and do believe he will answer the description which you were pleased to give me of him; his business seems now to be well arranged. In order to communicate with some degree of certainty with your office, I have directed Capt. Buel, when he arrives, to send a sergeant and twelve men to a house that has been newly erected, half way between this place and Lexington, to each of which two men are to be sent off on every Monday morning to carry dispatches. Those for the war office, or any other public letters, to be put into the hands of Mr. Charles Wilkins, merchant, of Lexington, who has engaged to forward all I have occasion to send regularly once a week; and should you, sir, see proper to use the same route for any of yours, if they are sent to his care, he will forward them to me. I have been led to prefer this channel of communication to that of the river, because it appears to be rather more certain of the two, though it may be a little more tedious, and because desertion continues to prevail among the troops, and the sending of small parties to such a distance gives great opportunity to effect it. Gen. Butler informs me that no less than twenty-one went off the night before the army moved from Fort Hamilton.


" I am this moment setting out for the army, which I hope to overtake to-morrow evening, and will write to you again as soon as may be. With great regard and respect, I have the honor to be, sir, your very humble servant,


" ARTHUR ST. CLAIR."


" Camp, eighty-one miles advanced of Washington, November 1, 1791.


" Sir: — Since I had the honor to write to you on the 21st ult., nothing very material has happened, and, indeed, I am at present so unwell, and have been so for some time past that I could ill detail it if it had happened, not that space of time has been


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entirely barren of incidents, but as few of them have been of the agreeable kind, I beg you to accept a sort of a journal account of them, which will be the easiest for me.


" On the 22d the indisposition that had hung about me for some time, appearing as a bilious colic, and sometimes as a rheumatic asthma, to my great satisfaction changed to a gout in the left arm and hand, leaving the breast and stomach perfectly relieved, and the cough which had been excessive entirely gone. This day Mr. Ellis, with sixty militia from Kentucky, joined the army, and brought up a quantity of flour and beef.


" 23d. Two men were taken in the act of deserting to the enemy, and one for shooting another soldier and threatening to kill an officer, were hanged upon the grand parade, the whole army being drawn out. Since the army has halted, the country around this, and ahead for fifteen miles, has been well examined; it is a country which, had we arrived a month sooner in it, and with three times the number of animals, they would have been all fat now.


" 24th. Named the fort Jefferson (it lies in latitude 40 degrees, 4 minutes and 32 seconds north), and marched the same Indian path serving to conduct us about six miles, and encamped on good ground and an excellent position. A rivulet in front, and a very large prairie which would, at the proper season, afford for a thousand horses on the left. So ill this day that I had much difficulty in keeping with the army.


" 25th. Very hard rains last, obliged to halt to-day on account of provisions; for though the soldiery may be kept pretty easy in camp under the expectations of provisions arriving, they cannot bear to march in advance and take none along with them. Received a letter from Mr. Hodgdon by express; 13,000 pounds of flour arrive the 27th.


" 26th. A party of militia sent to reconnoitre, fell in with five Indians, and suffered them to slip through their fingers in their camp. Articles to the value of $22 were found and divided.


The Virginia battalion is melting down very fast, notwithstanding the promises of the men to the officers. Thirteen have been discharged by Col. Darke to-day.


" 27th. Gave orders for enlisting the levies, with the condition of serving out their time in the present corps. Payomingo arrived in the camp with his warriors. I was so unwell, could only see him and bid him welcome, but entered on no business — considerable dissatisfaction among the levies about their enlistments.


" 28th. Some clothing sent for to Fort Washington for the recruits arrived, was begun to be disturbed, and will have a good effect; but the enlisting of the levies does not meet with the encouragement that might have been expected. It is not only


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complained of by the officers, but it is certainly, privately, by some of high rank, and the measure of tempting them with warm clothing, condemned. Mr. Hodgdon writes me that he is sending forward a quantity of woolen overalls and socks, by Gen. Butler's orders. I have ordered them to be deposited at Fort Jefferson. Some few Indians about us, probably those the militia fell in with a day or two ago. Two of the levies were fired upon, about three miles off; one killed; two of the militia likewise, one of them got in and the other missing, supposed to be taken.


"29th. Payomingo and his people accompanied by Capt. Sparks and four good riflemen, gone on a scout; they do not propose to return under ten days unless they sooner succeed in taking prisoners.


" 30th. The army moved about 9 o'clock, and with much difficulty made seven miles, having left a considerable part of the tents by the way. The provision made by the quartermaster was not adequate. Three days' flour issued to them. The Indian road still with us. The course this day north, twenty- five degrees west.


"31st. This morning about sixty of the militia deserted. It was at first reported, that about one-half of them had gone off, and that their design was to plunder the convoys, which were upon the road. I detached the first regiment in pursuit of them, with orders to Maj. Hamtramck to send a sufficient guard back with Benham (a commissary), whenever he met with him, and follow them about twenty-five miles below Fort Jefferson, or until he met the second convoy, and then return and join the army. Benham arrived last night; and to-day, November 1st, the army is halted to give the road-cutters an opportunity of getting some distance ahead, and that I might write to you. I am this day considerably recovered, and hope that it will turn out, what I at first expected it would be, a friendly fit of the gout, come to relieve me from every other complaint.


" Yesterday I was favored with yours of the 28th and 29th of September. I have enclosed my communications with the old and new contractors, and their answers. My orders to the post for them are not yet definite; but they will be very soon. In the meantime, I expect they are both at work. With great respect I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant,


" ARTHUR ST. CLAIR.


" P. S. Your letters for Gen. Wilkinson and Gen. Scott, Mr. Jones and Mr. Brown, are sent back, and the public thanks in the names of the president, presented to Gen. Wilkinson agreeably to your directions.


" To the Hon. Maj. Gen. Knox, Secretary of War."


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" FORT WASHINGTON, Nov. 9, 1791.


"SIR: —Yesterday afternoon the remains of the army, under my command, got back to this place, and I have now the painful task to give you an account of as warm and unfortunate an action, as almost any which has been fought, in which every corps was engaged and worsted, except the first regiment, that had been detached upon a service I had the honor to inform you of in my last dispatch, and had not joined me.


"On the 3d instant, the army had reached a creek about twelve yards wide, running to the southward of west, which I believe to have been the river St. Mary, which empties itself into the Miami of the lake.* At the Miami village about four o'clock in the afternoon having marched near nine miles, and were encamped upon a very commanding piece of ground, in two lines, having the above mentioned creek in front. The right wing composed of Butler's, Patterson's and Clarke's battalions, commanded by Major-Gen. Butler, formed the first line, and the left wing, consisting of Bedinger's and Gaither's battalions, and the second regiment commanded by Lieut.-Col. Darke, formed the second line, with an interval between them of about seventy yards, which was all the ground would allow. The right flank was pretty well secured by the creek, a steep bank, and Faulkner's corps; some of the cavalry and their piquets covered the left flank. The militia were thrown over the creek and advanced about one-quarter of a mile, and encamped in the same order. There were a few Indians who appeared on the opposite side of the creek, but fled with the utmost precipitation on the advance of the militia. At this place which I judged to be about fifteen miles distant from the Miami village, I had determined to throw up a slight work, the plan of which was concerted that evening with Major Ferguson, wherein to have deposited the men's knapsacks and everything else that was not of absolute necessity, and to have moved on to have attacked the enemy as soon as the first regiment was come up; but they did not permit me to execute either, for on the fourth, about half an hour before sunrise, and when the men had been just dismissed from the parade (for it was a constant practice to have them all under arms a considerable time before daylight), an attack was made upon the militia —those gave way in a very little time and rushed into camp through Major Butler's battalion, which together with part of Clarke's, threw them into considerable disorder, which notwithstanding the exertions of both, and those officers, was never together remedied, the Indians following close at their heels. he fire, however, of the first line checked them, but almost


* St. Clair was of the opinion that his defeat occurred upon St. Mary, and it is so stated in his official dispatch. It is incorrect. The action took place on a small tributary stream of the Wabash.

- MCCLUNG.


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instantly a very heavy attack began upon that line, and in a few minutes it was extended to the second likewise; the great weight of it was directed against the center of each, where the artillery was placed, and from which the men were repeatedly driven with great slaughter. Finding no great effect from our fire, and confusion beginning to spread, from the great number of men who were falling in all quarters, it became necessary to try what-could be done with the bayonet. Lieut.-Col. Darke was ordered to make a charge with part of the second line, and to turn the left flank of the enemy; this was executed with great spirit—the Indians gave way, and were driven back 300 or 400 yards; but for want of a sufficient number of riflemen, to pursue this advantage, they soon returned, and the troops were obliged to give back in their turn. At this moment they had entered our camp by the left flank, having pushed back the troops that were posted there. Another charge was made here by the second regiment, Butler's and Clarke s battalions, with equal effect, and it was repeated several times, and always with success; in all of them many men were lost, and particularly the officers, which, with such raw troops was a loss irremediable. In that just spoken of, made by the second regiment, and Butler's battalion, Major Butler was dangerously wounded, and every officer of the second regiment fell, except three, one of whom, Mr. Creaton, was shot through the body. Our artillery being now silenced, and all the officers killed, except Capt. Ford, who was very badly wounded, and more than half the army fallen, being cut off from the road, it became necessary to attempt the regaining it, and to make the retreat if possible: to this purpose the remains of the army were formed as well as circumstances would admit, toward the right of the encampment, from which by the way of the second line, another charge was made upon the enemy as if the design was to turn their right flank, but in fact to gain the road. This was effected, and as soon as it was opened, the militia took along it, followed by the troops, Major Clarke with his battalion covering the rear. The retreat in these circumstances, you may be sure, was a very precipitate one— it was in fact a flight. The camp and the artillery were abandoned; but that was unavoidable, for not a horse was left alive to have drawn it off, had it otherwise been practicable. But the most disgraceful part of the business, is, that the greatest part of the men threw away their arms and accoutrements, even after the pursuit (which continued about four miles) had ceased. I found the road strewed with them for many miles, but was not able to remedy it; for having had all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that could not be pricked out of a walk, I could not get forward myself; and the order I sent forward, either to halt the front, or prevent the men from parting with their arms, were unattended to.


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"The rout continued quite to Fort Jefferson, twenty-nine miles, which was reached at a little after sun-setting. The action began about half an hour before sunrise, and the retreat was attempted about half an hour after 9 o'clock.


" I have not been able to get returns of the killed and wounded, but Maj.-Gen. Butler, Lieut.-Col. Oldham, of the militia, Majors Furguson, Heart and Clarke, are among the former; Col. Sargent, my adjutant general, Lieut.-Col. Darke, Lieut.-Col. Gibson, Major Butler, and the Viscount Malartie, who served me as an aid-de-camp, are among the latter, and a great number of captains and subalterns in both.


" I have now, sir, finished my melancholy tale a tale that will be felt sensibly by every one who has sympathy for private distress, or for public misfortune.


" I have nothing, sir, to lay to the charge of the troops but their want of discipline, which from the short time they had been in seivice it was impossible they should have acquired, and which rendered it very difficult, when they were thrown into confusion, to reduce them again to order, and is one reason why the loss has fallen so heavily upon the officers, who did everything in their power to effect it; neither were my own exertions wanting, but worn down with illness and suffering with a painful disease, unable either to mount or dismount a horse, without assistance, they were not so great as they otherwise would, and perhaps ought to have been. We were overpowered by numbers, but it is no more than justice to observe, that though composed of so many different species of troops, the utmost harmony prevailed through the whole army during the campaign.


" At Fort Jefferson I found the first regiment, which had returned from the service they had been sent upon, without either overtaking the deserters or meeting the convoy of provisions. I am not certain, sir, whether I ought to consider the absence of this regiment, from the field of action, as fortunate or otherwise. I incline to think it was fortunate, for I very much doubt whether, had it been in the action, the fortune of the day had been changed; and if it had not the triumph of the enemy would have been more complete, and the country would have been destitute of every means of defense.


" Taking a view of the situation of our broken troops at Fort Jefferson, and that there were no provisions in the fort, I called upon the field officers, viz.: Lieut.-Col. Darke, Major Hamtramck, Major Zeigler and Major Gaither, together with the adjutant general, for their advice, what would be proper, further to be done, and it was their unanimous opinion, that the addition of the first regiment, unbroken as it was, did not put the army on as respectable a footing as it was in the morning, because a


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great part of it was now unarmed, that it had been then found unequal to the enemy, and should they come on, which was probable, would be found so again; that the troops could not be thrown into the fort, both because it was so small, and that there were no provisions in it; that provisions were known to be upon the road at the distance of one or at most two marches; that, therefore, it would be proper to move, without loss of time, to meet the provisions, when the men might have the sooner an opportunity for refreshments, and that a proper detachment might be sent back with it to have it safely deposited in the fort. This advice was accepted, and the army put in motion again at 10 o'clock and marched all night, and the succeeding day met with a quantity of flour, part of it was distributed immediately, part taken back to supply the army on the march to Fort Hamilton, and the remainder (about fifty horse loads) sent forward to Fort Jefferson; the next day a drove of cattle was met with for the same place, and I have information that both got in. The wounded, who had been left at that place, were ordered to be brought here by the return horses.


" I have said, sir, in a former part of this letter, that we were overpowered by numbers; of that, however, I have no other evidence than the weight of the fire, which was always a most deadly one, and generally delivered from the ground, few of the enemy showing themselves on foot, except when they charged; and that in a few minutes our whole camp, which extended above three hundred and fifty yards in length, was entirely surrounded, and attacked on all quarters.


" The loss, sir, the public has sustained by the fall of so many brave officers, particularly Gen. Butler and Maj. Ferguson, can not be too much regretted; but it is a circumstance that will alleviate the misfortune in some measure, that all of them fell most gallantly doing their duty. I have had very particular ob ligations to many of them, as well as to the survivors, but to none more than to Col. Sargent. He had discharged the various duties of his office with zeal, with exactness and with intelligence, and on all occasions, afforded me every assistance in his power; which I have also experienced from my aid-de-camp, Lieut. Denny, and the Viscount Malartie, who served with me in that station, as a volunteer.


" With every sentiment of respect and regard, I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant,


" ARTHUR ST. CLAIR.


" To the Hon. Maj. Gen. Knox, secretary of war.


" P. S. Some orders that had been given to Col. Oldham, over night, and which were of much consequence, were not executed; and some very material intelligence was communicated by Capt.


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Slough to Gen. Butler in the course of the night before the action, which was never imparted to me, nor did I hear of it until after my arrival here."


PHILADELPHIA, December 23.


" Last Wednesday evening, Lieut. Denny, aid-de-camp to Maj.Gen. St. Clair, arrived with dispatches for the secretary of war, dated Fort Washington, the 17th of November. The garrison at Fort Jefferson was intended to be continued, and was not conceived to be in any danger; it was supplied with provisions, provided with artillery, and commanded by Capt. Shailer of the Second regiment. Most of the wounded had arrived at Fort Washington from Fort Jefferson. Piomingo, the Chickasaw chief, had returned safe with his warriors, and Captain Sparks, of Clarke's battalion, bringing with them five scalps. The Kentucky militia, under Gens. Scott and Wilkinson, all mounted and furnished with twenty days' provision, will probably arrive at Fort Washington about the l0th of November. It was expected that the dispersed situation of the Indians would afford a good opportunity for the militia to make an important stroke yet this winter."


The brave Maj. Clarke (who covered their retreat with some soldiers) supposed to be killed, had arrived safe at Fort Washington. The levies were generally discharged, excepting those who had enlisted in the regular service."


This was accompanied with an authentic list of the killed and wounded in the army of the United States (regular troops). The list embraces by name, only officers. But the whole number of non-commissioned officers and privates killed and missing amounted to 593, wounded, 214. Among the list of officers killed, was Capt. Kirkwood, an account of the attack upon whose cabin we have given in the chapter preceding this.


Here ends our account of the Indian campaigns in which the settlers of the upper Ohio valley were directly concerned, but not the last before peace was secured. The disastrous defeat of t e unforunate St. Clair, made it necessary for the protection of t frontiers, and for the retrieving of the honor of the nation, to organize and send another army to punish the savages and re uce them to submission. But it is not our purpose to go into a detailed account which would be foreign to the end in view, that of confining ourselves to the relation of events and incidents as connected with the history of that section of which we have undertaken.


But as a matter of general history we may remark that this last campaign which was conducted by Gen. Anthony Wayne, ended in the complete overthrow of the Indian forces and the glorious triumph of the American arms. The results of this


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victory were secured by the treaty subsequently entered into at Greenville, on the 3rd of August, A. D: 1795, by which among other things as the price of peace the Indians gave up an extensive tract of country south of the lakes and west of the Ohio, comprehending in all about four-fifths of the present state of Ohio. This was not only the close of the Indian wars, but was really the close of our war for independence, as now for the first time the country really enjoyed independence and peace.