HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY,- PENNSYLVANIA - 25

early at least as 1742. . Near and following the creek westward were John Campbell, the owner of a mill, Roger Cook, David Wilson, John Collins, James McPherson, Andrew Campbell, Andrew and John Miller, Robert Patrick, J. Crawford, Wm. Fear, John Gronow, Charles McConnel, Alexander Frazier, Peter Title, Arthur Stewart, Thomas Brandon, Abraham Endless and John Craighead. The last mentioned had papers dated as early as 1746, which referred to surveys in his behalf still earlier. He was the owner of a large tract now possessed by numerous descendants of the same family name, and extending a great distance along the creek eastward from the Baltimore turnpike. Adjoining him on the south-west and on a bend of the same stream was James Moore, by the mill which is in the hands of his descendants. On the Letort, near where Middlesex now stands, was James Davison,.whose residence in 1736 is said to have been a little South of the fording place at which the road from Harris' Ferry crossed the Letort. The lands on both sides of the Conodoguinet near this point are said to have been " thickly settled" before the location of the county seat. Patrick and Wm. Davison, Wm. Gillingham, James Gilcore, (Kilgore), Joseph Clark, Peter Wilkie and John McClure, were owners of land near the proposed site of Carlisle, and portions of their farms had to be bought back by the Proprietaries. Richard Coulter lived about two miles toward the south-west on lands since partly owned by D. Scoby. " Wm. Armstrong's settlement" was on the Conodoguinet just below the Meeting House Springs. David Williams, a wealthy land holder, and the earliest known elder in the congregation of Upper Pennsborough, James Young and Robert Sanderson were probably included in this settlement. Thomas Wilson resided further to the eastward, near the present Henderson's mill, and adjoining him on the East James Smith, and on the South Jonathan Holmes, another elder, and an eminently good man, by the spring and on land now owned by Mrs. Parker. Near the mouth of the Letort on the State road was Rowland Chambers, and back of him on the Conodoguinet was a settlement within which the first mill in the county is by some claimed to have been erected. North of this and beyond the creek were Joseph Clark and Robert Elliott, who came from Ireland about the same time (1737), and their families became intermingled by marriage. Soon after them came Abram Lamberton, who settled on land very lately in possession of his descendants, and Thomas Kenny, whose tract is now principally in possession of the heirs of John Wilson. On the East of them were John Semple, Patrick Maguire, Christopher Huston and Josiah McMeans. On the glebe belonging to the congregation of Upper Pennsborough, about two miles north-west from Carlisle, was the Rev. Samuel Thompson, (1738), near which were lands belonging to John Davis, Esq., and further up the creek were Wm. Dunbar and Andrew Forbes, near whom a mill was afterwards erected by Wm. Thompson. South of them about four miles West of Carlisle was the extensive purchase of Archibald McCallister, which at first extended some distance up the small stream on which his home was seated. early as in 1742, the upper part of his property was purchased by John Byers, Esq , whose residence has lately been owned by Adam Peffer. On the opposite side of a large spring and on an elevation called Mount Pleasant, was Samuel Alexander, whose son married a daughter of John Byers, and thus united the two families and properties. Adjoining them on the East, on and near the road to Carlisle, were located David. Line, Andrew McBeath, James Given, John Roads, M. Gibbons, Jacob Medill, Stephen Colis and Samuel Blyth. Still further southward, on and near what is now the Walnut Bottom road were settled John Huston, and Samuel and Wm. Woods, (brothers from Donegal, Lancaster county). One of these last mentioned brothers lived on the place since in the possession of David Glen, and the other resided on lands still in the possession of his descendants of the Sterrett family. Between them and the South Mountain, as early as 1749, were James McKnight, on land since owned by Philip Peffer and his descendants, Wm Dunlap, Robert Walker and James Weakley. In that vicinity were James L. Fuller, John McKnight, Esq., Wm. Campbell, John Galbreath, Hugh Craner, John Wilson, James Peoples, Robert McQueston, Thomas Armstrong, Wm. Parkinson and John Elder.

In the settlement commenced by James Chambers (whose residence was about three miles south-west of Newville), was one of the most numerous clusters of inhabitants in the valley. It was very early (1738) strong enough to form a religious congregation which offered to pledge itself to the support of a pastor. In each direction from the Big Spring the land was almost entirely taken up before 1750, so that the people there presented strong claims to the county seat. Among the earliest of these settlers was David Ralston, on the road westward from the spring, Robert Patterson on the Walnut Bottom road, James McKehan who came from Gap Station, Lancaster county, and was for many years a much respected elder in the church of Big Spring ; John Carson, (on property now owned by Judge Montgomery), John Erwin, Richard Fulton, Samuel McCullough and Samuel Boyd. On the ground now occupied by the town of Newville, were families of the name of Atchison and McLaughlin, and near them were others of the name of Sterrett, Blair, Finley, Jacobs and many whose locations are not known to the writer.

The third brother of th3 Chambers family took up his residence near what was called Middle Spring, and around him was soon collected another numerous settlement. The first land in the Cumberland Valley taken up under the "Blunston Licenses," is said to have been a large tract along the Conodoguinet assigned to Benjamin Furley and since occupied by the Herrons, McCombs and Irwins. * In pleading that the state road which was laid out in 1735-6 might be directed through that neighborhood, rather than through Shippensburg, the inhabitants alleged that theirs was the more thickly settled part. † Among those who are known to have belonged to this settlement were, Hugh an.d David Herron, Robert McComb, Alexander and James Young, Alexander McNutt, Archibald, John and Robert Machan,

* Hist. discourse of Rev. S. S. Wylie, at the Centennial Celebration at Middle Spring ; p.13

† Ditto p. 14

26 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.

James Scott, Alexander Sterrett, Wm. and John Piper, Hugh and Joseph Brady, John and Robert McCune and Charles Morrow.

The first settlement at what was soon after called Shippensburg, is said to have been made in June, 1730, by twelve persons, some of whom are unknown, but eight of them were named Richard Morrow, John Culbertson, Alexander Caskey, Alexander Steen, John McCall, Hugh and John Rippey and John Strain. James McGraw tells us that in May, 1733, there were eighteen cabins in the settlement and that they had no name for their town. Edward Shippen, Esq., made the purchase of the ground on which the town now stands four years later.* We abstain from any attempt to bring out the origin of this oldest town in the valley, under the hope that more interesting details will be found in the local history.

PRICES OF LAND AND QUIT-RENTS.

The price of lands for the earlier purchasers was comparatively trifling. There was some variety according to the location, but the ordinary valuation at that early period throughout the province for unimproved lands was not more than a shilling, or eighteen pence an acre, subject, however, to a quit-rent of one shilling for every hundred acres. This was payable annually to the heirs of William Penn, in lawful money, forever. These quit-rents were extremely odious in every part of the province in early times, more especially as they were unprecedented in any other American colony. They were, however, justified on the ground that, by paying them these people were released from the payment of all other taxes to the proprietary government. The legal right was finally gained by the Proprietors, but the payment was not easily enforced. Great efforts were made to collect them and some continued to be paid in this county after the American Revolution. They were levied not only on farms but on town lots, and sometimes amounted to six shillings to the acre or lot. Much difficulty was also experienced about this time in the collection of all kinds of money, on account of the scarcity of gold or silver. There had been an issue of paper money in order to relieve this want, but thirty thousand pounds was then thought to be an over-issue, and the effect was to depreciate the paper. One pound of Pennsylvania currency at this time exchanged for only ten shillings sterling. Many of the farmers were burdened by mortgages at the Loan office, and instances occurred in which those mortgages were enforced with the loss of earlier payments and improvements. †

* Hist. piscourse of Rev. W. A. McCarrell, 1878, on the authority of John McCurdy, Esq., note on pp. 55, 12.

† Records in Lancaster.

CHAPTER FOURTH.----UNDER LANCASTER COUNTY.

DWELLINGS.

The first buildings erected by the settlers for dwellings, for schools and for worship were necessarily of the plainest and simplest kind. None but those who have been in such new settlements can form a correct idea of the difficulties they had to encounter. The railroads and navigable streams and good roads which at a later period have been so convenient for transportation, were not in existence for them. Everything from a distance had to be carried on the backs of horses, and over the Susquehanna by the simplest canoes or boats. Lumber, of course was out of the question, and even nails, glass and ordinary furniture had to be almost entirely dispensed with. The materials which the forests and fields supplied, and the skill which common farmers possessed, were all that could be obtained. But such men, and women were not intimidated at the prospect of personal wants, nor fastidious with respect to comforts. They could dispense for a time with almost everything to which they had been accustomed, provided they could look forward with confidence to a future supply. Their cabins were soon erected, and they did not scorn to receive suggestions from the rude savages whose skill had so long been tasked in similar circumstances. The same forests and fields and streams were open to them, and the Indian did not grudge his white brothel his knowledge of their secrets. These buildings were constructed of-the logs to be had by the banks of streams or from the neighboring hills, the combined strength of a few neighbors was sufficient to put them in position, small skill was needful to fit them together, to fill up the interstices between them and to roof them with rude shingles, thatched straw or the bark of trees, and in a little while the same ingenuity would split and carve out of timber, and fashion the floors benches, tables and bedsteads which were wanted for immediate use. As the number of settlers increased these dwellings became of a better order. More skilled workmen began to be employed, and better materials and furniture were introduced, but for the first twenty years the people were contented with the humblest conveniences. A few houses were constructed of stone, but these were not common. The first stone dwelling on Louther Manor, or in the eastern part of the county, was said to have been put up by Robert Whitehill, after his removal over the river in 1772. The houses for schools and for public worship, may have been of a better quality, for they were not usually erected under such extreme urgency, but they were of like materials and by the same workmen. Those, however who know the buoyancy of the hopes which ordinarily characterize the pioneers of a new country, will not be surprised to learn that these were a happy people. The rude buildings in which they slept soundly, studied diligently, and worshipped devoutly, were quite as good for them and were afterwards remembered as pleasantly as were the more costly edifices of their father-land.

HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 27

ARTICLES OF FOOD.

The same forests, fields and streams abounded also, with nearly all that they had for food. Deer, turkeys, squirrels and bears were easily found in the woods and copse, but especially on the mountains, and 'the Indians were glad to hunt them and to sell them for small favors. Fish of all kinds were taken from the creeks and their tributaries at almost every door. Many choice kinds, now rare or unknown in the valley, were abundant then. Rude nets or seines were made for catching them of the boughs of trees or the branches of grape vines. Sheep and cattle were soon obtained from the older settlers, though their number was often reduced, and they were much disturbed by wolves and other wild animals. Flour was not easily obtained until the land was cultivated and mills were erected. It was in 1721 sold in Philadelphia at eight shillings per hundred weight, and wheat at three shillings and five pence per bushel, but in this region both must have been much higher. Indian corn or maize was more abundant, as it was raised by the Indians, was not exported, and was more simply prepared for eating. It was not long, however, before wheat began to be raised in large quantities. The land was easily cleared of the light bushes which encumbered it, and the soil and seasons were well suited to its production. As soon as it could be carried to market it became the most important article of trade.

MILLS.

It is commonly reported that the first mill erected in the valley was one near the mouth of the Letort, and the second in M'Callister's settlements, about three miles west of the present town of Carlisle. Whatever may be the foundation for this tradition, we are well assured that both grist and saw-mills were erected at a very early period in different parts. Before these, the early settlers had to carry their grists over the river to Chambers' mill, four miles above Harris' Ferry. One of the Chambers brothers was a professed mill-wright; water powers were abundant, and nothing was wanted but instruments and some of the materials for building. The call for these mills was among the first waits of society. Those first erected were of the simplest kind, with only coarse screens in the one and only a single saw in the other. Windmills were sometimes used, but water power was more reliable and not much more expensive. Fullingmills were also much used, for the people manufactured most of the cloth in use, and machines for carding wool were often connected with them. Such establishments on a small scale have now become obsolete, but at that primitive period they were in almost every neighborhood.

DRESS AND AMUSEMENTS.

The same necessity compelled these original settlers to fall back upon the utmost simplicity in dress. No law of fashion was, of course, looked upon as imperious, but a common condition and want was apt to bring about a good degree of uniformity. Strong and coarse kinds of cloth, of a domestic manufacture, were almost exclusively in demand. An enduring sort of breeches and jackets were not unfre quently made from the buckskins with which the Indians supplied them, but the more common garments for the working class were made of hempen or flaxen tow, or of woolen. A wool hat, cowhide shoes, a linsey frock, and sometimes a deer skin apron completed the equipment for the men ; and frocks of similar materials, with sun-bonnets, were for the women and girls. For Sundays and rare occasions a more costly and fashionable dress was indulged in, for many of the people were able and disposed to keep up the forms of the middle class in the world they had left. There may have been few who aimed at genteel life, but there were still fewer who were regardless of a decent appearance in their religious meetings or social circles. Tradition reports that there was much intercourse among the people, that meetings were well attended, and that parties for amusement and good cheer were quite as common as in later times. The letters that have come down to us speak of public assemblies and of gatherings for sport after the labors of the day, and especially of the week. In those of an out-door kind the Indians are reported to have borne no inconsiderable share, particularly when athletic exercises or feats of humanity or agility were involved.*

SCHOOLS.

In no part of the province were there any schools or colleges supported by the State. The idea that the government was bound for its own perpetuation and support to educate the people had not then been put forth even among enlightened nations. Schools, however, were common among all the religious communities which had been formed in Pennsylvania, and none were more forward in organizing them than the class of people who formed the settlements in the valley. Very little express mention is made of them in the few accounts which have come down to us. And yet incidential notices are often given which imply them. Sometimes we read of the professional school teacher, and seldom, perhaps never do we find a man or woman who had not received some education The letters they wrote displayed a peculiar and capricious orthography and syntax, but this is more or less apparent in the correspondence of nearly all literary men and women of that period. The probability is that as the churches, so the schools of the old country were the models after which the people copied. The ministers were expected to have much responsibility for the entire education of children. The established churches of England, Scotland and Ireland made it a part of the parish clergyman's duty to see that good schools were maintained, and that the children attended upon them and made good proficiency. Some relics of this usage are distinctly seen in the educational arrangements of several colonies in America. Almost every where the minister was for some time expected to visit all public schools, and hear lessons at least on the catechism and on other moral subjects. Most of the ministers among the Scotch and Irish congregations at this early period were teachers of schools, and we are sometimes surprised at the high character of

* Watson's Annals of Philadelphia county, vol. II., pp. 523-3.

28 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.

the learning there imparted. Log colleges and schools were not unfrequently found producing as fine Latin scholars as the universities of Europe. Many ministers taught in such schools were able to converse fluently in Latin, and were prepared to take the charge of the colleges of after times. It was not many years after this valley was settled before schools are spoken of in ecclesiastical records as existing among its people, whose standard of education was high. It, howevever, need not be claimed that all or even the majority of the inhabitants were highly educated. The correspondence which has been so literally given in Archives, and the frequent signatures of deeds by marks show that this was not the case. It is sufficient to maintain that it was an uncommon and even a remarkable thing to find one of a Scotch or Irish Protestant family who could not read with facility.

CHURCHES.

As might be expected, it was not long before efforts were made to secure the preaching of the gospel. In making these no difficulty was experienced from division of sentiment. The people agreed on all doctrinal and ecclesiastical subjects. With the excepticn of a small congregation of Episcopalians who are said to have enjoyed the ministry of Rev. William Thompson, a missionary of the English Society for the propogation of the gospel in foreign parts as early as in July 5th, 1753, the entire population of the Cumberland valley belonged to the Presbyterian church. They believed in the same confession of faith and were willing to enter into the same church relations. This uniformity of religious connection remained unbroken for not less than thirty years. And they were not merely without differences in these respects, but every cne, so far as we can discover, was zealous for the establishment of public worship The period of religious indifference and unbelief had not yet arrived. In the countries frcm which the people had come, there were doubtless fongmalism and " moderation," but every family would have felt dishonored had they been found without the forms of public worship. And now, when these wanderers into the wilderness were far away frcm any place of worship, a sense of special desolation was felt by every one. A large part of their social as well as religious life was gone. With but few books or periodicals, the most probable occasion of hearing from the great world and the people they had left was through the letters and arrivals of others. It was in the SaLbath assembly that the sweetest and best enjoyments of the week might be hoped for. The deepest and most urgent longings of their hearts were toward the weekly assembly and what they called the " house of God." No sconer, therefore, were they sheltered from the weather, than they began to enquire for a place of worship.

It would be interesting to have some account of the place where these godly men first met and scught the God of their fathers. We are not sure that we can make any near approach to the satisfaction of this desire. We have traced the settlements over a district of not less than twenty miles from east to west and eight to ten from north to south. This could be traveled only on foot or on horse, for carriages were for some time out of the question. The first meetings must have been at private houses, in barns, or in the open air, and were perhaps confined to no one place

The earliest notice of preaching is to be found in the proceedings of the Presbytery of Donegal. This body was not organized until 1732, when its territory was as extensive toward the west as the whole county of Lancaster at that time. Two or three congregations had been organized on the territory now covered by Dauphin county, and these had given a call to the Rev. William Bertram to settle with them, and the first act of the new Presbytery was that for his reception and installation. These were the nearest places of preaching accessible to the settlements on this side of the river. The first notice relating to these settlements is under the date of October 16, 1734, when it was " ordered that Alexander Craighead supply over the river two or three Sabbaths in November." He was at that time a licentiate of the Presbytery, and was soon after ordained and installed over the congregation of Middle Octorara, in the eastern part of Lancaster county. A brother of his two years later (1736), was a large landowner in what is now South Middleton, on the Yellow Breeches. In April, 1735, Mr. Craighead and Rev. John Thompson, of Donegal, were appointed in response to " supplications from the settlement over the river," as supplies each for two or three Sabbaths. Mr. Bertram was also directed to preach in a similar manner in June. In September of that year the designation given to these people becomes more definite, and they are styled " the people of Concdcguinet or beyond the Susquehanna ;" and in five or six appointments during the next two years a similar phrase is used. As the only preaching station which was strictly on the Conodoguinet was one which we know then and afterwards existed at what has since been called the Meeting House Springs, abcut two miles north-west of Carlisle, we are naturally led to suppose that that location must have been meant. Such a point, too, would have been central to the whole extent of the settlement at that time. Still, as Silvers' Spring soon appears as a distinct preaching place, with a surrounding population nearly equal in numbers, and was not far from the Conodoguinet, it has about equal claims to priority. It is remarkable that at this early period no notices appear for many years in any records of the organization of churches, but only of the building of houses of worship. We soon find that the people of Conodoguinet and of Pennsborough are spoken of as divided into the " upper" and " the lower parts," and finally, when the first minister is settled in this valley, he was installed over the two congregations of Upper and Lower Pennsborough with an equal division of his time. By these designations was unquestionably meant the two churches of Meeting House Springs and Silvers' Spring. After the townships of Pennsborough and Hopewell had been organized (1735) the people of the latter township applied for permission to build for themselves a house of worship at a place they called Big Spring (now Newville), and to employ a minister. Their request was for a while declined on account of their being only eight miles from

HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 29

Pennsborough (which must, of course, mean Meeting House Springs), but as early as August 31, 1737, there were at least three houses of worship in the settlement " on the Conodoguinet," viz., Upper Pennsborough, Lower Pennsborough and Big Spring. Nearly, if not quite cotemporaneous with these, was that of Middle Spring, about five miles North of the present site of Shippensburg. These congregations soon united together in such a way as to support two pastors. The two in Pennsborough constituted one pastorate, and the two in Hopewell another. Within ten years, therefore, after the first crossing of the Susquehanna, we have not less than four congregations withtn the limits of the present county of Cumberland. There was no looking to foreign aid. They only asked from Presbytery the ministers, and they made themselves responsible for their support, and for suitable places in which to worship. They and their ministers were contented with such provisions as they could make for such objects in the midst of their privations. Severe, as must have been the self-denial which these provisions required, they never thought of asking aid nor of dispensing with them. The first settlement of a pastor was that of the Rev. Thomas Craighead, the father of Alexander the first preacher, and of John, who had shortly before become a large proprietor of land on the Yellow Breeches. He was installed at Big Spring, November 17, 1737, and perhaps preached also at Middle Spring. The next was Rev. Samuel Thompson, who took charge November 14, 1739, of the two congregations in Penns. borough.

ROADS.

Great inconvenience was encountered by the original settlers on account of the want of good roads. They had been obliged to convey all their furniture, seed and instruments by Indian paths through the woods which were sometimes almost impassable. Even the route from Philadelphia to Lancaster was indirect, and circuitous, through Chester county and by an almost impracticable road. It was not until October 4, 1733, that certain persons were appointed by the Provincial Council, to lay out a more direct road, which was called the "King's Highway or Public Road, and to clear it and render it commodious for public service." The courts ordered " that it should be made thirty feet wide, that the underwood should be grubbed at least fifteen feet wide and that the necessary bridges should be made over swamps so as to render the same safe and passable for horse and wagon." A year or two later a similar road had been ordered by the courts of Lancaster county, between Lancaster and Harris' Ferry, though it was not completed till five years later. As early as November 4, 1735, the number of inhabitants had so much increased, on this side of the river, that in answer to their earnest petition, the court appointed Randle Chambers, Jacob Peat, James Silvers, Thomas Eastland, John Lawrence and Abram Endless to lay out a road front Harris' Ferry to the Potomac river. The route which these gentlemen selected and reported did not give satisfaction, and a large petition was sent in for a review. The people along the Conodoguinet were particularly displeased, inasmuch as they contended that their part of the valley was more " thickly settled" than that which was mre " to the South." The court of Lancaster therefore " ordered that William Rennick, Richard Hough, James Armstrong, Thomas Mayes, Samuel Montgomery and Benjamin Chambers should view the road and make such alterations in it as to them might seem necessary for the public good, and report their proceedings to the next court.” Three months later this committee made the following report, viz: " That they had reviewed the easternmost part of the raid road and found it very crooked and hurtful to the inhabitants, &c., and therefore that they had altered the said road and marked it in the manner following, to wit : From the said Ferry, near to a south-west course about two miles, thence a westerly course to James Silvers, then westward to John Hogs' meadow, then westward to a fording place on Letort's Spring a little to the northward of John Davison's, thence West northerly to the first marked road in a certain hollow, thence about southwest a little to the South of Robert Dunning's to the former marked road, thence along the same to the Great Spring head, being as far as any review or alteration to them appeared necessary, which so altered as above said and altered from the return to go by James Silvers' house was allowed to be recorded."*

It was several years before this road was completed further than Shippensburg. Indeed we have doubts whether it was finished then to that point before Braddock's expedition, when " a tolerable road” is said to exist only as " far as Shippen's town." Indian trails are said to have been much traveled when the settlers first came to the Valley, from Harris' Ferry, from James Chartiers (the mouth of Yellow Breeches creek) and from Trents Gap (Mount Holly) to Croghan’s (now Sterretts Gap) on the North Mountain, and for some time frequent mention is made of these paths. Neither of them, however were strictly adhered to when the courts laid out their roads. Among the numerous roads which were ordered) and which branched off in each direction from the principal state road and from the principal settlements, none call for special mention.

FIRST TOWNSHIPS IN THE VALLEY.

" On the petition of many of the inhabitants of the North Valley on the west side of the Susquehanna river, opposite to Paxton, praying that the parts settled between the said river and Potomac river, on Conodogwainet, Yellow Britches and Conegochegue creeks may be divided into townships and constables appointed in them, it was ordered by court that a line running northerly from the Hills to the southward of Yellow Britches (crossing a direct line by the Great Spring) to Kightotining mountain, be the division line, and the eastern-most township be called Pennsborough and the western Hope

* Rupp's history of Dauphin, Cumberland Co., pp. 357-8.

30 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.

well." This extract from the records of the Court of Quarter Sessions of Lancaster for November, 1735, shows the first attempt of which we now have account to bring the settlers of this county under the provincial laws. However orderly the people might be, they were liable at any time to disturbance from evil-minded persons, and they were too distant from any organized police to have any legal remedy. Although the Indian title to the lands had not yet been extinguished, and hence such an erection of townships must have been contrary to usage if not law, it was tolerated under the peculiar circumstances of the case. Six years after this, the township of Hopewell was divided (1741) " by a line beginning at the North Hill at Benjamin Moor's, thence to widow Hewres's and Samuel Jamison's, and on a straight line to the South Hill," and it was ordered " that the western division be called Antrim and the eastern Hopewell." The territory thus formed into the new township of Antrim, and named after the county. in Ireland from which the Chambers' and many others of the inhabitants came, was nearly coincident with that which afterwards constituted the county of Franklin. The line mentioned can hardly be recognized from the description given, but with the exception perhaps of a little irregularity subsequently introduced to accommodate the borough of Shippensburg, it is known to be identical with the western line of the present county of Cumberland. I have as yet been able to discover no act of the court by which any township was erected for a number of years after this, but in the returns of taxes which were then made, we find East and West Pennsborough distinguished from each other first in 1845.

TAXES.

There being no taxes levied upon the people of Pennsylvania except those of the county for local objects, and even these being seldom enforced against such as resided on the frontiers on• their failure in payment, the amounts actually collected are but a poor index of the ability of the people, especially if estimated by a later standard. We have no record of the assessments but only of the returns of collectors. The first record is of the returns of 1736, when the towns of Pennsborough and Hopewell were organized. We have compiled the following table embracing each year until the organization of the county of Cumberland.

INDIANS.

The efforts which had been made (1731-3) to induce the Shawanese who had removed to the Allegheny to return to Paxton Manor had proved almost entirely fruitless. Only a few had fulfilled their promise to leave their fields there after the crops should have been secured, and it was becoming every year more difficult to keep them in good humor. Whatever truth there may have been in their allegations, that the lands here were unsuitable for subsistence by hunting, and that they had been unfairly dealt with, the Proprietary government was more than willing to make good all past wrongs. In truth, however, the complaints which they made, were mostly imaginary and had been gotten up for an occasion. The real reasons which moved them were more frankly avowed when all their argument-

HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 31

were examined, and their moods were softened by kindness and presents, They were anxious to escape the humiliating subordination which the Six Nations had imposed upon them in common with the Delawares, they were afraid of some Indians whom they had offended in the South, and they had become strongly attached to the French, whose interest it was to alienate them as much as possible from the English. The Six Nations had bargained away their land without much regard for their welfare, the proprietary government was a party to that bargain, and though their right to the land was more than questionable, and their actual homes were guaranteed them, still they were inclined gloomily to nurse their pretended wrongs. More than once when messengers were sent to them by the Governor and the Six Nations they confessed that they had been mistaken, and promised that they would return or at least live in peace where they were, but every year it became more and more evident that their friendship was forced, and lasted only while they were in expectation of some benefits, and that their hostility might be counted upon whenever an opportunity of vengeance should occur. The Delawares had not as extensively gone beyond the mountains ; the main body adhered to their chiefs, and were almost supported by the government, but an increasing number of them were wandering off, and were making common cause with the Shawanese. They had, in fact, more shadow of reason for their complaints. The " Indian Walk," by which a portion of their lands had been acquired, seemed at least " sharp practice," but the injustice had been more than compensated by subsequent dealings. The wisdom of the whole policy with these Indians, however well intended it may have been, as it was instituted by the Penns and his been continued ever since by the General Government, may well be questioned. Dealt with as independent nations instead of as wards whose welfare was to be provided for by their guardians, they were left to their own improvidence and passions. The very kindness which was meted out to them proved their ruin. The restraint of our own laws, had it been imposed on them with firmness, would probably have been their safety.

No actual hostilities on our frontiers were committed by these Indians during the period of which we are treating. One or two murders were committed on each side by drunken Indians and mercenary whites. The great evil under which both parties suffered was the free use of ardent spirits. Some of the noblest of the Indians, men who could be trusted for honesty, truthfulness and generosity, under the influence of strong drink, committed crimes over which they wept and were deeply humbled when they came to themselves. Sassoonan, king of the Delawares in 1731, in a fit of drunkenness took the life of his nephew, and when he was recovered, was so overcome with remorse and shame that he refused all nourishment, and was, with difficulty, brought to see the face of other men ; but on resuming his official duty he entreated that the fatal poison might be kept from his people except as it was asked for by themselves.* As, however, even 'he

*Col. Rec., vol IIl , pp. 403-5.

and others would not consent to its entire prohibition, no ingenuity of laws could so regulate the sale as to secure honesty to the mercenary traders, or temperance to the simple-minded natives. For more than twenty years, however, after the settlement of this valley the Indians and the whites lived here in unbroken friendship. They mingled in sports, in business and in offices of friendship without a single quarrel or crime of which we have an account. The traders of this region appear to have been what they professed to be, and what the government sought in them, “ men of honesty, humanity and discretion." It was only in after years, when influences from abroad began to operate here, that the two races began to bate one another and to seek each other's blood.

RELIGIOUS DISSENSIONS.

We have noticed that during the first decade after the original settlement of the valley, at least four flourishing congregations were established within the limits of the present county. These continued to increase during the other decade of the period of which we are treating, with even greater celerity. Not only was this caused by the increasing immigration from Europe and from the Eastern towns, but it was aided by a remarkable revival of religion in many parts of the province. Unfortunately, however, the very means which were so successful in increasing the number of zealous communicants, became the occasion for a bitter dissension and an ecclesiastical schism. Those who labored most sincerely and wisely had enough of imperfection to become objects of offence to others perhaps equally sincere and judicious. Certainly there can be no question of the honesty and good intentions of both parties in this controversy. Whitefield and Gilbert Tennant, the Blairs, Finley and Davies, were probably as true-hearted and as intelligent preachers of the truth as the church ever had ; and their opponents, Thompson and Anderson and Cross, were as unquestionably true-hearted and intelligent in their opposition. It would be vain to claim for either side a perfection of wisdom or goodness which belongs not to the most sanctified laborers for God. Nor is it needful for the historian to decide on which side the balance of blame should lie. In breaking up the cold formality which had prevailed in most of the churches, the one party was led to say and do much which savored of men more than of God, and it was not in justification of the earlier formality that the other party censured these extravagances. Happy would it have been if each had avoided the evils which the other contended against, and both had practised the virtues which both commended. The revival which prevailed so extensively in different portions of the christian world was without doubt a divine work, but surveyed, as it was, from a distance, and with an eye too exclusively upon certain unhappy accompaniments, it was sometimes suspected and severely criticised. Its friends, rejoicing in the fruits of the work, could not imagine that it could be opposed from a good motive. They therefore denounced their opponents as the enemies of the work of God, as unconverted men, and as unsafe leaders. The result was that ministers entered each others' parishes with mutual

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criminations and recriminations until ecclesiastical separations and parochial divisions became the only means of peace. The first great schism in the Presbyterian church of this country took place in 1742, and continued until 1758. In the infancy of the congregations of this region the effect seemed for a while only disastrous. In no part of the country was the conflict more heated. Each congregation had to choose between the great parties, and in most instances they were not unanimous. Upper and Lower Pennsborough, with their pastor, Mr. Thompson, were on one side, and Big Spring and Middle Spring were on the other. A large disaffected element remained in each, especially in Upper Pennsborough, from which a new congregation was subsequently organized with different ecclesiastical connections. Notwithstanding these distractions the numbers and wealth of the congregations continually increased,

DEFENCES AND ASSOCIATION REGIMENTS.

During a large part of this period, although Pennsylvania was not invaded, it was not unfrequently alarmingly threatened by enemies. In 1739 war was declared between Great Britain and Spain, and each of the American colonies was called upon for its quota for the common defence. This brought up in the Assembly the question whether it was right to engage in war. The majority of that body were conscientiously opposed even to defensive war, for some of the German religious seats were agreed with the Friends in this general principle. For the time they contented themselves with a reference to their peculiar tenet, but more particularly excused themselves by saying that their province was not exposed to any serious danger, and by a grant of three thousand pounds as a present to the king. So jealously, however, was this present fettered by conditions that the Governor refused to accept it, and raised a respectable amount by the sale of orders on the English government. At a later period dangers began to gather nearer home, and the call upon them became urgent. All along the frontier from the Delaware on the east to the mountains, and thence southward to the borders of Maryland, the cry was sent forth that the Indians were becoming more restless and hostile. The Shawanese had almost entirely removed to the west, and had put themselves under French influence, in one instance having raised the French flag over their village. The Delawares had refused to leave the land which the Six Nations had sold, as they alleged " without authority from beneath their feet," and which the government had bought again of them by a dishonorable expedient. A few of them who had left had gone to the west instead of the land which had been assigned to them, and with many murmurings and threatenings of vengeance. In 1744, when war was declared between France and Great Britain, the prospect became still more portentous. A part of Pennsylvania had been claimed by France as rightfully belonging to her, and now the whole border was open to savage incursions. The Six Nations which had held in check the tribes nominally subject to their sway, now maintained an ominous silence when messages were sent them. Forts had been erected by the French on the Allegheny and on Lake Erie. James Chartier, formerly an Indian trader at the mouth of Yellow Breeches creek, on the Susquehanna, had left his large possessions there to make his home with the Shawanese, and had accepted a commission in the French army. His influence with the Shawanese, whose blood he shared and who had adopted him, would be very great, and his knowledge of the frontier would make him a formidable enemy. He had been reproved by the Governor for some irregularity, and he had suddenly left with bitter malice in his breast. About the time of the declaration of war in 1744, three white persons had been killed on the Juniata, above Harrisburg, by an Indian belonging to the Delaware tribe, which had delivered him up to the provincial authorities. The murderer was found guilty, but was not punished out of regard partly to his apparent penitence, but still more to tbe feelings of his people. In view of the misunderstandings which were now found to exist, the Indians of all the tribes were invited to a General Conference to be held " on the Conodoguinet." The Governors of Maryland and Virginia were invited to send commissioners, and great pains were taken to induce all the tribes to send their best and wisest men. The place of meeting was afterwards changed to Lancaster, " on second thoughts, considering that it would be difficult to get provisions and other accommodations where there were but few houses or inhabitants." At the time and place appointed (June 24th, 1744), the representatives of the three colonies and of the Six Nations were present, but all were pained to find that the tribes from which most apprehensions were felt had no delegates. A happy agreement was made with the Six Nations, who pledged themselves not only to remain at peace, but to suffer no hostile party to pass through their country, and to prevent, if possible, the tribes which owed them allegiance from active hostilities. As a large portion of the Shawanese and Delaware tribes had gone beyond their territory or jurisdiction, the treaty could have no bearing upon them.

Under these circumstances it became the inhabitants of the frontier to consider what could be done for their security. An enemy in open war and erecting forts and organizing armies before their eyes could no longer be ignored or despised. A demand was made at once upon the Assembly for a military establishment on which some reliance could be placed. After much disputing and delay, a few thousand pounds were voted for objects which the Governor might construe to be of a military nature, but for the raising of this sum the proprietary estates were to bear their share of taxation. This was refused by the Governor on the part of the Proprietaries, who, however, saved their dignity by presenting an equivalent amount as a donation. Four hundred soldiers were raised and equipped, but many of them turned out to be indentured servants without the consent of their masters. This also was resisted by the people as an infringement of property rights, and compensation had to be made. Public meetings were got up, one of which was at Shippensburg, in opposition to such enlistments, and they were discontinued. The correspondence between the Governor and the Assembly on these and other points finally assumed an angry tone which was far from being dignified.

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The wisdom of Benjamin Franklin found exercise in devising a way out of these difficulties. As early as in William Penn's time the Assembly had voted supplies for objects suspected to he military in the form of " relief for the distressed Indians on the frontier."* Such a veil was sometimes sufficient at a later period to blind some advocates of peace, but could not be used for the raising and equipment of military companies. As there was no militia in 1744, when war was declared against France, Franklin now proposed that soldiers should be enlisted on the voluntary principle. With the assistance of James Logan, whose peace principles were not against a strictly defensive war, ten thousand militia men were organized in one hundred and twenty companies throughout the province, and the expense was sustained by voluntary subscriptions. Some assistance was obtained from the Assembly by way of " hospital relief" and " charitable supplies." Two lotteries were gotten up by Franklin by means of which six thousand pounds were raised for the construction of some batteries on the river. The regiments thus raised were called " Association regiments," and were the commencement of a system which continued on into the Revolutionary War. " The women," says Logan, were so zealous that they furnished ten pairs of silk colors, wrought with various mottoes. † In no part of the country was this association more heartily entered upon than in Lancaster county, where the Scotch Irish were in unusual strength, and where the danger was most imminent. In spite of the scarcity of laborers and the poverty of the people, a number of companies were formed in the valley, whose officers were chosen by the soldiers, but were commissioned by the Governor. A letter was sent to the several captains of the militia in Lancaster county, dated December 15th, 1745, informing them that news had been received that " the French and their Indian allies were preparing to march during the winter to the frontiers of Pennsylvania under the conduct of Peter Chartier, who would not fait to do them all the mischief in his power." Such news was well fitted to stir up the people to an intense activity. A list of officers who had been chosen by an associated regiment in " that part of Lancaster which lay between the river Susquehanna and the lines of this province," and who had been lately commissioned by the Governor, was presented to the Provincial Council March 29th, 1748, and is as follows: Benjamin Chambers, of Chambersburgh, Colonel ; Robert Dunning, of East Pennsborough, Lieut.-Colonel ; William Maxwell, of Peters, Major ; Richard O'Cain, Robert Chambers, of Hopewell; James Carnaghan, of Hopewell; John Chambers, of Middleton, James Silvers, of East Pennsborough ; Charles Morrow, of Hopewell ; Geo. Brown, of West Pennsborough ; James Woods, of Middleton ; James M'Teer, of East Pennsborough, and Matthew Dill, Captains : William Smith, of Peters ; Andrew Finley, of Lurgan ; James Jack, of Hopewell; Jonathan Holmes, of Middleton ; Tobias Hendricks, of East Pennsborough ; James Dysart, of Hopewell ; John Potter, of Antrim ;

* Graham's History of the United States, vol. II. p. 454-6.

† Bancroft's History of the United States, v4.1. II. p. 46.

John M’Cormick, of East Pennsborough ; William Trindle, of East .Pennsborough ; Andrew Miller, of East Pennsborough ; Charles M'Gill, of Guilford ; John Winton, of Peters ; John Mitchell, of East Pennsborough, Lieutenants and John Lesan, John Thompson, of Hopewell ; Walter Davis, of Middleton ; Joseph Irwin, of Hopewell ; John Anderson, of East Pennsborough ; John Randalls, of Antrim ; Samuel Fisher, of East Pennsborough.; Moses Starr, of East Penns-borough ; George Brenan, Robert Meek, of Hopewell ; James Wilkey, of Peters ; and Adam Hayes, of West Pennsborough, Ensigns.

Some fears were expressed by the Home Government respecting the legality, and expediency of some parts of this associated arrangement, but these were easily removed, and the Council, in a letter to the Proprietaries after the war, (July 30th, 1748,) says that " the zeal and industry, the skill and regularity of the officers have surprised every one ; though it has been for them a hard service. The whole has been attended by such expense, care and fatigue, as would not have been borne or undertaken by any that were not warm and sincere friends to the government and true lovers of their country. In short, we have by this means, in the opinion of most strangers, the best militia in America ; so that had the war continued, we should have been in little pain about any future enterprises of our enemies. Whatever opinion lawyers or others not fully acquainted with our unhappy circumstances may entertain of it, it is in our opinion one of the wisest and most useful measures that was ever undertaken in any country." No actual invasion of the territory nor murders of any of the inhabitants of the present county of Cumberland took place during the period we are now considering. The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in October, 1748, was merely nominal, so far as related to the American colonies. No relaxation was perceptible on. the part of the French in extending or strengthening their posts on the western line of Pennsylvania, and the Indian tribes whom they had instigated to incursion on our frontier were by no means pacified.

CHAPTER FIFTH.—ORGANIZATION AND BRADDOCK'S EXPEDITION.

ERECTION OF THE COUNTY.

The county of Cumberland was erected by the action of Gov. Jamcs Hamilton, January 27th, 1749-50. The only reason for the adoption of this name appears to have been the earlier usage of selecting some name from among the shires of England. This was the sixth county in chronological order ; the original three, Philadelphia, Bucks and Chester having been established in 1682, Lancaster in 1729, and York in 1749. The petition for its erection was signed by James Sil-

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vers and William Magaw, in behalf of the inhabitants of the North Valley, and was urged on the ground of their remoteness from Lancaster, where the courts were held and the public offices were kept, and the difficulty which " the sober and quiet part of the valley experienced in securing itself against the thefts and other crimes of certain idle and dissolute persons who easily avoided the courts, the officers and the jail of so distant a county town. The act for its erection provided " That all and singular the lands lying within the province of Pennsylvania, to the westward of Susquehanna, and northward and westward of the county of York, be erected into a county to be called Cumberland, bounded northward and westward with the line of the province, eastward partly with the river Susquehanna and partly with the said county of York, and southward in part by the line dividing the said province from that of Maryland." It has since been reduced from these extended limits by the setting off of Bedford (March 9, 1771), Northumberland (1772), Mifflin (1789), Franklin (Sept. 9, 1784), and Perry (March 22, 1822). For more than twenty years its history includes that of the whole western half of the province, but we shall notice only as much as is needful to an intelligent account of the district within the present limits.

BOUNDARIES.

As there was some indefiniteness with respect to the boundaries between York and the newly erected county, Robert McCoy (of Peters township), Benjamin Chambers (of Antrim), David Magaw (of Hopewell), James McIntyre and John McCormick (of East Pennsborough), with an equal number of persons from. the county of York, were appointed to act as trustees for ascertaining, running and making a boundary line between those counties, and at the expense of the inhabitants of the two counties. These trustees were unable to agree in their report, those from York insisting upon the Yellow Breeches creek as the proper boundary, while those of Cumberland were equally strenuous for a line commencing on the Susquehanna opposite the mouth of Swatara creek and running along the ridge of the South Mountain. These conflicting claims were settled by an act of the Assembly passed Feb. 9th, 1751, in which it was said ; " The creek called Yellow Breeches, from the mouth thereof where it empties into the river Susquehanna, up the several courses thereof to the mouth of a run of water called Dogwood Run, and from thence on one continued straight line to be run to the ridge of mountains called the South Mountain until it intersects the Maryland line, shall be and it is hereby declared to be the boundary line between the said counties of York and Cumberland.

LOCATION OF THE COUNTY SEAT.

The same persons who had been appointed from Cumberland county to run the boundary line, or any three of them, were authorized in the original act of organization, to purchase a piece of land in some convenient place, to be approved of by the Governor, on which to erect a Court House and prison, for the public service of said county. This also proved to be a matter of considerable difficulty, for not less than four such places were urged upon them by rival interests for their selection. It was the desire of the Proprietaries to lay out a town where the public buildings were to be erected, and the usual method pursued in like cases, was for them to purchase all the lots which had already been sold on the proposed site and lay out the town on a plan of their own. By the charter of the Province counties were to be set off and organized by the Proprietary himself, but as the expense of the buildings was to be defrayed by the Assembly, both here cooperated, though the final choice lay with the Governor. Mr. Thomas Cookson, Esq., the Deputy Surveyor at Lancaster was sent to view the several sites proposed; to hear the arguments for each and, send on his conclusion to the Governor. After performing the part assigned to him, he sent the following report which contains so much that is interesting respecting the state of the settlements at that time that we give the essential part.

LANCASTER, MARCH 1ST, 1749.

HONORED SIR :—In pursuance of your directions, I have viewed the several places spoken of as commodious situations for the town in the-county of Cumberland, and also the several passes through the Kittochtinny and Tuscarora mountains, for the conveniency of the traders to Allegheny. I shall take the liberty of making some observations on the several places recommended, as the inhabitants of the different parts of the county are generally partial to the advantages that would arise from a county town in their own neighborhood. And first the inhabitants about the river, recommended the Manor, that being a considerable body of the Proprietaries' land, well timbered, and likely to be rendered valuable should the town be fixed there ; but the body of the county cry loudly against that situation as lying in a distant corner of the county, and would be a perpetual inconvenience to the inhabitants attending public business, and a great charge of mileage to the respective officers employed in it. The next situation is on Le Tort's Spring. This place is convenient to the new path to Allegheny now mostly used, being at the distance of four miles from the gap in the Kittochtinny mountain. There is a fine stream of water and a body of good land on each side, from the head down to Conodogwainet creek, and the lands on both sides of the Conodogwainet are thick settled. As these lands are settled, if it should be thought a proper situation for the town, the people possessed of them are willing to sell their improvements on reasonable terms or exchange them for other lands of the honorable Proprietors. There is a tract of about two thousand acres of tolerably well timbered land without water, adjoining the settlements on Le Tort's Spring, which may be serviceable to accommodate the town, and lies as marked in the plan.

If this place should not be central enough, the next situation is the Big Spring. It rises a mile and a half to the northwest of the great road, five miles from Dunnings, and seven from Shippensburg, runs into the Conodogwainet in about three miles, and has good land on each side and on the Conodogwainet, and a great quantity of land to.

HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 35

the southward which is tolerably well timbered, but has no water. The honorable Proprietaries have a tract of four thousand acres on the North side of the Conodogwainet opposite to the Spring, and there is a gap in the mountain called McClure's gay, convenient for bringing the road from Allegheny to this place, and with the purchase of two or three small improvements the Proprietaries might be accommodated with a sufficient quantity of land for that purpose.

As to Shippensburgh I have no occasion to say anything, the lands being granted ; and indeed if that were not the case, the lands about it are unsettled for want of water, which must be a sufficient objection.

The next place proposed was on the Conococheague creek, where the road crosses it. The lands to the eastward of it are vacant, the settlements being chiefly on the sides of the creek. The situation is very good and there is enough vacant land, as only the plantations on the creek would need to be purchased. This place was proposed as more convenient for the Indian trade, and opened a shorter and better passage through the mountains. It is true a tolerable passage may be had, but it must be by various turnings. Upon the whole the choice appears to me to lie between the two situations of Le Tort's Spring and the Big Spring.

Upon fixing the spot some directions will be necessary for a plan of the town, the breadth of the streets, the lots to be reserved and those to be alloted for the public buildings. In the execution of which or any other service for the Hon. Proprietaries committed to me I shall take great pleasure.

I am, Honored Sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

THOMAS COOKSON.

Mr. David Magaw urges in favor of Shippensburg where he resided, that it had large bounds lying along the South Mountain between the Conococheague and Dunnings on which for several miles broad there were no inhabitants. Mr. Shippen and John Lowery had made advantageous proposals for the sale of lands by the edge of that town, and it was thought that this was at that time the most central position to be found in the county.*

The Trustees in the meantime appear to have come to a different conclusion. A majority of them were in favor of a location on a branch of the Conococheague, about eighteen miles from Shippensburg, by the great road to Virginia, but in accordance with the views of a minority, they submitted the alternative of Shippensburgh to the Governor's choice. It appears, however, from the reply of the Governor to a petition of the Commissioners and Assesssors of Cumberland county in behalf of many of its inhabitants in 1751, that he had never before their petition received or known of this action of the Trustees, and that he had on his own responsibility 'removed the Courts of Justice in that county to a place " somewhere on the waters issuing from Letort's Spring into the river Conodoguinet." The reasons which determined this choice are given in a letter to Nicholas Scull, the Sur-

* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II. pp. 39, 40, 42-4.

veyor General. After saying that he had given due consideration to all the places proposed, he says that he decided thus, " because the place selected was nearest to the centre of the county on the East side that will admit of proper supplies of good water, meadow, pasture, timber, stone, lime and other necessaries and conveniences for such a town, as that it was most convenient to the paths over the Blue Hills, to the two large rivers of Conodoguinet and Yellow Breeches running in its neighborhood into the Susquehanna, and to the trade both with the Indians and with the city of Philadelphia, as that there is said to be about it a wholesome, dry, limestone soil, good air and abundance of vacant land well covered with a variety of wood."

FIRST COURTS.

The first courts of the county, however, were held at Shippensburg. This was in fact at that time the only town in the Valley, and it was therefore the only place which could well acocmmcdate that assembly. By a commission dated March 10th, 1749—50, Samuel Smith, of Carlisle, William Maxwell, of Peters, George Croghan, of East Pennsborough, Robert Dunning, of West Pennsborough, Mathew Dill, Benjamin Chambers, of Antrim, William Trent, of Middleton, William Allison, of Antrim, Hermanus Alricks, of Carlisle, John Miller, of West Pennsborough, Robert Chambers, of Hopewell, John Finley, of Lurgan, and Thomas Wilson, of Middleton, were appointed Justices of the Peace and of the Common Pleas in the new county. Samuel Smith who had before been a representative in the Assembly, (1737-9) a Sheriff, and a Justice of the Peace in Lancaster county, was the President of the Court, and continued to he so until 1757, when Francis West succeeded him. A number of courts were held at Shippensburg during the year, the first being dated " the twenty-fourth day of July, in the twentieth year of the reign of his Majesty King George the Second, Annoque Domini, 1750," and the last in April, 1751. At the first court, John Potter, of Antrim township,* who had been appointed Sheriff, on the original organization of the county returned the writ of venire which had been directed to him with the panel thereto annexed, and thereupon the following persons were sworn on the Grand Jury, viz : William Magaw, John Potter, John Mitchell, John Davison, Ezekiel Dunning, John Holliday, James Lindley, Adam Hoops, John Forsyth, Thomas Brown, George Brown, John Reynolds, Robert Harris, Thomas Urie, Charles Murray, James Brown and Robert Meek. At the same first session of the court, " Hermanus Alricks, Esq.. produced to the court a commission under the hand of the Hon. James Hamilton, Esq., Governor, and the great seal of the province, appointing him Clerk of the peace of the county

† John Potter, came to America In 1741 and soon after (at least as early as 1746) established himself" in the neighborhood of `happens' farm," now Shippensburg. He was twice chosen by the people and selected by the Governor to be the Sheriff of Cumberland Co. His first commission is dated Oct. 6, 1750 and the second Oct., 1754. His son James, born in Ireland, was about 12 years of age when the family came to America, was a Lieutenant in tie militia, and in 1755 was a captain under Armstrong in Kittanning expedition in 1772. He removed to Penn's Valley (now Centre county) and became a Major General, member of the Council, a Seate Censor, an 1 an Associate Judge. Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. I, pp. 346-9.

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of Cumberland, and the same was read and allowed and ordered to be recorded." In July 23d, 1751, by order of the Governor, the first court of Common Pleas and the criminal courts were held in Carlisle under the same justices, and from that time they were held regularly there. The Orphans' Court, however, for four or five years remained unfixed to any one place, and is said to have followed the persons of the Judges." In June 12th, 1751, it was held at Peterstown, Peters' township, now Franklin county ; in Jan. 4th, 1751-2,* in Antrim township also in Franklin county; and in March 5th, 1755, it was held at William Anderson's in Antrim township. The Courts of Common Pleas, Quarter Sessions, &c., consisted of such Justices of the Peace as had been specially commissioned for that purpose, three of whom constituted a quorum, and one of them commissioned therefor acted as president. It was intended that one Justice at least should be appointed for each township, and at this time they continued in office during the good behavior or the pleasure of the Governor. Accordingly there were several Justices of whom we read that we never hear of on the bench. Usually the criminal courts were held four times each year. The punishments inflicted were fines, imprisonments, setting in the stocks and public whippings of so many lashes, and in one instance " hanging until dead." The Court House for some years was a log building, on the northeast quarter of the public square in Carlisle, by the side of which was the whipping post and pillory.

On the actual removal of the courts to Carlisle the controversy respecting the county seat was renewed; petitions numerously signed by the inhabitants in the upper part, were sent to the Governor pleading that the trustees appointed for the purpose had decided in favor of a place on a branch of the Conococheage, about eighteen miles from Shippensburgh, on the great road to Virginia, although submitting Shippensburg as an alternative for the Governor's choice ; that the holding of the courts at Letort's Springs would be a more grievous op. pression to most of the county than holding them at Lancaster, since it

* The reader of the old Records, near the time of which we are treating, will sometimes be confused by the dates which be will find given to proceedings during the first three months of each year. This was about the time at which the change tcok place from the "Old" to the " New style" of reckoning time. By an act of Parliament in the 24th year of the reign of George the Second, " for regulating the ccmmencement of the year and for correcting the calendar then in use," it was enacted, that " in and throughout all his Majesty's dominions the supputation according to which the year was made to begin on the 25th day of March (Lady Day) should not be made use of from and after the last day of December, 1751, and the first day of January next following the said last day of December, should be reckoned to be the first day of the year of our Lord 1752, and so on from time to time the first day of January in every year which should happen in time to come should be acct unted the first day of the year and that each new year should accordingly commence and begin to be reckoned from the first day of every such month of January next preceeding the 25th cay cf March on which such year would according to the supputation aforesaid have begun or commenceD, and that all acts, deeds, writings, notes and other instruments of what nature or kind scever which should be made; executed or signed upon or after the said first day of January, 1752, should bear date according to the new method of supputation." Up to the date of rec. 31st, 1751, we have many curt proceedings and documents dated according to the " old std le," but after that day, they were all required to be according to the " new supputation." We sometimes meet with dates like the above (1751-2), signifying that by the " Old Style" it was 1751, but according to the "New Style" it was 1752. Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. P, pp 68-70.

would involve nearly as great a travel with the additional expense or erecting and maintaining a new county ; that it would be to the Proprietaries' disadvantage, as it would necessitate the back inhabitants to traffic in Maryland to the damage of the province ; and finally that no good wagon road could be had over the North Mountain until beyond Shippensburg, up the valley. On the other hand the people of the eastern part denied all these statements, and the Governor himself directed his secretary to say that he had never seen any paper from the Cumberland Trustees as was referred to, and he, therefore, " was surprised at the boldness of the petitioners who must have asserted that part upon hearsay." The building of the court house and prison, which had been suspended on account of this controversy, was now resumed, and the decisive action of the Governor put an end to all further discussion.*

TAXABLES IN 1750.

In the whole county, extended as it then was, there was in 1748 eight hundred taxables, which at the rate of five persons to a taxable would give four thousand inhabitants. It would be safe to estimate the population at not less than three thousand. In this no reference is made to all that portion which lay beyond the mountains. In the list of taxables for 1750, when the county was organized, no record is made of those who lived in the unsurveyed parts, as these were not recognized and were regarded as trespassers. Those who lived in remote and new settlements were frequently left out of the tax list in view of their extreme hardships and the ravages of the Indians. † According to the list referred to there were in East Pennsborough for 1750 one hundred and twenty-three freeholders and twenty-seven freemen ; in West Pennsborough for 1751 ninety-five freeholders ; in Middleton for 1751 one hundred and thirty-six freeholders and twenty-four freemen ; in Hopewell for 1851 one hundred and thirty-four freeholders ; making in all, five hundred and thirty-nine persons subject to assessment. As this is the oldest list with which we are acquainted, we have thought it would be interesting to many to have it presented. It is as follows :

EAST PENNSBOROUGH, 1750.

Alexander, Andrew, James and John Armstrong, William Barre-hill, James Beaty, Robert Bell, John Bigham, John Bowman, widow Branan, Walker Buchanan, Adam Calhoun, Thomas Calvert, Robert, James and William Carrithers, Rowland and Samuel Chambers, widow Clark, James Coleman, Roger Cook, James and William Crawford, Alexander and William Crocket, James and John Dickey, James and William Douglass, Robert Dunning, Edward, Robert and Robert Jr. Elliott, John Erwin, William Findley, James Finley, Samuel Fisher, Richard Fulton, William Gray, Joseph Green, Walter Gregory, William Griffith, William and William Jr. Hamilton, Thomas

* Proud's History of Pa., vol. II., p. 227.

† Rupp's History of Dauphin and Cumberland counties, pp. 386-7.

HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 37

Anderson, Tobias Hendricks, Patrick Holmes, Titus Hollinger, John Hunter, Christopher Hewston, James Irwin, Joseph Junkin, Robert Kelton, Thomas Kenny, Alexander Lamferty, Peter Leester, William Chesney, John M'Clellan, James M'Connel, John, Samuel and Thomas M'Cormick, John M'Cracken, Rowland M'Donald, Anthony M'Cue, widow M'Kee, Robert M'Kinley, Francis M'Guire, Josias and widow M'Means, Rowland M'Teer, William, Andrew and 'William Jr. Miller, Andrew and John Milliken, Samuel Martin, 'William Mahool, John Mitchell, William Morton, Nathanael Nelson, John Nailer, Henry and widow Quigley, David Reed, Joseph Reynolds, Jr., widow Roberts, William Rose, Robert Roseborough, William Ross, Isaac Rutledge, Robert Samuels, John Semple, Peter Shaver (Indian trader) James and William Shannon, James Silvers, Thomas Spray, Moses Star, widow Steel, John Stevenson, widow Stewart, Peter Title, David Waason, William Walker, John Waugh, Charles West, Hugh Wharton, John Willey, Joseph Willie, Thomas Wilson, widow Jane Woods. FREEMEN.—John Adams, Robert Airs, Archibald, John and J. Armstrong, Cornelius and Matthew Brown, Daniel Campbell, James Clark, Horal Cleine, William Cranula, George Croghan, Esq., Arthur Erwin, Joseph Ferrett, James Gailey, John Gilkeson, Jonathan Hogg, Abram Hendricks, Samuel Huston, David Kenworthy, Matthew Lindham, William M'Donald, William M'Teer, Hugh Shannon, Robert Walker, Edward Ward, Nathanael Wilson.

WEST PENNSBOROUGH.

William Anderson, John Atchison, William Blackstock, Robert Brevard, George Brown, William, John and William Jr. Carrithers, Stephen Cesna, John Chestnut, Arthur Clark, Joshua Cornelius, James Crutchlow, Francis Cuningham, John Davison, Joshua Dempsy, John Deniston, William Duglass, David and William Dunbar, Ezekiel and Mary Dunning, Alexander Erwin, Thomas and Andrew Forbush, Anthony and Charles Gillgore, Andrew Gitlin, John Glass, John Gordon, John Guthrie, William Harkness, Adam Hays, David Hunter, Lewis Hutton, David Kenedy, James Kirkpatrick, David Kollogh, William Lamont, John Langley, James Lea, John Leeper, William Laughlin, Samuel Lindsay, William Livingston, Alexander, John and William Logan, John Lusk, Archibald M'Allister, Alexander M'Bride, John M'Clung, Alexander, John and John Jr. and Samuel M'Clure, Thomas M'Coy, Owen M'Cool, James M'Farland, Neal M'Faul, John M'Intyre, James M'Means, James M'Naught, Robert M'Queston, David Miller, John Morrison, William Queery, Margaret, Thomas and William Parker, Thomas and William Patton, Jacob and James Peebles, Paul Piercy, Andrew Ralston, Alexander Robb, Patrick Robeson, Allen Scroggs, John Swansy, Joshua Thompson, William Townsley, Robert Walker, James Warnock, James Weakley, Alexander Weyly, John and Samuel Wilson. FREEMEN —Andrew M'Adams, David and John M'Curdy, James M'Munagle, Patrick Reynolds, Samuel Wilson.

HOPEWELL IN 1751.

John Alger, John and William Armstrong, John Beaty, James Blair, Joseph Boggs, Hugh Braidy, Horace Brattan, John Brown, Francis Campbell, James Carhahan, John Carothers, Samuel Cellar, James and Robert Chambers, William Corhahan, James Culbertson, Charles and George Cumins, Moses and Thomas Donald, Robert Dinney, James and William Dunlop, James Dysart, Thomas and John Edmonson, John Elliott, Alexander Fairbairn, Thomas Finley, Joshua Gail, William Gambel, James Gawlt, Robert and William Gibson, George and James Hamilton, Patrick Hannah, David Heron, Francis and John Ignue, Andrew, James and John Jack, David Kidd, Allen Kollogh, James, John and John Jr. Laughlin, Andrew Leckey, Edward Leasy, John Lysee, W. M'Clean, Alexander and Joshua M'Clintock, Robert M'Coombs, James M'Cormick, John and John Jr. M'Cune, Robert and James M'Dowall, Daniel M'Donald, David Magaw, Dr. William M'Gofreck, Andrew M'Ilvaine, James M'Kehar., Robert Meek, Joshua Martin, John Mason, Daniel and Thomas Mickey, John and Isaac Miller, John, Samuel and Samuel Montgomery, John Moorhead, Patrick Mullen, Charles Murray, David and Francis Newell, Richard Nicholson, Allen, John and John Jr. Nisbet, James Paxton, Daniel O'Cain, Andrew Peeble, widow Piper, James Pollock, James and John Quigley, William Reigny, John and John Jr. Reynolds, Robert Robinson, Robert Rusk, Alexander and John Scroggs, Robert Simonton, David Simrel, Robert Simson, Samuel Smith, Samuel Smyley, John Stevenson, Hugh Terrance, Hugh, John, Joshua and Joshua Jr and William Thompson, John Tremble, James Uxley, Abram, James, Samuel and Peter Walker, James Wallace, Samuel Wier, Samuel Williamson, John Wray, James Young. FREEMEN.—John Callwell, Joshua Edmonson, John Hanch, John Richison (skinner), P. Miller

MIDDLETON IN 1751.

Hermanus Alrichs, John, Thomas and William Armstrong, John Bell, Samuel Bigger, William Blyth, James Brannan, John Brown, Arthur and William Buchanan, John Buyers, Berry Cackel, John Calhoun, Robert and William Campbell, William Chadwick. James and John Chambers, Joseph Clark, Richard Coulter, John Craighead, Hugh Creanor, Joshua Davies, John Davis, George and William Davison, Walter Denny, John Dickey, William Dillwood, Henry and John Dinsmore, David Dreanan, widow Duglass, James Dunlop, James Dunning, John and Thomas Elder, William Ferguson, William Fleming, Arthur Foster, Joseph Gaylie, James Gillgore Thomas Gibson, John Gilbreath, William Gillachan, William and Robert Graham, Andrew Gregg, William Guilford, Robert Guthrie, Patrick Hawson, James and Thomas Henderson, Jonathan Hogg, Jonathan Holmes, William Huston, John Jordan, Archibald Kenedy, William Kerr, Richard Kilpatrick, John Kinkead, Hugh Laird, Samuel Lamb, Thomas Lockwood, James Long, Daniel Lorrance, Cornelius McAdams, John McBride, John McAllister, James McConnell, Archibald McCurdy, John and John McClure, John McCrea, Charles and John Mahaffy,

38 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY. PENNSYLVANIA.

John McKinley, John McKnaught, Andrew McIntyre, Samuel McLucass, Francis McNichley, Robert McNutt, John, Moses and William Moore, Mathew and Robert Miller, John Mathews, John Mitchell, William Montgomery, John Neely, Richard Nicholson, William Parkeson, Alexander, John and Robert Patterson, William Peterson, John Price, James and James and John and Robert and William Reed, John and Robert Robb, Alexander Roddy, Alexander and George Sanderson, Abram Seaford, John Smith, James, John and William Stuart, Dennis Swansy, George Templeton, Robert Thompson, Joseph Thorn- ton, William Trent, Richard Venable, William Waddel, Oliver Wallace, William Whiteside, James and Daniel Williams, Samuel, Thomas and widow Wilson, James Young. FREEMEN—William Braidy, George Crisp, John Dounel, Thomas Elmore, Arthur Foster, James Gambel, Francis Hamilton, David, Henry and Jona. Hains, Andrew Holmes, Jonathan and Patrick Kearney, William Kinaird, Hugh Laird, Patrick Loag, Robert Mauhiny, Robert Patterson, James Pollock, 'William Rainiston, James Tait, William 'Wilson, John Woods.

The amount received from all the taxes on the townships which then constituted the county of Cumberland for the year 1749, was only one hundred and seventeen pounds, seven shillings and eight pence. The amount of excise collected from the county for the year ending June 1st, 1753, was fifty five pounds *

REPRESENTATION.

By the terms on which the county was organized and admitted to representation in the Colonial Assembly, it was entitled to but two representatives. These were elected by the freemen who had resided in the county two years and who were owners of at least fifty acres of land well seated, or were otherwise worth in real or personal estate, or both jointly, the value of fifty pounds currency. As long as the county was only sparsely settled this arrangement was not objected to, although the city of Philadelphia returned two, and the original counties of Philadelphia, Bucks and Chester were each allowed eight, Lancaster four, York and Cumberland two each, Northampton and Berks one each, making thirty-six in all.† But as the frontier counties became more and more populous, and questions respecting defence became more important, the people began to resent the inequality of this representation.

INTRUDERS ON INDIAN LANDS.

One of the first duties required by the newly appointed Justices was the removal of certain trespassers upon the Indian lands beyond the mountains. As early as 1743 some persons had settled on these lands and after warning had been removed by order of the government. They had, however, returned almost immediately with a number of others. They were repeatedly warned that they must expect

* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II., p. 85.

†Proud's History of Pennsylvania., Vol. II., p. 285.

either a removal by the authorities or an attack and a massacre by the Indians ; but they had ventured to remain until their number amounted to sixty families. As these intrusions were upon some of the best hunting grounds, the Indians were more than usually exasperated and threatened to drive the trespassers away in a violent manner. At a treaty held at Philadelphia in 1749, complaints were warmly urged and all offers to purchase the lands were declined. They, however, proposed to sell two millions of acres of as good land on the East of the Susquehanna, that the intruders might settle there, and their offer was accepted and the money for it was paid down, but the intruders could not be induced to leave. As this provoked the Indians still more, after public proclamation warning the people against continuing or settling on unpurchased lands, Mr. Richard Peters was directed to go with the Justices of Cumberland county, and not only remove the trespassers but fine and imprison them and destroy their cabins. Accordingly on the 22d of May, 1750, the proprietary party with a number of Indian chiefs were met by Messrs. Dill, Croghan, B. Chambers, Wilson, Finley and Galbraith and the deputy Sheriff of the county, and the whole company proceeded to the Juniata and Sherman's creek region, and found all the trespassers (except one who afterwards yielded when he found that he was not to be imprisoned) ready to submit and leave their cabins and lands. The week after (May 281.I1) the same proprietary party were met at Shippensburgh by Messrs. Samuel Smith, William Maxwell, George Croghan, Benjamin Chambers, Robert Chambers, Wm. Allison, Wm. Trent, John Finley, John Miller, Hermanus Alricks and James Galbraith, Esquires, Justices, with John Potter, Sheriff of the county, and all together went by Path Valley to the Tuscarora Valley, Aughwich, and the Big Cove, where they also found the trespassers after a brief conference, willing to leave. They were therefore not fined nor imprisoned. but bound in a bond of £500 to depart and never to return to any lands not purchased from the Indians. In a few instances in order more deeply to impress the minds of the people and especially of the Indians, the cabins were burned. With these proceedings even the settlers appear to have Leen satisfied, for they acknowledged that they had no real right to the lands, that they had been fairly warned and dealt with, and that if they must be removed it was better that they should peaceably depart when the season was favorable and they were in' no danger from the Indians. The cabins destroyed were those of the least value being such as were erected in a day or two, and the dispossessed families were offered homes either on the two millions of acres lately purchased or on some vacant lands still nearer. The deputies of the Six Nations and of some other tribes who were present and witnessed these proceedings were much gratified and at a conference at Mr. Croghan's (June 7, 1.750) presents were freely bestowed and mutual assurances of continued amity were exchanged. At the next meeting of the court at Shippensburg the recognizances of a few who had returned to their lands and so had forfeited their bonds wcre returned, but all proceedings against the others were dis-

HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 39

continued.* For the better prevention or detection of those who should henceforth presume to settle on such lands, persons were sent to reside on them at convenient distances and to give notice to the magistrates when they observed any kinds of trespass. Tobias and David Hendricks, Paul Pearce and others were allowed to reside on the Manor of Paxton and other lands belonging to the Proprietaries in Cumberland county, and were licensed to trade among the Indians. Besides these, at different points about this time were licensed thus to trade, James Silvers, of (East Pennsborough), James Crawley, John Gray (Carlisle), James Butler, John Owen, Robert Dunning, Adam Hoops (Antrim), William Blythe, Francis Campbell, (both of Shippensburgh), John Finley (Lurgan), Thomas Ward, Thomas Burney, Thomas Mitchell (beyond the mountains), James Warder, John Lee, James Denny, John Moorhead and Joseph Campbell. † There were, however, many roving adventurers who could not be prevented from living and encroaching upon the Indian lands ; but the Indians were now satisfied of the good faith of the government.

LAYING OUT OF THE COUNTY SEAT.

When the first Justices' court was held at Carlisle, July 23, 1751, the place had but just been surveyed and laid out as a town. The letter of instruction before alluded to, given by the Governor to the Surveyor General, Nicholas Scull, as to the laying out of the town, was dated April 1, 1751. In this it is said that he had given an order to Deputy Surveyor Thomas Cookson, Esq., " to purchase such plantations on the Le Tort as would give the most healthy and commodious situation," and that being informed that such purchases had been made, he now directed the Surveyor to proceed to the same place and " assist in finding out the properest place for the site of the town." This implies that the grounds were as yet nearly unoccupied, and indeed we learn that two years after this (May 27, 1753), the number of dwelling houses was only five. ‡

FRUITFUL AND UNFRUITFUL SEASONS.

The years 1751-2 were seasons of great abundance and prosperity. The crops of grain were so large and the opportunities for disposing

* Col. Rec., Vol. V., pp 44.-52. Rupp's Cumberland Co., pp 374-84. Chambers' Irish and Scotch Settlers in Pa. pp. 24-6.

† Governor Hamilton in wilting to Governor Sharpe. of Maryland, who had spoken of a Mr. Campbell, an Indian trader in Pennsylvania, who was dangerous as " a Roman Catholic and on that account likely to sympathise with the French," says : " There is one Francis Campbell who was said to have been bred for the church among the Roman Catholics, but he has the character of an honest, inoffensive man. and it is not likely that he either concerns himself with the French or can be the person met tioned as being at Aughwich." The Governor on the other band thinks that the Campbell alluded to was " an old man, one of the lowest sort of traders, who was often with the Indians and had been mentioned under the name of Joseph Campbell, as a srspected person for his leanings toward the French by Mr. Croghan at a meeting of Commissioners at Carlisle." Fe was perhaps the Joseph Campbell in the above list, who had in some way contrived to obtain a license. Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II., pp. 114-5, also p. 119-14.

‡ Charter and Ordinances of Carlisle with incidents in the early history of the borough, pp. 6, 9, and Rupp's history of ( timberland Co., pp. 388-9.

of them so limited, that their owners were utterly careless of securing and using them. It is even said that. the wheat was often wantonly wasted, consumed in fattening hogs, or converted into strong drink. A large number of distilleries were erected, and much disorder took place in the newer settlements. These years of plenty were followed by three years (1753-5) of unusual scarcity. The summers were remarkable for long continued drouth, and so great was the consequent deficiency of food for both men and beasts, that many were threatened with starvation.

INDIAN CONFERENCE AT CARLISLE AND TREATY AT ALBANY.

Certain chiefs of the Six Nations and their allies in the West, the Delawares, the Shawanese, the Twightwees and the Wyandots, being on a visit to see the Governor of Virginia at Winchester, sent an intimation to Governor Hamilton that they would he glad to meet him at Carlisle on their way home. This rather unusual request to meet at so distant a point, it was thought wise to comply with in consideration of the unsettled state of Indian affairs ; and accordingly Messrs. Richard Peters, Isaac Norris and Benjamin Franklin were commissioned to attend such a meeting in the Governor's name. On the first of October were present these three commissioners, Scarrooyada with ten other sachems of the Six Nations, Shingas, and two other chiefs of the Delawares, fifteen chiefs of the Shawanese and seven of the Twightwees, with James Wright and John Armstrong, Esquires, members of the Assembly, and a number of the magistrates and principal citizens of Cumberland county. Conrad Weiser and Andrew Montour acted as interpretersr The whole company of Indians sat on the floor of the court room, smoking, and testifying their approval or disapproval in their peculiar guttural grunts, while Montour made known the object of the visit. They wished to explain and deny certain rumors respecting the conduct of the Shawanese, to request that the English would forbear settling on lands beyond the Alleghenies, that the number of Indian traders might be reduced, and that restraint might be laid upon the sale of intoxicating liquors. Much valuable information was obtained respecting the movements of the French and Indians, and satisfactory arrangements were made as far as was possible on the grievances complained of. Unusually large presents were given, and a store of goods was deposited with George Croghan to be distributed further on certain conditions. George Croghan and Andrew Montour, by the request of the Indians themselves, were appointed to do the public business of the government with the Indians, and through them all messages were to be sent for their party During these negotiations it became evident that the French were determined to draw the Indians from all friendship with the English, and that they were entering upon a grand scheme for the possession of a great empire in the North and West. The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle effected nothing in relation to America. According to its terms all things were to be restored to the condition before the war, but in this country it was impossible for the parties to agree as to what that condition

40 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.

was. France claimed and took measures to gain immediate possession of all the region west of the Allegheny Mountains, while the English claimed the whole country to the South Sea (by which was meant in the language of the time the Pacific Ocean). The Indians declared that the French openly expressed the resolution to seize upon every trader of the Ohio Company (an association of British merchants, for operating north of the Ohio), and that they were about to build a chain of forts all along the western waters from Cape Breton to the Mississippi River. Soon after the meeting at Carlisle, Alexander Maginty, an Indian trader, but a citizen of Cumberland county, appeared before Chief Justice Allen, and testified that he and David Hendricks, Jacob Evans, Wm. Powell, Thomas Hyde and James Lowry, of Pennsylvania, and Jabez Evans, of Virginia, were taken prisoners by some Indians and carried to Detroit ; that Lowry made his escape; but that most of the others were taken to Montreal, robbed of all they possessed, and finally sent to France, where they were found and delivered by the American consul and sent home at the public expense ; and that he heard the Indians under French influence at Montreal say "there should not be a white man of the English nation on the Ohio before the next cold—meaning the winter—for the land was their Fathers'—the French, and no Englishman should remain there " During the conference at Carlisle it appeared that the French had made direct proposals to the different tribes to make common cause with them against the English, but that most of them had for the time declined.* It now became a matter of importance to enlist as many other tribes as possible in favor of neutrality or of an alliance with the English. It was resolved to invite as many tribes as possible to meet the Governors of all the colonies at Albany for the purpose of forming a general alliance of the colonies and of the Indian nations for mutual defence, for settling the question of Indian lands and for fixing upon the best measures for future action. Great efforts were made to secure at this meeting a delegation from every tribe of Indians and every British colony. But when the commissioners came together (July, 1754), a general disappointment was felt when it was found that no representatives of sufficient power to act were present except from the Six Nations. The meeting, however, was important. It was attended by commissioners from nearly every American colony. A treaty was formed with the Six Nations by which not only their neutrality and co operation was pledged in any conflict which might spring up with the French, but a sale was effected of the whole province of Pennsylvania beyond the Kittatinny Mountains. A plan of union was agreed upon, but it proved to be unacceptable to the Colonial Assemblies and to the government of the mother country.

ENGLISH TROOPS AND INDIAN HOSTILITY.

As soon as communications could be had with England, measures were entered upon to meet the coming crisis. The British ministry sent word that as speedily as possible they would despatch two regi-

*Col. Rec., vol. V., pp. 662-4.

ments of veteran troops under the command of Major-General Edward Braddock, to act under the counsel and advice of the Governors of the Provinces. Measures were also taken to complete these regiments from five hundred to seven hundred men, and to raise besides them three thousand provincial troops to be placed under the command of the same British General. To meet the expense of these operations it was provided that the transportation by sea and the equipment of the royal troops should be paid for from the royal treasury ; but that the charges for recruiting, supplies and transportation by land should " be defrayed by the respective governments wherein the same should happen.'.*

But the Shawanese and Delaware tribes who had for a long time endured the assumption of authority over them by the Six Nations with much impatience, were now quite as hostile to that confederacy as to the English. The sale of their lands under the Treaty at Albany was looked upon by them as a high-handed and selfish act, the validity of which they could never acknowledge. They demanded that the lands which had been repeatedly promised them by the provincial authorities as hunting grounds should be preserved for their occupation or be adequately paid for into their hands. To these demands the Governor replied that although their claim was by no means recognized as valid, there was no unwillingness on the part of the authorities to afford them a bionic and what was equivalent to the price of their lands. All attempts, however, to mollify the wounded feelings of the great body, especially of the Shawanese, were unsuccessful. With the exception of some remnants of the Delawares and a few other tribes which continued to reside on the east of the mountains, and who depended on the colonies for subsistence, the entire body of Indians in Pennsylvania went over to the French.

DANGERS OF THE FRONTIER.

Nor was it long before the inhabitants of Cumberland Valley began to feel the effects of this defection. There was no formal declaration of war, either on the part of the French or of the Indians. On the other hand professions of a desire for an accommodation of differences were freely lavished when remonstrances were sent to them. The demand for explanations made by the Governor of Virginia through George Washington (Jan. 16, 1754) on the French commander at Lake Erie and the Indians on the Allegheny, was met with courtesy but with no apparent consciousness that their conduct needed any defence. Subsequently when open resistance was made to their aggressions, a train of forts was formed on Pennsylvania soil, and troops were sent to drive off those which Virginia sent against them. An actual war then commenced without a further pretence of negotiation. The surrender of Fort Necessity early in July, 1754, and the capture and dispersion of the provincial troops, left the enemy elated with success and the whole frontier open to Indian ravages. No military organizations appear to have been in existence there.

* Pa. Arch., vol. II.. pp. 233-7

HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 41

However inclined the people might be to form companies, they could obtain neither arms nor ammunition, and they were generally too poor to purchase. There was no reliable intelligence respecting the numbers or the movements of the enemy. News soon came of horrible murders, burnings and captures along the Juniata, up the Susquehanna, and in the coves of the Kittatinny mountains, and warnings were circulated that a general raid was contemplated on the more settled parts. Petitions numerously signed and in piteous terms, began to crowd upon the tables of the Governor and the Assembly for a military organization and for arms. Among others one from Cumberland county, uses the following language, viz. : " The address of the subscribers, inhabitants of the county of Cumberland, humbly showeth : That we are now in the most imminent danger from a powerful army of cruel, merciless and inhuman enemies, by whom our lives, liberties, estates and all that tends to promote our welfare are in the utmost danger of dreadful destruction ; and this lamentable truth is most evident from the late defeat of Hie Virginia forces ; and now as we are under your Honor's protection we would beg your immediate notice. We living upon the frontiers of the pro vince, and our enemies so close upon us, do not doubt that these considerations will affect your Honor, and as you have our welfare at heart that you will defer nothing that may tend to hasten our relief. And we have hereby appointed our most trusty friends Messrs James Burd and Philip Davies our commissioners to deliver this, our petition, to your Honor, and in hopes of your due attention and regard thereto, we are your Honor's devoted servants, and as in duty bound shall ever pray. Cumberland, 15 July, 1754." This petition was signed by seventy-five of the principal residents of the county, viz. : Benjamin Chambers, Robert Chambers, James Carahan, James Mateer, Charles Morrow, John Mitchell, Joseph Armstrong, Alexander Culbertson, James Holiday, Nathanael Wilson, Wiiliam McCord, James Jack, John Smith, Francis West, James Sharp, John Ervin, Mathew Arthur, James McCormick, Charles Magill, George Finly, John Potter, John Cesna, Joseph Culbertson, Samuel Culbertson, John Reynolds, George Hamilton, David Magaw, James Chambers, Hermanus Alricks, Robert Meek, Archibald Machan, Benjamin Blyth, Joseph McKinney, John Thompson, Francis Campbell, Isaac Miller, John Machan, John Miller, John Blair, James Blair, James Moore, John Finly, William White, Wm. Buchanan, John Montgomery, Andrew McFarlane, James Brandon, John Pattison, John Craighead, William McClure, Samuel Stevens, William Brown, Patrick McFarlane, Stephen Foulk, John Armstrong, Stephen Foulk, Jr., William MeCoskry, Charles Pattison, William Miller, John Prentice, Arthur Foster, Win. Blyth, Gideon Griffith, Thomas Henderson, Andrew McIntyre, kiln McCuer, Robert Guthrie, George Davidson, Robert Miller, Thomas Wilson, Thomas Lockert, Tobias Hendricks Two other petitions of a similar character were sent up, the one from Donegal and the other from Pextang, Derry and Hanover townships in Lancaster county, alleging that " a great number in those parts were

warm and active for the defence of themselves and their country, but that they were unprovided with arms and unable to purchase them."

MEASURES OF DEFENCE.

Governor Morris who in October (1 754) had succeeded Hamilton presented these petitions to the Assembly and urged that body to adopt measures for the defence of the Province, and for the supply of the royal troops. It soon became apparent that Cumberland county had but little to hope for from any of the provincial authorities. Matters could hardly be worse contrived for their relief. The Governor and the Assembly had a quarrel of their own which engrossed all their energies, and if either party spoke of the dangers on the frontier, it was only to effect a private purpose.* The Governor discoursed eloquently on them, in hope that the urgency of the case might induce the Assembly to vote supplies without taxing the Proprietaries' lands ; and the Assembly listened incredulously, doubtful whether the dangers were not magnified, and inclined to wait until the Governor should feel pressed to yield the Proprietaries' tax. A committee was finally appointed by the House to negotiate a loan of a meagre five thousand pounds, to be expended in provisions for the King's troops as soon as they should enter the province, but the grant was fettered by conditions which the Governor was not willing to accept. †The committee agreed early next year (Feb. 25,) to purchase and send to the southern part of Cumberland county fourteen thousand bushels of wheat and other supplies as soon as they should be notified of the arrival of the troops, but it was to be expended under the superintendence of the committee with a jealous regard to tl.cir peculiar principles. It was expected that these troops would be landed at Philadelphia or Baltimore and that a camp would be formed for them somewhere in the thickly settled parts of the Province where recruits and provisions could be easily obtained. A tolerably good road was open from Philadelphia nearly to the mouth of the Conococheague, where a junction could be effected with the Virginia road to the West. ‡

Unfortunately, too, no interested or intelligent persons were at the head of affairs in England. Gen. Braddock, who was sent as the commander of the expedition was, as John Shirley said of him, " most judiciously chosen for being disqualified for the service he was employed in in almost every respect ;" for though a brave soldier and honest, he had no fitness for an Indian campaign. He was self-opinionated, full of high notions respecting the regular soldiery, and possessed of a supreme contempt for frontier rangers. Indian allies and provincial officers and troops, and was rude and 'blustering toward all colonial authorities. The first serious blunder was in landing the troops at Hampton, Virginia (Jan. 14, 1755), where the people were unprepared to receive and supply them, at a distance from any base of oper-

* Col. Rec., vol VI., pp 569,-84, 6r7,-23.

† Col. Rec., vol. VI., p. 295. Pennsylvania Archives. vol. II. pp. 319,-20.

‡ Col Rec., Vol. VI., p. 302.

42 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.

ations, and making it needful to march the troops, and transport supplies and arms and stores over hundreds of miles in a difficult region. The General was at once met with vexations, disappointments and delays. He and his agents were furious and abusive toward all who came near them. Benjamin Franklin, who was then acting as Post Master General, visited him in order to devise a plan of postal communication between him and the colonial authorities, but found him threatening extreme measures with all the colonies. At the suggestion that matters might have been different if he had landed at a more favorable point, he gave Franklin a commission, at the expense of the crown if no other reliance could be found, to procure one hundred and fifty wagons, with four horses to each wagon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses. The season for action was fast passing, and much depended upon a prompt march before the enemy should be informed, concentrated and prepared to oppose them. With the utmost speed Franklin and his son William hastened to Lancaster and sent forth their agents and advertisements in all the neighboring counties. The following is a copy of the characteristic advertisement which he sent forth :

"To the Inhabitants of the counties of Lancaster, York, and Cumberland.

FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN.—Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic, a few days since I found the General and officers of the army extremely exasperated, on account of their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been expected from this province as most able to furnish them ; but through the dissensions between the Governor and our Assembly., money had not been provided nor any steps taken for that purpose.

It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these counties to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them.

I apprehended that the progress of a body of soldiers through these counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper they are in, and their resentment against us, would be attended with many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants ; and therefore more willingly undertook the trouble of trying first what might be done by fair and equitable means.

The people of these back counties have lately complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting ; you have now an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum, for if the service of this expedition should continue (as it's more than probable it will) for 120 days, the hire of these wagons and horses will amount to upwards of THIRTY THOUSAND POUNDS, which will be paid you in silver and gold of the King's money.

The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce march above twelve miles per day, and the wagons and baggage horses, as they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare of the army, must march with the army, and no faster, and are for the army's sake always placed where they can be most secure, whether on a march or in camp.

If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects to his Majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service and make it easy to yourselves ; for three or four of such as cannot separately spare from the business of their plantations a wagon and four horses and a driver, may do it together, one furnishing the wagon, another, one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay proportionably between you. But if you do not this service to your King and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected ; the King's business must be done ; so many brave troops come so far for your defence must not stand idle through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from you ; wagons and horses must be had ; violent measures will probably be used ; and you will be to seek for a recompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded.

I have no particular interest in this affair, as (except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good and prevent mischief) I shall have only my labor for my pains. If this method of obtaining the wagons and horses is not like to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the General in fourteen days, and I suppose Sir John Sinclair, the Hussar, with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the purpose aforesaid, of which I shall be sorry to hear, because

I am very sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher,

B. FRANKLIN."

The advertisement was as follows :

LANCASTER, APRIL 26, 1755.

WHEREAS 150 wagons, with 4 horses to each wagon and 1500 saddle or pack horses are wanted for the service of his Majesty's forces, now about to rendezvous at Will's creek ; and his Excellency General Braddock hath been pleased to impower me to contract for the hire of the same ; I hereby give notice that I shall attend for that purpose at Lancaster frcm this time till next Wednesday evening ; and at York from next Thursday morning till Friday evening ; where I shall be ready to agree for wagons and teams or single horses on the following terms, viz :

1st, That there shall be paid for each wagon with 4 good horses and a driver fifteen shillings per diem ; and for each able horse with a pack saddle or other saddle and furniture two shillings per diem ; and for each able horse without a saddle eighteen pence per diem.

2nd, That the pay commence from the time of their joining the forces at Will's creek (which must be on or before the twentieth of May ensuing), and that a reasonable allowance be made over and above for the time necessary for their travelling to Will's creek and home again after their discharge

3rd, Each wagon and team, and every saddle or pack horse is to be valued by indifferent persons, chosen between me and the owner, and in case of the loss of any wagon-team or other horse in the service, . the price according to such valuation is to be allowed and paid.

HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 43

4th, Seven day's pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of each wagon and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by General Braddock or by the Paymaster of the army, at the time of their discharge, or from time to time as it shall be demanded.

5th, No drivers or wagons or persons taking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employed than in conducting or taking care of their .carriages and horses.

6th, All oats, Indian corn or other forage that wagons or horses bring to the camp more than is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken for the use of the army. and a reasonable price paid for it.

Note.—My son William Franklin is empowered to enter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland county.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

At the same time a similar earnestness was shown in enlisting men to complete the regiments. Complete success was attained in both departments. As soon as an efficient hand was put to the work and there was a likelihood of success, the people came forward with great enthusiasm. Two hundred men were enlisted in Cumberland county, and it was not long before all that was asked for was brought together.*

There having been no rain for two or three months and all sorts of grain near perishing, and as the General was beginning his march, the Governor and Council unanimously thought it necessary to appoint a day of fasting and prayer. The proclamation appointing such a day was issued June 6th, 1755. In this proclamation the dependence of nations on divine providence and the duty of every society in all their just undertakings to address themselves to the supreme Lord for aid and direction, was acknowledged, and special reference was made to the present time in which the province was " on the brink of a dangerous war, and the benign influence of the heavens had been long withheld, threatening it with the want of the means of support for the people and for the army ;" in consequence of which the nineteenth (lay of June was recommended as " a day of public humiliation, fasting and prayer." †

MILITARY ROAD.

Another enterprise which engaged the attention and the energies of the citizens of Cumberland county during the year 1755 was the making of a road from M'Dowell's mill, near Chambersburg, over the 'mountains to Raystown (Bedford) by the Forks of the Youghiogheny, to intersect the Virginia road somewhere on the Monongahela. It was supposed that such a road would be indispensable for the supply of the troops while on the route to Fort Du Quesne (Pittsburg) and after their arrival there. A commission was therefore appointed by

* Pennsylvania Archives, vol II., pp. 294-6, also p 309.

†Col. Rec., vol. VI., pp. 422-3.

the Governor (March 12th,) " to reconnoitre, explore and view the country west and north of the Kittochtinny or Blue Hill, and of the great Virginia road leading from Harris' Ferry through Carlisle and Shippensburg," and " as carefully and as secretly as may be to survey and lay out such roads as shall be most direct and commodious to answer" " as well for the march of troops as for the carriage of provisions," " from the settled parts of the province to a branch of the Monongahela, called Yohiogain, and also to the camp at the mouth of Wills' creek." The persons appointed on this commission were principally from Cumberland county, well acquainted with the western country, and each one specially adapted to some part of the service. The first was George Croghan, a veteran trader among the Delaware and Shawanese Indians, and who now resided near the Manor, which had been reserved for them eight miles westward from Harris' Ferry. He was a shrewd, sagacious man, and was supposed to have a great influence among the Indians and a familiarity with the best routes to the west. He had lately been unfortunate in his financial speculations, for although the owner of a large tract of land on the Conodoguinet, he had been unable to improve it, the French had seized upon the goods he had sent over the mountains, and the Indians had gone west, leaving their debts to him unpaid. In consequence of these losses he had recently become bankrupt, and was not unwilling to enjoy the patronage of the government.* The second on the commission was John Armstrong, about 1748 from Ireland, a well educated and energetic man, and extensively employed as a Deputy Surveyor for the county of Cumberland, and at that time having a commission as a' justice of the peace. The third was James Burd, one who had borne a commission as a captain of an associated company, and supposed to be especially skillful in the commissary department. Vim. Buchanan and Adam Hoops were influential citizens, the one in the eastern or central (Carlisle), and the other in the more southern portion of the county (Antrim). †

These commissioners proceeded as soon as possible to lay out their roads. Commencing in the neighborhood of Shippensburgh at a gap of the Kittatinny Mountain, they surveyed and laid out a track, generally along an old Indian trail in a direct course to Raystown (Bedford), front which they designed to have a branch road southward to General Braddock's camp at Wills' creek (Cumberland), and to continue the main road to the Three Forks of the Youghiogeny (in Somerset county) and as far beyond as the proximity of the enemy would permit in the direction of Fort Du Quesne. Work was commenced on this track early in May by a small body of men which was soon increased to a hundred and fifty. ‡ For the first ten miles the road was constructed thirty feet wide, but further on it was reduced to twenty feet, and in parts which required digging or quarrying to ten feet For some time the commissioners in a body gave their superintendence to the work,

* Pa. Arch., vol. II., p. 68p. Irving's Lire of Washington, vol. I., p. 154.

† Col Rec., vol. VI., pp. 317-8.

‡ Ditto, pp 331, 396, 401, 403-4.

44 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.

but on May 20th, when they had reached Sugar Cabins, in Aughwick, a little beyond Path Valley. Mr. Armstrong found that his duties as a justice and deputy surveyor required his presence in other parts, and Mr. Buchanan for various reasons could not give his further attention, and their places were supplied by the choice of Mr. Willliam Smith, Francis West and John Byers. The first was a member of the Assembly, who, with his colleague, Joseph Armstrong, had been appointed by that body to superintend the disbursement and application of the funds they had voted for supplies ; the second was a justice of the county, and resided at that time in Carlisle ; and the last was the owner of a large property in the neighborhord of the same town.* The price of wagons was fixed at twelve shillings, and that of the men's work at two and a half shillings per day. † Two hundred men were enlisted in the work from Cumberland county, and as many others were employed in public business of one kind or another, it was said that the force of that county was exhausted, and that scarcely a sufficient number was left for cultivating the land. ‡ The whole expense of opening the roads was estimated at two thousand pounds, and although the actual cost was subsequently reduced by the narrowing of the roads, the disbursements nearly reached that sum. The principal superintendence of the workmen devolved upon Mr. Burd, whose ready tact and practical energy were much needed among them. By the latter part of June the road was completed to Raystown, when, in consequence of unpleasant rumors that the Indians were preparing to attack them, the laborers refused to proceed with. out a military escort. For some time this was refused by the General, but as the workmen began to return home he sent them one hundred men § Nothing was done on the branch road which had been laid out from Raystown to the camp at Wills' creek, and but little on the main route beyond the Forks of Youghiogeny, for the movement of the advance party 'under General Braddock by the old road, and its speedy defeat rendered further proceedings needless or impracticable. ¶

PROVISIONS AND FORAGE.

In the meantime quite as intense activity was put forth in the county in the collection of provisions for the army. The principal depot for the storage and preparation of these was at Shippensburgh, where buildings and pasturage were most easily obtained. Mr. Shippen, the principal owner of the land and of a house, offered them for use, large cellars were dug for storing beef and pork, ovens were constructed for baking bread, mills were taken possession of for grinding grain, men were busy in making staves and barrels and all kinds of implements, and the fields were covered with sheep, cattle, and hogs. George Croghan tells us that the ferries and roads were thronged with men

* Pa. Arch , vol. II., pp 319-20.

† Col. Roc , vol. VI , pp. 379 and 412.

‡Pa Arch., vol. II., p. 313.

Col. Rec. vol. VI., pp 401-4.

§ Col. Roc , vol. VI.. pp. 409, 436. 460

¶ Col, Rec., vol. VI , p. 500.

and cattle and goods to be transported from the eastern counties, and Tobias Hendricks, who lived near the western border of Lowther Manor superintended immense flocks and herds which were turned loose there. Another depot was opened at McDowells on West Conococheague, near the place at which the new road left the road from Carlisle to the Potomac to pass over the Kittatinny Mountains, and from this supplies were sent both to the South and the West. Fourteen thousand barrels of flour, and a proportionate amount of other provisions and forage, for which Franklin had contracted, were now either sent forward or made subject to order. Late as had been the notice given that such supplies were expected from Pennsylvania, the full quantity required by the Commissary were carried by land to the Potomac before they were needed. The army never wanted provisions until they had been abandoned or destroyed. The work on the road never stopped on account of any failure of supplies, and the road itself (which was intended not for the march of troops, but for the convenience of sending supplies for the troops on their march and after their arrival at their destination), was ready for use as soon as it was realy needed The one hundred and fifty wagons demanded by Sir John Sinclair, were all engaged, equipped and sent on in a few days after the demand, and were at Wills' creek before the army were ready to march.* These things show how groundless was the charge, that " if Pennsylvania had opened the proper roads, raised men and provided carriages and necessary provisions for the troops, we might have been in the peaceable possession of Fort Du Quesne." For this result no part of the Province deserved higher honor than Cumberland county.

CHAPTER SIXTH.—THE INDIAN WAR.

EXPOSURE OF THE FRONTIER.

The defeat of General Braddock was one of the most disastrous which the British arms ever received on this continent. It was due not to the lack of bravery in the troops or the officers, nor to the want of numbers or supplies, nor probably to the tardiness or the hindrances of the march, but to the failure of gaining intelligence of the enemy and the want of adaptation to the mode of Indian warfare. But even the defeat was not as disastrous to the inhabitants of Pennsylvania as the ill-judged retreat of the army after the battle In face of an enemy who was still much inferior in numbers and discipline, and at a season eminently favorable for action, it was decided immediately to retreat beyond the mountains. None were more surprised at this than the enemy themselves. It has since been learned that the French commander before the battle was thinking of a surrender, .

* Col. Rec., vol VI., pp. 500, 517, 635

HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 45

and that the Indians even after the battle did not think themselves able to resist the force sent against them, and were preparing to move westward with their rich booty. On beholding our forces in retreat they became jubilant, and were quite amazed when the whole frontier was left open to their inroads. It is true that the portion of troops in the action was the pick of the army, and that the reserve was encumbered with many sick and wounded, but ample time was given for their recovery and reorganization, and they were even then double the number of their enemies. But instead of a forward movement, after several weeks, the order was given to retire, and a request was sent to Gov. Morris to prepare winter quarters for the troops either in Cumberland county or in Philadelphia. For a time a hope was indulged that the former of these localities would be selected, and so that some protection would he given to the back settlements ; and this was apparently the expectation of Col. Dunbar, who now commanded the troops. But as a portion of the provincial contingent at Fort Cumberland belonged to New York. and as the principal attention was now to he given to the attacks on Frontignac and Niagara, on the possession of which the attainment of Fort Du Quesne itself would mainly depend, it was concluded by Major-General Shirley, who now had the control of the American forces, that the troops in Pennsylvania should be sent north and that Pennsylvania must take care of itself. Cruel and ungrateful as such a decision seemed, after all that had been done in this region, there was no appeal from it, and even Gov. Morris, wearied with his wranglings with the Assembly and almost willing to have some extremity to bring that body to his terms, finally gave his assent to the plan.*

CONSTERNATION.

It was with the dreariest feelings and the saddest forebodings that the inhabitants saw all the troops, arms and ammunition passing through the valley. The provisions and stores which had been accumulated at Fort Cumberland and along the western route, not wanted for immediate use had been destroyed, but fortunately large quantities had been collected at Carlisle, Shippensburg and McDowells beyond the present necessities of the retreating army. The workmen on the road either deserted or were at once discharged, and all labor west of the mountains was given up. News of contemplated attacks upon the settlements along the frontier from the Delaware to the Maryland and Virginia line came upon the people in quick succession, and some actual massacres, burnings and captivities were reported from the South, West and North. Even before Braddock's defeat, and when that General with his army had gone only thirty miles from Fort Cumberland, a party of one hundred Indians under the notorious Shingas, came to the Big Cove and to the Conoloways (creeks on the border of Maryland in what is now Fulton county) and killed and took prisoners about thirty people and drove the remainder from their homes. †

* Col. Rec., vol. VI., pp. 549-50,559-62.

† Pennsylvania Archives., Vol. II.. p. 373.

The fugitives mingled with the population of the more eastern part and joined their accounts with the news of the defeat. Warnings were given that an attack had been planned against Sherman's Valley and the settlements here. John Potter, the Sheriff of Cumberland county, who resided in the vicinity which had been ravaged, gathered some companies to resist the assailants, but it was only to witness the burning buildings, bury the dead and form a gathering of the fugitives ; the nimble foe was always at a distance on some other depredations before the pursuers reached any point where they had been. James Smith, (a brother-in- law of William Smith, the Justice anei Commissioner On the road), a youth of eighteen had been captured with several others while engaged in conveying provisions along the road, and a still larger number up the river Susquehanna was slain and driven in. Twenty-seven plantations were reported as utterly desolated in the south-western part of this valley and vicinity, and no prospect seemed to be before the people, but that of being given up to the will of savages.

ASSOCIATIONS FOR DEFENCE.

Governor Morris came to Carlisle (July 10, 175) for the purpose of sending on supplies to General Braddock and to encourage the people in the midst of their panic, and was there when he eceived the first news of the disastrous battle. Instead of carrying out the plans which he and the unfortunate General had concerted in the prospect of having in possession Fort Du Quesne, he was now to do his best in preparing the people here for the melancholy result. The wagoners from the road, who brought the first definite accounts in their flight, did not spare abundant exaggerations of the danger. The Governor at once issued writs to summon the Assembly to meet on the twenty-third of July, at Philadelphia, to devise means to defend the frontier and provide for the expense. At the earnest request of the people he laid out the ground for wooden forts at Carlisle and Shippensburg, and gave orders to have them built, and supplied with arms and ammunition. He encouraged the inhabitants to form associations for their own defence. Four companies of militia were formed, to which he distributed a quantity of powder and lead, and afterwards sent a larger supply. John Armstrong and William Buchanan, of Carlisle, Justice Wm. Maxwell, of Peters, Alexander Culbertson, of Lurgan, and Joseph Armstrong, of Hamilton townships, received supplies to distribute among the inhabitants. The upper end of the valley was especially open to depredation, but in every part the people knew that the danger was common to them all. One of the companies sent to the Governor (Aug. 9th,) the following petition : " The humble petition of the subscribers, inhabitants of Lurgan township, in Cumberland county, amicably united as a company under the good care and command of Mr. Alexander Culbertson, sheweth :

That inasmuch as we dwell upon the frontier, our case at present is lamentably dangerous, we being in such imminent peril of being inhumanly butchered by our savage neighbors whose tender mercies are cruelty; and if they should come upon us now we are naiad and

46 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.

defenceless, being in a great measure destitute of arms and ammunition, what would be the event ? And now it is only the kind providence of God that restrains them. And in these sad and lamentable circumstances we betake ourselves to your Honor's compassion as to a kind and careful Father of whose tender concern for us we are well assured. May it therefore please your Honor in your great wisdom and goodness to commiserate our unhappy case and strengthen our hands with such a quantity of arms and ammunition and upon such terms as your Honor sees fit ; and your dependent petitioners as in duty bound shall ever pray, August 1, 1755." Similar petitions were forwarded from Rev. John Steel, Captain of a company at Conococheague in the pay of the province, from a number of the inhabitants of Lurgan and Hopewell Townships and from the inhabitants of Shippensburg and adjacent townships, setting forth their miserable condition, and the latter offering to finish a fort already begun by the late governor if they might be allowed men and ammunition to defend it. Joseph Armstrong, a member of the Assembly, and Adam Hoops, a Commissary of provisions for the supply of the forces in Cumberland county, with young Cox who had just made his escape from Kittanning, " were examined before the Council, Sept. 6, 1756, as to the truth of the several matters mentioned in these petitions, and they confirmed the same saying further that" a year ago there were three thousand men fit to bear arms, livers in that county, and now exclusive of the provincial forces they were certain they did not amount to a hundred ; that there never was in the memory of man a more abundant harvest, but that after the burning of Fort Granville by the Indians, the farmers had abandoned their plantations and had left what corn was not then stacked or carried into barns to perish on the ground ; and that it was their opinion if more force was not sent into these frontiers, or if Col. Armstrong should miscarry, the West side of the Susquehanna would be entirely abandoned."` A meeting of citizens was called by John Potter, the Sheriff, at the residence of Mr. Shippen, in Shippensburg, Oct. 30, 1755, at which about eighteen persons were present, by whom it was resolved to build five forts, one at Carlisle, one at Shippensburg, one at Benjamin Chambers', one at Steel's meeting house and one at Wm. Allison's. The fort at Carlisle had been in existence in a rude state from 1753, whose western gate was in High street between Hanover and Pitt streets opposite lot No. 100. But it was incomplete and had been allowed to fall into decay. It was called Fort Louther, after an English nobleman, a relative of the Penns. There had probably been a fort for some time &so, in Shippensburg, called Fort Franklin, and tradition reports that it stood on a steep rocky bluff near the west end of the town, sometimes called the " Bull's Eye," from a large round opening in the gable. The remains of the wall stood there until 1836, and a school house has since been erected on the site. The fort commenced at Shippensburg in 1755 was called Fort Morris after the Governor of that name, was finished in 1756-7, under the direction of Col. Burd, and was

* Col. Rec., Vol. VII , pp. 241-2.

probably near the north-eastern end of the borough on land owned by the late Wm. McConnel, and known as " The Fort," where a well dug for the use of the garrison still exists.* Each of the other forts were built at the expense and by the efforts of the inhabitants of the vicinity, but under the superintendence of a General Committee appointed at a public meeting of the citizens. It does not appear that the petitions of the people had any effect upon the majority in the Assembly. They distrusted the accounts, attributed them to the excessive panic of the inhabitants, and in their sympathy with the Indians they hesitated and temporized about sending relief. The main difficulty, however, was with the Governor, from whom they were anxious to obtain advantages on the question of taxing the proprietaries. In Nov. 1755, however, an Act was passed which gave some form of authority to those military associations which had for some years been tolerated. It is a curious specimen of the way by which Franklin and others saved the scruples of the Friends and yet secured something like a military law. Though it was limited in its application to the year of its enactment, it was the model on which companies were formed even down to the Revolutionary period, and hence we give the essential parts of the Bill:

" An act for the better ordering and regulating such as are willing and desirous to be united for military purposes within the Province.

Whereas this province was settled by (and a majority of the Assemblies have ever since been of) the people called Quakers, who, though they do not as this world is now circumstanced, condemn the use of arms in others, yet are principled against bearing arms themselves ; And to make any law to compel them thereto against their consciences, would not only be to violate a fundamental in our Constitution, and be a direct breach of our charter of privileges, but would also in effect be to commence persecution against all that part of the inhabitants of the Province ; and for them by any law to compel others to bear arms and exempt themselves, would be inconsistent and partial ; Yet forasmuch as by the general toleration and equity of our laws, great numbers of people of other religious denominations are come among us who are under no such restraint, some of whom have been disciplined in the art of war, and conscientiously think it their duty to fight in defence of their country their wives their families and estates, and such have an equal right to liberty of conscience with others ; And whereas a great number of petitions have been presented to this house, setting forth that the petitioners are willing to defend themselves and their country, and desirous of being formed into regular bodies for that purpose, instructed and disciplined under proper officers with suitable and legal authority, representing withal that unless measures of this kind are taken so as to unite them together, subject them to due command and thereby give them confidence in each other, they cannot assemble to oppose the enemy without the utmost danger of exposing themselves to confusion

* Kennedy's Hist. Sketches in the American Volunteer of 1871. Other authorities make these forts in Ehippensburgh exchange places, an I put Franklin on the rorth-eastern pin, and Morris on the western part of the borough.

HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 47

and destruction ; And whereas the voluntary assembling of great bodies of armed men from different pails of the province on any occasional alarm whether true or false, as of late hath happened without call or authority from the government and without due orders and directions among themselves, may be attended with danger to our neighboring Indian friends and allies as well as to the internal peace of the province ; And whereas the Governor bath frequently recommended it to the Assembly that in preparing and passing a law for such purposes they should have a due regard to scrupulous and tender consciences which cannot be done where compulsive means are used to force men into military service ; Therefore, as we represent all the people of the province, and are composed of members of different religious persuasions, we do not think it reasonable that any should through a want of legal powers be in the least restrained from doing what they judge it their duty to do for their own security and public gcod ; We in compliance with the said petition and recommendations do offer to the Governor to be enacted, and be it enacted by the Hon. Robert Hunter Morris, Esq , with the King's royal approbation, Lieut. Governor under the Hon. Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, Esquires, by and with the advice and consent of the representatives of the freemen of the said province in General Assembly met and by the authority of the same : That from and after the publication of this Act it shall and may be lawful for the freemen of this province to form themselves into companies as heretofore they have used in time of war without law, and for each company by a majority of votes in the way of ballot to choose its own officers, to wit : a Captain, Lieutenant and Ensign and present them to the Governor or commander in chief for the time being for his approbation, and the said companies being divided into regiments by the Governor or commander in chief, it shall and may be lawful for the officers so chosen and commissioned for the several companies of each regiment to meet together and by a majority of votes in the way of ballot to choose a Colonel, Lieut. Colonel and Major for the regiment and present them to the Governor or commander in chief for his approbation, which officers so chosen if approved and commissioned by him shall be the Colonel, Lieut. Colonel and Major of the regiment according to their commissions during the continuance of this Act." The act then proceeds to provide for the rules and regulations necessary for the conduct and government of such associations, makes provisos that nothing shall be permitted inconsistent with the military laws of Great Britain, that no authority shall be given to constrain into service or make rules for, such as are conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms, that no persons under twenty-one years of age or indented apprentices should be permitted to enrol themselves, and that no regiment or company or party of volunteers should be compelled to go more than three days march beyond the inhabited parts of the province nor be detained longer than three weeks in any garrison without an express engagement for that purpose voluntarily entered into and subscribed by every man so to march or remain in garrison. Finally the law was limited in its continuance to a period of a little less than one year. The Act received the Governor's assent (Nov. 25, 1755,) although he took strong exceptions against particular parts as inconsistent and the whole as impracticable, and many companies of rangers and militia were formed in accordance with its provisions until the commencement of the revolutionary war.

MODE OF INDIAN WARFARE

It was some time before the Indians and their allies discovered the helpless condition of the frontier after the defeat of General Braddock. By their numerous marauding parties and some of their treacherous kindred they were kept aware of every movement of our shattered army. No sooner did they see our troops retiring, and the entire absence of all preparation for defence, above all when they saw the panic and confusion which a few of their scalping parties produced by their sudden appearance in the thickest settlements, they were emboldened and even took a savage delight in playing upon the terrors of the inhabitants. It is easy for those who have had no experience in such affairs to speak of what might have been done, and to disparage the courage and dexterity of these settlers. Such have probably very little conception of the difficulties of their position or of the horrors of Indian warfare. The people of this region were no cowards, nor were they unskilled in such expedients as were suited to their condition. But they were taken by surprise ; they had shared somewhat in the confidence with which it had been expected that the well-appointed and distinguished regulars of the British army would carry all before them. They were now entirely without concert, organization and intelligence respecting their foes ; without officers, and almost wholly without arms and ammunition, and scattered over a range of nearly seventy miles of thinly settled country. Then the foe they bad to expect was by no means to be despised. Even these simple savages who had but little knowledge or skill in the affairs of common life, had no small skill and experience with respect. to their own mode of warfare. They were unlike any other foe. The knowledge of all common military art was of scarcely any use, in some respects it was misleading, in opposition to them. Braddock's bravery and discipline only made him a steady mark for those who would not face him, but fired upon him from every bush and tree, and the more numerous his brilliant regiments were, the more muliplied the victims. But among the scattered settlements, though every cabin had been a well supplied fort, nothing but numbers sufficient for any emergency and a sleepless guard at every point, could give security.

A writer of that period (1757) deseribes the method which the Indians usually pursued when they came to attack a settlement thus: " They come within a little way of that part they intend to strike, and encamp in the most remote place they can find to be quite free from discovery ; the next day they send one, or sometimes two, of their nimble young fellows down to different places to view the situation of the town, the number of people at each house, the places the people n st frequent, and to observe at each house whether there are

48 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA.

most men or women. These will lie about a house some days and nights watching like a wolf. As soon as these spies return, they march in the night in small parties of two, three, four or five, each party having a house for attack, and each being more than sufficient for the purpose intended. They arrive at their different destinations long before day, and make their attack about day-break, and seldom fail to kill or make prisoners of the whole family. As the people know nothing of the matter until they are thus labvrinthed, it is agreed that the moment each party has executed its part they shall retreat with their prisoners and scalps to the remote place of rendezvous which they left the night before. As soon as they are thus assembled they march all that day (and perhaps the next night, in a body if apprehensive of being pursued) directly for the Ohio. Perhaps at some of these houses thus attacked some of the people may be fortunate enough to escape ; these as soon as the Indians are gone alarm the forts and the country around, when a detachment, if possible, proposes to pursue the enemy. But as the whole or the chief part of the day is spent in assembling, taking counsel and setting out on the expedition ; the Indians having eight or ten hours the start cannot be overtaken, and they return much fatigued and obliged to put up with their loss. Upon this the chief part of the inhabitants adjacent to the place fly, leaving their habitations and all they have, while perhaps a few determine to stay, choosing rather to take the chance of dying by the enemy than to starve by leaving their all. These must he constantly on the watch, and cannot apply themselves to any industry, but live as long as they can upon what they have gotr The Indians avoid coming nigh that place for some time, and will make their next attack at a considerable distance, where the people are not thinking of danger. By and by the people who had fled from the first place, hearing of no encroachments in that quarter, are obliged, through necessity, to return to their habitations again and live in their former security. Then in due time the Indians will give them a second stroke with as much success as at the first."

It was difficult to devise a kind of warfare which could be effective against such an enemy. Even their own mode of action had the settlers been capable of carrying it out, would have been on unequal terms. While they knew our country well, we knew but little of theirs ; our settlements were permanent and near each other ; our people were ill-adapted by habit or nature to the hardy and cunning arts which would have been needful, and even an attack on their villages and strong holds was not likely to be successful more than once after they had gotten upon their guard. It was only after years of experience that a class of rangers was raised up which was more than a match for the Indians on their own ground. But in these early periods of which we are now treating the fortitude and skill of the settlers was put to an extreme test. The bravest householder knew not what to expect. Is it any wonder that men and women who knew too well what such things were, should have been disposed to flee when they heard that their neighbors had fallen victims, and that the terrible foe might hourly be looked for ?

ASSEMBLY'S PROVISION FOR EXPENSES.

It seems almost incredible that under such circumstances the Governor and the Assemby should have spent months in wrangling upon the old matter of proprietary taxing. The Governor offered to compromise by granting portions of the unsold land, by proposing loans on the credit of the future excise or proprietaries' rents, or by giving even as much as was expected in the way of proprietary gift ; no, the principle of taxation was important and must be contended for to the last. The special session of the Assembly which had been called in July passed, and the regular session was nearly closed, before a bill was carried through which the Governor was willing to sign. Even then he declared that he gave his assent mainly to disappoint those who were expecting his refusal.* In order to purchase guns, ammunition and provisions for the association, to build a line of forts and to supply them, and to carry out the militia act which had been passed, money was absolutely indispensable. Fifty-five thousand pounds were finally granted (November 26th, 1755), but every expression which could imply the use of the fund for military purposes was carefully avoided. It was given " for supplying friendly Indians, holding of treaties, relieving distressed settlers who have been driven from their lands and other purposes for the King's use." Under this last phrase we have some reference to some contingency of a military nature, and perhaps it was made so general with the design of giving such a liberty. At any rate the Governor gave it such a construction, and was never called to an account for it. The debt thus contracted was made to be sunk in four years by a tax of six pence per pound on all estates real and personal, and every item of its expenditure required the assent of commissioners appointed by the Assembly. Before the passage of the act it was also ascertained that the Proprietaries had made a free donation of five thousand pounds towards the defence of the province, † and the Assembly are careful to add that the Proprietaries' estates were exemped from taxation in consideration of this gift and in lieu thereof.

ENLISTMENT OF INDENTURED SERVANTS.

There was no serious difficulty in getting enlistments for these associated companies. Fettered by impracticable conditions as the law was, a sense of danger impelled the people to unite together in the best manner they could, with the hope of government sanction and aid. Unfortunately many of those who enlisted most freely were indentured apprentices, whose masters were thus deprived of their labor when this was of the highest importance, and were without redress for the money which had been advanced in their indentures. It was in reliance on this kind of labor that a large number of these masters had been willing to enter the associations. Remonstrances therefore poured in upon the Assembly signed by a large portion of the inhabitants. One from Cumberland county was numerously signed

* Pa., Arch., vol. II., pp. 531, 561.

† Pa., Arch , vol. II., pp. 513, 530.

HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 49

and decisive in its tone. It contended that money invested in such contracts for servants was as much belonging to the owners as it would have been had it remained in the pockets of the people, and that to take from them this kind of service would be an invasion of their private rights of property. Appeals were therefore made to General Shirley, the commander in chief, that such enlistments should be withdrawn. After some hesitation the latter yielded so far as to allow that every indentured servant should be given up on his own consent, and provided a freeman was brought to take his place ; and orders were given that if the regiments could be filled by free enlistments no servants should thereafter be received. This was by no means satisfactory, and legal proceedings were entered upon, which resulted in the withdrawal of the obnoxious regiments. As Cumberland county was entirely an agricultural district, and labor was in great demand there, many such apprentices had been obtained, and their enlistment was a serious offence.

CHAIN OF FORTS.

No sooner was the Governor possessed of the funds which had been voted him, than he made his way as speedily as possible to the western frontier, and began, with the co-operation of the commissioners, Franklin, Fox and Hamilton, who had been appointed by the Assembly to superintend the expenditure of the sixty thousand pounds to raise troops, and with the advice of John Armstrong, of Carlisle, to lay out and erect a line of forts extending back of the Blue Hills from the Delaware to the Potomac. Twenty five companies of militia, consisting in all of 1400 men, were raised and equipped for the defence of the frontier. The first battalion of these were stationed on the east apd the second on the west of the Susquehanna. The second consisted of seven hundred men, under the command of Col. Armstrong, and under him Captains Hans Hamilton, John Potter, Hugh Mercer, Geo. Armstrong, Edward Ward, Joseph Armstrong and Robert Callender ; Lieutenants, Wm. Thompson, James Hayes, James Hogg, Wm. Armstrong and James Holliday ; and Ensigns, James Potter, John Prentice, Thomas Smallman, Wm. Lyon and Nat. Cartland. On the east of the Susquehanna it was determined to construct two forts and on the west of it four. The most southern of these was Fort Littleton, at Sugar Cabins, within sixteen miles of a fort in Maryland, and about twenty miles from the settlements on the new military road. It was built in a regular form so that it could in a little time and at a small expense be made strong enough to resist cannon. About twenty miles north of it, at a place called Aughwich, the residence of George Croghan, was erected a somewhat larger fort which was called Fort Shirley, (where Shirleysburg now is) near the great path used by the Indians and Indian traders to and from the Ohio, and consequently in the way of parties making inroads upon the setttements. Fifteen miles further northeastwardly, close by the confluence of the Juniata with the Kishicoquillas (near the present'Lewistown), was the third called Fort Granville, commanding a narrow pass where the Juniata falls through the mountains. This pass is very narrow, and for six miles the rocks on either side are high, so that a few men could maintain it against a much greater number. Fifteen miles from Fort Granville and about twelve from Fort Augusta (Sunbury), on the Susquehanna. on the Mahantango creek, was erected another fort called Pomfret Castle, which commands a large district, and was iptended to prevent the Indians from reaching the settlements from that quarter. In each of these forts when they were completed were stationed seventy-five men, exclusive of their officers, detached parties of whom ranged the woods each way every day to intercept marauders from the northwest.* In command of Fort Littleton was Capt. Hans Hamilton, who had before been at York and had come over with some troops to defend the people near Mc'Dowell's, in the upper end of the valley. The command at Fort Shirley was at first given to George Croghan. who had received a Captain's commission and had raised a company of rangers for manning the fort ; but on his resignation of his commission on account of his displeasure at the commissioners, Captain Hugh Mercer was assigned to the post. Colonel James Burd was directed to take command at Fort Granville, and Col. James Patterson at Pomfret Castle. For a time this line of forts was useful, especially in gaining intelligence of Indian movements and as rallying points and places of refuge for friendly Indians and settlers in the neighborhood. but it was soon found that small parties of hostile Indians could easily pass and repass them without much danger of being seen. The burthen too of erecting them and sustaining such a number of men (800 in all) for the whole period of the war was felt to be unexpectedly heavy, and soon exhausted the amount which had been granted by the Assembly. In a petition to the Governor from the inhabitants of York county (August 27, 1756), disappointment is expressed that these forts had been found ineffectual, and John Armstrong advised that as they were too remote to afford protection, another line should be constructed along the entire length of the Cumberland Valley. The first of these was at Carlisle, a rebuilding probably of a former stockade of peculiar construction in the centre of the town. [See the township history of Carlisle Either then or soon afterwards it received the name of Fort Louther. Here was stationed a varying number of soldiers, mostly volunteers from the vicinity, frequently going into the country and over the mountains, under the command of John Armstrong, now appointed a Lieut. Colonel, with a general charge of all troops west of the Susquehanna. The next was at Shippensburgh (we read in 1755 of Fort Morris and in 1756 of Fort Franklin). As early as November 2nd, 1753, James Burd writes from Shippensburgh : " We have one hundred men working at Fort Morris with heart and hand every day. The town is full of people ; five or six families in a house ; in great want of arms and ammunition, but with what we have we are determined is give the enemy as warm a reception as we can. Some of our people have been taken prisoners, but have made their escape and came in to us