50 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. this morning." An important fort was erected this year near M'Dowell's mill, where had been during Braddock's expedition a large depot for provisions and other stores. It was not far from Bridgeport, on the West Branch of the Conococheague, where Braddock's road left the valley by a pass through the mountains a little to the south of the present village of Loudon. It was an important point, being much exposed to danger and on the route for all Indian incursions from the west. Geo. Morris wrote to Gen. Braddock (July 3, 1755) that he was about to form a magazine there and put some stockades around it to protect it and the people who should have the care of it. It was made by setting logs about ten feet long in the ground so as to enclose the store houses, with two swivel guns in two of the opposite bastions. This fort was in the early periods of the war frequently used as a place of refuge for the settlers. In the Autumn of 1756 Col. Armstrong commenced the erection of Fort Loudon, about two miles south-west of Parnell's Knob, on the west branch of the Conococheague, where Mathew Patton lived. Patton's house had lately been destroyed by the Indians, and the new house he had erected was purchased as the site of the fort. It was named in honor of Lord Loudoun, who had arrived the preceeding July to take command of the forces in America. The village of Loudon is situated about a mile west. of the site of the old fort. Then there was a fort by the base of the Kittatinny mountains, a few miles north-west of Loudon, near Bossart's mill. This was generally known by the name of M'Cord's, and was the one which had been attacked by the Indians soon after its erection in 1756, when Capt. Alexander Culbertson pursued them with fifty men, and had a desperate engagement with them. There was also a private fort erected by Philip Davies in 1756, near what is now known as Davies' Knob, nine miles south of Loudon, near the Maryland line, and at the northern termination of one of the Kittatinny ranges. It was occasionally garrisoned by companies of rangers. There were also several places of rendezvous along the base of the North Mountains, at Dickey's, about ten miles from the Susquehanna ; at Fergusons, near the present site of Carlisle Springs ; at M'Combs, near Doubling Gap ; at M'Callister's where the Conodoguinet cuts through the mountain ; at M'Connell's and at Armstrong's lying between M'Cord's fort and Fort Loudon. Most of these were soon abandoned, for it was found to be wiser to have fewer forts but built and manned with more strength. A number of men were for a while stationed at each fort and sent each morning in both directions as far as the next fort to return again in the evening. In this way the whole length of the valley was traversed each day, and small covering detachments were detailed at the request of working parties in the fields. These forts, however, could be only a poor protection. They were garrisoned by only a few men, and could give security only while the people were lodged within them. They were so far apart that the Indians could easily avoid them, and the patrols of soldiers being at regular times, were shunned without difficulty. CONFERENCE WITH THE INDIANS AND DECLARATION OF WAR. Early in the ensuing year another effort was made to conciliate the Indians, or at least to ascertain the extent of the disaffection among them. Messengers were sent through George Croghan to all their principal towns on the Ohio and the Allegheny to invite them to conference at Carlisle, June 15-22, 1756. At this conference were present Governor Morris, James Hamilton, Richard Peters and Wm. Logan, together with Joseph Fox, a commissioner from the Assembly, and George Croghan, interpreter ; but the utmost efforts had failed to secure the presence of more than seven Indians, including one chief from the Six Nations and one or two from a portion of the Delawares. The results of the council, however, were considered important, notwithstanding the smallness of its numbers, for during its progress it became evident that the hostility was confined to the Delaware and Shawanese tribes, and that a considerable minority even of them was opposed to the war. It was decided also that all who were thus friendly should be collected together and reside at Conestoga, until a fort should be erected at Shamokin, where they expressed a strong preference to live. Valuable information was also secured with respect to the disposition of many tribes. From the knowledge thus gained the Governor, after a long consultation with his Council, came to the conclusion that it would be wise to issue in a formal manner a declaration of war against the Delawares. Some hopes were still entertained that the Shawanese might be brought back to their former homes, and hence they were not included in this declaration. Accordingly on the 14th of April a proclamation was published against " the Delaware tribe of Indians and all who were in confederacy with them ;" exception being made in behalf of some who had come within our borders and were living peaceably with our people. In this declaration by the advice of the Assembly's commissioners it was provided that " for every male Indian enemy above twelve years old who shall be taken prisoner and be delivered at any fort garrisoned. by the troops in the pay of this province, or at any of the county towns, to the keepers of the common jails, there shall be paid the sum of one hundred and fifty Spanish Dollars or pieces of eight ; for the scalp of every male Indian enemy above the age of twelve years, produced as evidence of their being killed, the sum of one hundred and. thirty pieces of eight; for every female Indian taken prisoner and brought in as aforesaid, and for every male Indian prisoner under the age of twelve years, taken and brought in as aforesaid, one hundred and thirty pieces of eight ; for the scalp of every Indian woman, produced as evidence of their being killed, the sum of fifty pieces of eight, and for every English subject that has been taken and carried from this province into captivity that shall be recovered and brought in and delivered at the city of Philadelphia to the Governor of this province the sum of one hundred and fifty pieces of eight, but nothing for their scalps."* This offering of rewards, though it was sustained by the. * Col. Rec , vol. VII , pp. 78, 88-90. HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 51 great majority of the public men both in England and in the province, very justly gave great offence, but so extreme was the exasperation of people and the imminency of the peril that the hearts of even good men were hardened against its shocking nature. The rewards were claimed in but few instances, and probably no Indian was ever killed for the sake of the bounty. This declaration of war was soon followed by another proclaiming war against France. As an actual war had been carried on by the French in every part of North America, unbroken by the formal peace of Aixla-Chapelle in 1748, such a declaration made but little difference in the relations of this province. The hostile Indians had unquestionably received their supplies and encouragement from French emissaries and officers ; the forts on Lake Erie and the Ohio were claimed and held by French troops, and the whole territory west of the Alleghenies the French looked upon as their own. INDIAN CRUELTIES IN 1756. Early in January, 1756, Rev. Thomas Barton, the Episcopal minister at Lancaster, York and Carlisle, describes the murder or capture of seventeen persons on the Juniata and Sherman's creek, and tells us that within ten miles of Carlisle, a little beyond what was called Stephens' Gap, nine persons were killed and scalped belonging to the families of Sheridan, a Quaker, William Hamilton and a Mr. French.* Wm. Trent writes from Carlisle, Feb. 15, 1755, that several murders or captures and house burnings had taken place under Parnell's Knob, and that all the people between Carlisle and the North Mountain had fled from their homes and came to town or were gathered into the little forts, that the people in Shippensburg were moving their families and effects, and that everybody was preparing to fly. † The accounts from the upper end of the county for the next two years were of the most sickening character. Under the conduct of the notorious Shin-gas, one of the most cruel of savage leaders, the Indians butchered men, women and children, for whose scalps they were liberally paid by the French. They boasted that they killed fifty while people for every Indian slain by the English. Every few days some new horror was reported and kept every part of the valley in terror. In November Benjamin Chambers wrote that some of the inhabitants of the Great Cove came over the hills and reported that before they left they had seen their own houses in flames, several men dead, and heard the murder-shout and the firing of guns. John Potter, the fcrmer Sheriff, saw Mathew Patton's house and James Mesach's house and barn burning. " Last night," he wrote, " I had a family of upwards of one hundred women and children who fled to us for succor." Adam Hoops said that the cries of widows and fatherless children were heart-rending, while those who escaped with their lives, had neither a mouthful to eat nor a bed to lie on, nor clothes to cover their nakedness or keep them warm, all they had being consumed in * Pa. Arch., vol. II., p 568. † Pa. Arch., vol. II., p. 575• their burning dwellings. Fifty persons were killed or taken prisoners. One woman, over ninety years of age was found lying dead with her breasts torn off and a stake driven through her body. The infuriated savages caught up little chiidren, and dashed their brains out against the door posts in presence of their shrieking mothers, or cut off their heads and drank their warm blood. Wives and mothers were tied to trees, that they might witness the tortures and death of their husbands and children, and then were carried into a captivity from which few ever returned. Twenty-seven houses were burned a great number of cattle were killed or driven off, and out of ninety-three families settled in the two coves and by the Conolloways, members of forty seven families were either killed or captured, and the remainder fled, so that these settlements were entirely broken up. As may readily be imagined, news of this massacre spread rapidly into every part of this county and produced universal consternation Col. James Burd wrote from Shippensburg, that they were working hard every day, even on Sunday, on the fort there, and that they were determined to give the enemy as warm a reception as possible, had that the country people were all moving in with their families, so that five or six families were in some cases in a house. Col. Armstrong wrote tram Carlisle that messengers were sent in every direction to gather in the people, and in a little time Hans Hamilton, Sheriff of York county, with 200 men from York and 200 from this part of the valley marched to McDowell's mill, a few miles from the scene of slaughter, but the Indians had disappeared.* The " Old White Church," of upper West Conococheague, to which Rev. John Steel ministered, was in 1755 surrounded by a stockade, and the pastor organized a company, (of which he was a commissioned Captain, 1755) principally of his own parishioners, to defend it and their families. They were in the habit of meeting on the Sabbath and at other times with their arms and ammunition prepared by their side for a sudden attack. but in a short time the meeting house was burned and the people so dispersed that the congregation was broken up and the pastor removed to Carlisle, 1758. Hans Hamilton writes April 4th, 1756, that two days before that time the Indians had taken and burnt McCord's fort and taken many captives, and that Capt. Alexander Culbertson having gathered a company of about 40 men had pursued after them and had overtaken them near Sideling Hill (beyond Bedford), where a severe engagement ensued, in which about twenty were killed on each side. Among the killed were Capt. Culbertson himself, John Reynolds, ensign of Capt. Chambers' company, William Kerr, James Blair, John Leason, William Denny, Francis Scott, William Boyd, Jacob Paynter, Jacob Jones, Robert Kerr and William Chambers. Among the wounded were Francis Campbell, Abraham Jones, Wm. Reynolds, John Barnet, Benjamin Blyth, John M'Donald and Isaac Miller. Another party under ensign Jamison, from Fort Granville, under Capt. Hamilton, pursued after the same Indians with a similar result, and of those killed under him were Daniel McCoy, James Rob- * From Hist. Sketches of the settlement of the Cumberland Valley by W. Kennedy, editor of the American Volunteer, May and June, 1871. 52 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. inson, James Peace, John Blair, Henry Jones, John McCarty and John Kelly ; wounded, Ensign Jamison, James Robinson, William Hunter, Matthias Ganshorn, Wm. Swails and James Louder, (afterwards died). Most of these if not all were of Cumberland county, and belonged to its oldest and most respectable families. Francis Campbell and Benjamin Blyth, of Shippensburg, gave an account of this bloody encounter, and they declare that when our men came up with and attacked the Indians, they were at once surrounded, fought two hours and a-half, and then seeing a reinforcement from Shingas' party, they broke through the circle of enemies and a few of them escaped. Blyth was shot through the arm but made his way home. Capt. James Young writes again from Carlisle July 22d, 1756, that Mr. Steel's men had been attacked at McDowell's, that Jacob Peebles near the Big Spring, about ten miles from Carlisle had been visited by eight Indians who had killed one woman and carried off two children and one old man. He says also that Armstrong had just come from a scout as far as Shamokin up the Susquehanna and found that seven persons were missing on this side of the mountains. He speaks of a large fort at Carlisle which he had tried to put into a defensible condition. Fort Granville was attacked by the Indians, July 30th, and at a time when Capt. Ward, with most of the men were absent to guard some reapers in Sherman's Valley. About a hundred Indians and French assailed it and under cover of the river bank and a deep ravine came within a few yards of the fort and set it on fire. Lieutenant Edward Armstrong, who had command in the absence of the Captain and one of the men, were killed and three were wounded, while endeavoring to extinguish the fire. One of the men now opened the gate on being offered quarter by the Indians, when the whole party (twenty-two in all) with some women and children were taken prisoners. The Fort was burnt, and the prisoners were loaded with burdens and driven to Kittanning. There some of them were tortured and put to death with the most terrible cruelties. On hearing of the destruction of the Great Cove, the inhabitants of Sherman's Valley took refuge in a stockade which Robinson had formed around his own house. A man named Woolcomber refused to leave his home relying on his peace principles and alleging that the Indians would do no one any harm. One day while lie was at dinner a party of Indians entered and on being invited to eat replied that they had not come for food but for scalps. A young son alarmed at this sprung from the house, but looking back saw an Indian strike a tomahawk into his fathers head, soon heard the screams of his mother and sisters and brother, and ran as soon as possible to Carlisle. A party of forty men went over the mountain, found and buried the murdered family, but saw nothing of the Indians. In February, 1756, the two sons of widow Cox, and John Craig were captured by nine Delaware Indians, two miles from McDowell's mill, and carried to Kittanning. On their way they met Shingas with thirty and Jacobs with fifteen men going to destroy the settlements on the Conococheague. Both parties they afterwards saw return, the one with nine scalps and ten prisoners and the other with several scalps and prisoners. Shortly after. they saw another party come in with seventeen scalps on a pole. All these scalps were taken to Fort Du Quesne and paid for by the French. The two parties of Indians which had been seen by the C ox family went to their deadly work with fatal precision. The one under Jacobs carried off all that remained in the Coves. Among others they captured Hugh McSwiney, who being in the care of a renegade, named Jackson, and an Indian, managed to kill both his conductors and escape to Winchester, where he was liberally rewarded for his scalps, and received from Col. Washington a Lieutenant's commission. Soon after, he pursued with some Cherokee allies a company which had come to the valley to plunder. Once being separated from his companions he was pursued by three Indians, he turned and shot the one nearest, then ran while loading his rifle, and turning again shot the second, when the third giving a yell took to flight. McSwiney lived to take part in many dangerous enterprises. and finally fell in a battle at Ligonier. The other party under Shingas fell upon the settlements on the Conococheague. They killed and captured a whole company of reapers on the farm of Win. Mitchell, and took and murdered a number of laborers in the fields.* A com pany was mustered and pursued them to Sideling Hill, where they were defeated and dispersed, but as they rallied and attacked the whites a second time they succeeded in making their escape. Some of the prisoners who escaped gave a shocking account of the treatment received by those taken in this raid. Peter Williamson relates that twenty scalps and three prisoners were brought in from the Conococheague. John Lewis with his wife and three small children, Jacob Miller with his wife and six in the family, and George Foulke with his wife and nine children were all killed and scalped and their buildings burned. Nor were these terrible atrocities altogether confined to the upper part of the valley or to the settlements beyond the mountains. Samuel Bell whom we have noticed among the original settlers, at Stoney Ridge, five miles East of Carlisle, being out two or three days on a hunt for deer beyond the mountain in Sherman's Valley, met one morning with three Indians, They all fired, he was unhurt, but his shot took effect on one of the Indians. A description of the engagement which followed has been given by a cotemporary and. is worth extracting. "Several shots were fired on both sides, for each-took a tree, he took out his tomahawk and stuck it into the tree behind' which he stood, so that should they approach he might be prepared. The tree was grazed with the Indians' balls, and he had thoughts of making his escape by flight, but on reflection had doubts of his being able to outrun them. After some time the two Indians took the wounded one and put him over a fence, and one took one course and the other another, taking a compass so that Bell could no longer secure himself by the tree ; but by trying to ensnare him they had to expose themselves. By this means he had the good fortune to shoot * Loudon's Narratives, Vol. II., pp. 190-3. Kennedy's Hist. Ketches, No. 16, in the Volunteer of June 1871. HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 53 one of them dead. The other ran and took the dead Indian on his back. By this time Bell's gun was again loaded, and he ran after the Indian until he came within about four yards from him, when he fired and shot through the dead Indian and lodged his ball in the other, who dropped the dead man and ran off. In his return past the fence where the wounded Indian was he despatched him, but did not know he had killed the third Indian until his bones were found afterwards." After the murder of seven persons on Sherman's creek, a party of Indians passed through Croghan's (Sterrett's) Gap, and wounded a man, killed a horse and captured Mrs. Boyd, her two sons and a daughter who lived on the Conodoguinet. It would be tedious and revolting to recite all that has come down to us of the cruelties inflicted on these settlers. The largest part of these never have been and never could have been reported. Sherman's Valley was especially the scene of depredation. The capture of Robinson's Fort and of the Robinson families was attended with special horrors. The Indians even ventured in the neighborhood of the South Mountain and within a few miles of Carlisle. In the midst of the harvest of 1756, Armstrong complains that he was so much taken up with protecting laboring parties in the fields that he had had no time to finish the forts at Carlisle and Shippensburg, and he urges their completion for the sake of discipline among the soldiers as well as for the safety of the inhabitants. EXPEDITION TO KITTANNING. It was now evident that something more decisive was indispensable in dealing with the hostile Indians. The Governor had been induced by the request of Sir William Johnson, the General Agent for Indian affairs, and by the earnest entreaties of certain Friends in Philadelphia, to suspend warlike proceedings against a portion of the Delaware tribe in order to give opportunity for some parties to try their mediation for peace, but they had thus far been unsuccessful. Petitions now began again to pour into the Governor's and Assembly's halls from all the back counties, but especially from- Cumberland, that they might have a portion of the royal troops which were coming under Lord Loudon into America for their protection while they were saving their summer crops. A large petition from the upper part of the county and another from East Pennsborough were signed by the most distinguished citizens, and in most affecting language. Evidently treaties had no binding force except for a portion of the tribe which needed no such restraint. It was equally apparent that no line of forts however manned and stored could intercept those small parties of cruel marauders which really did all the mischief. Shortly before his retirement from office and in consultation with Col. Armstrong, Governor Morris came to the conclusion that the only effectual method would be to attack the Indians in their own strong holds. On a river-flat of the Allegheny River, about twenty miles above Fort Du * A selection of some of the most interesting narratives of outrages committed by the Indians in their wars wIth the white people, by Archibald Loudon, vol. IL, pp. 282-3. Quesne, was situated the Indian village of Kittanning. Here the hostile Delaware and Shawanese tribes had formed a settlement, and it was the home of their two noted leaders, Shingas and Jacobs, who had so often led them against the frontier settlements. It was an immense depot of provisions and military stores which had been gathered by plunder and the aid of French allies. From this centre were fitted out the parties which went forth on the two great paths from the Ohio to Pennsylvania ; one southward by Braddock's road, through Raystown (Bedford), sixty-five miles from Shippensburgh ; and the other through Franks Town, on the Juniata, where the rivers afforded easy access to the whole northern and eastern settlements. At Kittanning too were gathered a large number of prisoners, men women and children who had been spared from immediate death only to experience more cruel tortures or to be adopted in place of lost relatives. Captain Jacobs was of almost monstrous size and fond of daring exploits. He scoffed at palisaded forts, boasting that he could evade their vigilance and that he could take any fort that would catch fire. Against this place a party of two hundred and eighty volunteers was organized tinder the command of Lieut.-Col. John Armstrong,'' in seven companies. The Captains of these companies were Hans Hamilton, whom we have lately known as the Captain of a company from York and at one of the western forts ; Dr. Hugh Mercer, once a surgeon in the army of Charles Edward the Pretender at the battle of Culloden, the companion of Washington in Braddock's expedition, and now a resident of Cumberland county near the Maryland line ; Edward Ward, also a commander at one of the forts ; Joseph Armstrong and John Potter of what is now Franklin county ; and Rev. John Steel, now left by the depredations of the savages without a parochial charge and equally_ efficient as a military or spiritual leader. As it was indispensable that the expedition should be conducted with as much celerity and secrecy as possible that the enemy might be taken by surprise, and might not waylay the party on the long march, the officers and men were to be mustered at Fort Shirley, and thence proceed by a forced march to Frankstown. On the twenty-first of August the southern portion started from McDowell's, and the northern portion under Armstrong himself from Carlisle by Sherman's Valley, and reached Fort Shirley on the thirteenth. In two days they came within fifty miles of their destination, when Thomas Burke and James Chalmers, old Indian traders, were sent forward to spy the town. On their return they reported that the road was clear and * Of him Rev. Samuel Davies says in his fast day sermon Jan. 1, 1757 (Works, vol. III., p. 196): " I know that in this world which is now under an indiscriminate providence, success is not peculiar to the pi us ; but victor y and defeats happen promiscuously to the good and bad. And yet I cannot tut lock upon it as very remarkalbe, that amidst so many disappointments and defeats, one of the most hazardous expeditions, conducted by one that fears God and depends upon his strength, should be successful. Such is Col. Armstrong, a Christian as well as a soldier. I have known him seeking after Jesus as a broken-hearted penitent, with cries and tears, for some years. Had we many officers thus prepared to serve their country we might expect more service from them. Faith made heroes in. accient times ; and I am persuaded religion is the best source cf courage still. Put, alas! how few Christian heroes have we to boast ?" 54 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. that the enemy were unaware of their approach. They were not discovered until they came in sight of the town, and found the Indians engaged in a war dance preparatory to some important enterprise. The revels were not interrupted until the moon had set and the day was breaking. The attack was then made. Jacobs gave his war-whoop, and as the prisoners afterwards said cried out that the white men were come and they should now have scalps enough. The women and children were then sent to the woods and a brave resistance was made. After several returns of their volleys the nearest houses were set on fire, but the warriors refused to surrender, and all of them were either killed or burned. Their fire was well aimed and deadly. The Colonel himself received a wound from a large musket ball in his shoulder. To every summons to surrender they replied that they were men and would never be prisoners, but would kill a few more of their enemies before they died. " During the burning of the houses, which were near thirty in number," Col. Armstrong writes: " we were agreeably entertained with a quick succession of charged guns gradually firing off as reached by the fire, but more so, with the vast explosion of sundry bags and large kegs of gunpowder wherewith almost every house abounded ; the prisoners afterwards informing that the Indians had frequently said they had a sufficient stock of ammunition for a ten years' war with the English. A great quantity of.goods was burnt which they had received as a present ten days before from the French. The prisoners who had come to us in the morning informed me that that very day two batteaux of Frenchmen, with a large party of Delaware and French Indians, were to join Captain Jacobs at. Kittanning, to set out early the next morning to take Fort Shirley ; and that twenty-four warriors who had lately come to the town had set out the evening before, for what purpose they did not know, whether to prepare meat, to spy the fort, or to make an attack on some of our back inhabitants. Lieutenant Hogg had been left the day before with twelve men to watch what was supposed to be a small company of Indians who had been seen around a fire, but which it was not thought best to attack for fear of an alarm, and now anxiety was felt lest the company he was watching might prove to be this party, and be too strong for him. The wounded were therefore collected, and the whole party made their way back as soon as possible." It was found that Lieut. Hogg had, in fact, been surprised to find that the company he was observing was much larger than had peen suspected. Near the dawn of day one of the Indians had risen and come towards him, when one of his party fired and twenty or thirty warriors sprang to their feet. An engagement ensued in which Hogg was wounded and his party with himself finally fled. Meeting with some Indians again he was shot once more, and fell from his horse dead. The body and the bodies of some of his comrades were bund by the returning troops the next day and buried, when the expedition started home by rapid marches, and reached Fort Lyttleton on the 12th of Sept. Capt, Mercer, who had been wounded and removed in the early part of the attack on the Fort, was informed by some of those around him that the attack was hopeless, and that all of the party would certainly be slain. He was persuaded to leave with some of them by a by-path towards the place of rendezvous, but unfortunately fell in with the Indians who had defeated Lieut. Hogg, when that officer and several of his party were killed. Mercer himself, with Thomas Burke and ensign Scott, made their way off on the road, but becoming faint from loss of blood he was obliged to dismount and have his wound dressed. Seeing an Indian approaching, his companions fled and left him alone. The Indian followed them, and he concealed himself behind a log and a thick growth of weeds. For several weeks he subsisted on wild plums and other berries, and a rattlesnake which he ate raw. Wandering over the mountains he met with one of his late companions, but both were so much famished that they could scarcely walk. Leaving his companion to die he went a few miles further, when he, too, laid down to die, but he was discovered by some friendly Cherokee Indians, and he and his late companion were brought to Fort Lyttleton. In this second retreat, alone and wounded and famished through this same wilderness (for he had been left in like manner after Braddock's defeat), a life had been preserved which was afterwards very dear to his fellow-countrymen. Col. Armstrong on his return gave to Gov Denny the following list of killed, wounded and missing; " From his own company," KILLED, Thomas Power and John McCormick ; WOUNDED, Lieut.-Col. Armstrong, James Carothers, James Strickland and Thomas Foster ; from Capt. Hamilton's company, KILLED, John Kelly; from Capt Mercer's company, KILLED, John Baker, John McCartney, Patrick Mullen, Cornelius McGinnis, Theophilus Thompson, Dennis Kilpatrick, Bryan Croghan ; WOUNDED. Richard Fitzgibbons ; MISSING, Capt. Hugh Mercer, Ensign John Scott, Emanuel Meniskey, John Taylor, John Francis Philips, Robert Morrow, Thomas Burke, Philip Pendergrass; Capt. Armstrong's company, KILLED, Lieut.James Hogg, James Anderson, Holdcraft Stringer, Edward O'Brian, -lames Higgins, John Leeson; WOUNDED, Wm. Fridley, Robert Robinson, John Ferrol, Thomas Camplin, Charles O'Neill; MISSING, John Lewis, Wm. Hunter, Wm. Baker, George Appleby, Anthony Grissy, Thomas Swan ; Capt. Ward's company, KILLED, Wm. Welsh ; WOUNDED, Ephraim Brattan ; BUSSING, Patrick Myers, Laurence Donnahan, Samuel Chambers; Capt. Potter's company, WOUNDED, Ensign James Potter, Andrew Douglass; Captr Steel's company, MISSING, Terrence Cannabery. Total killed, 17 ; wounded, 13 ; missing, 19. Total, 49. Seven captives were recovered and a number of Indians were taken prisoners. Not less than 30 or 40 warriors were slain, among whom were Capt. Jacobs and his gigantic nephew' (said to have been seven feet high).* * Shingas was absent at the time of the attack with a party preparing for a raid. He was a small but very active and strong man : and was probably at the head of most of the parties which infested Cumberland county. Fleckewelder says : " Were his war exploits all on record they would form an interesting, though a shocking, account!! At this time his home was at Kittanning, and a reward of seven hundred dollars had been offered for his, as well as for Capt. Jacobs' head. The latter when his house was on fire refused with scorn all offers o mercy, saying that he could eat fire and would have the lives of two or three more white men. Accordingly, when the heat became too intense he came out of the burning building with his men in fighting order, his wife brandishing a tomahawk, and all were killed together. See the report of Col. Armstrong in Col. Rec., vol. VII., pp. 231-2, 257-63, and ROBINSON'S Narrative in LOUDON'S Narratives, vol. II , pp. 171 7. HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 55 The object of the expedition was accomplished, the strong hold of the enemy was demolished, and the Indians were taught that their merciless policy could be turned against themselves. It was the almost solitary success of the British arms that year, and was therefore the subject of unbounded gratulation. The common council of Philadelphia, in order to give a public testimony of its regard and esteem for Col. John Armstrong and the other officers concerned in the expedition and for the courage and conductincursionsthem on that occasion, and also twere notbute to the relief of the widows and children of those who had lost their lives in that expedition," gave " the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds, to be paid out in pieces of plate, swords or other things suitable for presents to the said officers and towards the relief of the said widows and children." On one side of the medal sent to Col. Armstrong was the device of an officer, followequallyo soldiers; the officer pointing to a soldier shooting from behind a tree, and an Indian prostrate before him ; in the back ground Indian houses in flames, with the legend : " Kittanning destroyed by Colonel Armstrong, September, 1756." On the other side Was the device ; the arms of the corporation of Philadelphia ; consisting of four devices ; on the right hand a ship under full sail; on the left a pair of scales equally balanced, in the right scale above the ship a wheat sheaf, and in the left two hands locked, with the legend " The gift of the corporation of the city of Philadelphia." This medal was accompanied by the following letter : To COL. JOHN ARMSTRONG. SIR:—The corporation of the city of Philadelphia greatly approve of your conduct and public spirit in the late expedition against the town of Kittanning, and are highly pleased with the signal proofs of courage and personal bravery given by you and the officers under your command, in demolishing that place. I am therefore ordered to return you and them the thanks of the Board for the eminent service you have thereby done your country. I am also ordered by the corporation to present you, out of their small public stock, with a piece of plate and silver medal, and each of your oilicers with a medal and a small sum of money to be disposed of in the privateost agreeable to them ; which the Board. desire you will accept as a testimony of the regard they have for your merit. Signed by order, ATTWOOD SHUTE, Mayor. January 5, 1757. To which was sent the following reply: To THE MAYOR, RECORDER, ALDERMEN AND COMMON COUNCIL OF THE CORPORATION OF THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA. GENTLEMEN :—Your favor of the 5th instant, together with the medals and other genteel presents made to the officers of my battalion by the corporaPhiladelphia,,y of Philadelphia, I had the pleasure to receive by Capt. Geo. Armstrong. The officers employed in the Kittanning expedition have been made acquainted with the distinguished honor you have done them, and desire to join With. me in acknowledging it in the most public manner. The kind acceptance of our past services by the Corporation, gives us the highest pleasure, and furnishes a fresh motive for exerting our selves on every future occasion for the benefit of his Majesty's service in general, and in defence of this province in particular. In behalf of the officers of my battalion, I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, Your most obedient and obliged humble servant, JOHN ARMSTRONG. Carlisle, Jan. 24th, 1757. The effect of this expedition, though powerful was not altogether decisive. The hostile Indians now saw that they were not safe against the heavy bows of the English, and they determined, not to sue for peace, but to remove so far westward that the French fort should be between them and their foes. Those especially who had been dislodged at Kittanning now sought settlements on the Muskingum and on lands in the interior of Ohio. They were somewhat humbled and disconcerted but by no means subdued. The war party among the Shawanese had been the greatest sufferers at Kittanning since most of their leaders and warriors had there been slain, and they were obliged to follow as their captain, a Delaware chief called " The Pipe," whose fame was soon after extended over the continent. For a brief period their hostile inenrsions became less frequent, but these were.not given up or less cruel. Gradually as they found the settlers as much exposed and as helpless under their depredations as ever they became bolder and more numerous. The years 1755 and 1756 were peculiarly calamitous but the ensuing 175 was nevertheless one fatal to many families in our coffiy. INDIAN CONFERENCES. While these active measures were prosecuted in the field, there was a party equp.fly earnest and persevering in negotiations for peace. The Six Nations had been conciliated by Sir Wm. Johnson, and they had sent Teedyuscung an eloquent and skillful chief, to be the Ki of the Delawares and to persuade if possible, or if this THEimpracticable, to require on peril of displeasure and war, the Delawares and Shawanese to give up their hostilities. This active agent was induced to unite his efforts with certaincorporatPhiladelphia,ya ; and with the consent of Gov. Morris, a Council was held at Easton, July 28th-31st, 1756, at which Teedyuscung and fourteen other chiefs were present. The Governor and his council were also itheme Assembly, but the management of the business was left almost entirely to the Friends. Messengers were despatched to those Indians who were disaffected, and another conference was held at Lancaster May 10th-19th, 1757, at which were present Gov. Denny, (who had now taken the place of Gov. Morris), six members of the Council, the Speaker and five members of the Assembly, Ccl. Stanwix, and deputies from the Six Nations, the Nanticokes and the Delawares. At this conference a full discussion was had of all alleged grievances, and explanations were given which seemed to give satisfaction, but the Governor having received from England some criticisms of the policy of allowing pri.vate persons to interfere with government in its dealings with a belligerant nation declined any responsibility for the proceedings. Sixty 56 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. Cherokee Indians also visited Carlisle about this time to congratulate Col. Armstrong for having inflicted so heavy a blow upon their old enemies, and to offer their services in any future military operations. In a letter to the Governor Col. Armstrong entreats that these offers should be accepted and that all " tampering with a few abject Delawares and Shawanese- by Indian interpreters and corrupt peace makers" might be broken off. " East of the Susquehanna," he said, "peace-makers may be requisite, but west of it warriors are most needed, and these in the end will make the best peace."* The efforts of the peace party were, however, by no means without a good effect. In connection with the severer policy of the army, their proposals found a favorable hearing, and next year after the occupation of Fort Du Quesne and the second conference at Easton, October, 1758, all differences were amicably adjusted. The expense and labor of getting up these conferences were cheerfully sustained by the Friends, and though their policy may have been narrow and controlled by a warmer sympathy for the Indians than for their suffering fellow countrymen, it was unquestionably sincere and disinterested, and it preserved the respect and gained a favorable hearing at all times from the most hostile tribes. DEPREDATIONS IN 1757. There was, however, a party beyond the Allegheny river which would listen to no proposals for peace. They kept up a perpetual aggression upon the frontiers, roaming over the country in small parties, sometimes attacking even the forts, but usually contenting themselves with plundering farm houses and fields, and inflicting their savage cruelties upon the scattered families. Many of these are related with respect to the region now occupied by the northern counties on the Susquehanna and the southern counties west and south of us, but of them we are not called to speak further than to notice the alarm and flight which they occasioned in our county. So numerous especially were the murders and conflagrations in the southern part, now Franklin county, by Indians and French coming in by the Southern road, that a continual expectation was kept up of an irruption in this direction. This was in fact not long delayed. Two men (Win. Walker and another man) were killed (May 13th,) near a private fort called McCormick's, on the Conodoguinet, in East Pennsborough ; and two men were killed and five taken prisoners (June 6th,) near Shippensburg. As the harvest season advanced the people were warned against venturing into the fields except in large parties under the cover of a party of soldiers. A number of farmers were exhorted to combine together and proceed from field to field until the harvest of all might be secured. But as this required a concert which could not always be attained at the right time, some persons became impatient and would venture into their fields in small companies or without waiting for the details of soldiers. Col. Stanwix, with two companies of Scotch Highlanders from the British regulars, had now been stationed at Carlisle, and had commenced erecting a fort in the imme- * Col. Rec., vol. VII., p 505. diate vicinity of the town. In Sept. Col. Haldeman, commanding the " Royal Americans," halted at Carlisle, inspected the camp there and reported that he found no ammunition and other needful things. The Governor also complained to the Council that Commissioners of the Assembly had made choice of ground for barracks, dug the foundation and entered into contracts with the workmen, had agreed upon a plan, had then changed their minds, had chosen another place and another plan, had purchased ground and employed many hands without consulting him upon any one article—that on his accidental coming to the knowledge of these things he had written to the Commissioners to suspend operations until he could examine the plan and the health of the location, &c., but that they had persisted in their work. These barracks were the entrenchments of Col. Stanwix near the site of the present town. Col. Armstrong also had two companies of volunteers under his command, a part of which were at Carlisle and a part at Shippensburg. These soldiers, both Colonels, were liberal in sending out in every direction where danger was anticipated. On the twenty-fifth of July, Col. Stanwix writes that he was sending out two Captain's pickets each day with six of Armstrong's men who were familiar with the country, one scouring the country as far as Shippensburg, and the other as far down as the Susquehanna. Col. Armstrong, however, tells us that on the 19th of July, certain persons ventured presumptuously into the harvest field of Joseph Steenson near Shippensburg, when they were surprised by a party of Indians, and Joseph Mitchell, James Mitchell, William Mitchell, John Finlay, Robert Steenson, Andrew Enslow, John Wiley, Allen Henderson, William Gibson and one Indian were killed, and Jane McCommon, Mary Minor, Janet Harper and a son of John Finlay were carried off or were missing. On the next day nineteen men are said to have been killed or taken while reaping in a field near the same place. Four men were killed (July 11th) near Tobias Hendricks (who lived on and had charge of, the manor of Lowther in East Pennsborough, about six miles from the river), and on the eighth of September two men went out near the same place to hunt horses and were supposed to have been killed or carried off, as they were not heard of afterwards.* RESIGNATION OF JUSTICES.. A difficulty occurred about this time among the Justices of the county. On the twenty-second of June " Mr. William West delivered to the Governor in Council, a letter from the Justices of Cumberland county, in which they inform his Honor, that they are not willing to act any longer" in that capacity. 'The reasons for this resignation are not given, nor even the names of the parties. From other sources, however, we learn that among them were Francis West, William Smith, William Buchanan, Benjamin Chambers, Matthew Miller and Thomas Wilson. Armstrong tells the Governor that one of them (Wilson) resigned on account of his private affairs, that * Loudon's Narratives, vol. II., pp 206-9. Rupp's Cumberland Co , pp. 138-35-399 HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 57 Miller had not acted as a Justice for any time during the preceding two years, and still others had never met with the Board since they received their commissions. He, however, intimates, that the principal ground of their displeasure was the action of the Chief Justice and the State authorities with respect to one of their number, Benjamin Chambers. He, had surrounded his house at the mouth of the Falling Spring with water and a stockade, and armed it with two four pound cannon, and other guns, (which had been presented to him by the British Government), and with a leaden roof. As these guns were feebly manned, and with the lead were objects of great desire to the Indians, fears were entertained lest they should fall into the hands of a hostile party and be turned against the forts at Carlisle and Shippensburg. Orders were therefore given to the Sheriff of the county to seize upon and remove the cannon. When he and his neighbors resisted the execution of such an order, a writ was issued by Chief Justice Allen for his arrest and for his appearance at Philadelphia before the court. Col. Chambers held on to his guns and having given bonds for his appearance for trial, the whole affair was quietly dropped. It was while the excitement thus created was at its height that these justices, most of whom. resided in the Conococheague settlement, sent in their resignations. The Council after noticing their letter and recording their judgment that the conduct of the resigning Justices had been " weak for some time past," and " that they were unfit to be continued in so important a trust,," accepted of their resignations (July 13th), and new commissions were given to the following persons, some of whom had been on the former Board, viz: Francis West, John Smith, William Smith, David Wilson, John Armstrong, Hugh Mercer, John Byers and Hermanus Alricks. Some of these belonged to the lower part of the county, and all of them were among the most patriotic and public-spirited of the citizens. THE POST AND CONVEYANCE OF LETTERS. It is not easy for us to imagine the condition of things when there were no regular posts, and no post offices. And yet before the period which we have now reached nothing of the kind was known in this region. Even in the eastern cities letters were conveyed on horseback and at infrequent intervals. The scheme of a post office establishment for British America was first devised by John Hamilton, of New Jersey, the son of Governor Andrew Hamilton, of. Pennsylvania, who obtained a patent for his invention and sold it to the crown, but did not get it into operation until 1710. Jonathan Dickinson says in December, 1717, that a regular post had just been established between Virginia and the northern colonies, once a month in the summer and once in two months in winter. There was no post office in Philadelphia till 1700, and in 1754 Benjamin Franklin, who had been appointed Post Master General for the colonies the year before, set in operation a weekly mail between Philadelphia and New York. The letters for all the neighboring counties lay in Philadelphia until they were sent for by some private hand. In 1756 the stage began to run between New York and Philadelphia, occupying three days on the route. When General Braddock was in the western part, a regular system of postal communication was kept up between him and the authorities at the East, but for the whole colonial period letters had to be conveyed from Philadelphia to all the frontier counties by private hands. Newspaperls even on the great routes were not considered a part of the mail, and were conveyed only by the courtesy of the rider ; but when they had become a burden to him, they were charged (1758) nine pence a year for fifty miles, and one shilling and six pence for a hundred miles. Finally in 1757 a weekly post was established between Philadelphia and Carlisle in order to maintain a direct communication with the troops, and it is probable that this was continued for general use from that time onward but on horseback' and with a high rate of postage.* TROOPS AND FORTS. The Fort, called Fort Lowther, at Carlisle, was urged to its completion by the regular troops under Col. Stanwix, but it progressed slowly. The two companies of Highlanders under him had been stationed during the French war in the West Indies until it had been much reduced by disease, both in numbers and in physical energy. The "associated militia," was a very uncertain kind of soldiers, ready and alert when the danger was immediate, but independent, difficult to hold together. or to constrain by any rigid military rule, and sustained by no very clear legal powers. John Armstrong, who was not long confined by his wound, was appointed a Colonel, with eight hundred men nominally under his command. He had the control of all companies and forts West of the Susquehanna. Under him two companies were stationed at Fort Lyttleton (Forts Granville and Shirley had been given up as untenable), two on the Conococheague, two at Fort Morris and two in Carlisle. Arms and ammunition were freely distributed to him at the expense of the province. The opposition to military appropriations in the Assembly from the Friends had now pretty much ceased, since a number of members " understanding that the Ministry had requested the Quakers to suffer their seats during the difficult situation of the affairs of the colonies to be filled by members of other denominations in such manner as to prepare without any scruples such laws as may be necessary to be enacted for the defence of the province," had requested " to be excused or suffered to withdraw themselves and vacate their seats in such manner as might be attended with the least trouble and be most satisfactory to the House." This was accepted as a resignation and new members were elected in their places. † After that the same wranglings had been enacted as before between the Governor restrained by the Proprietaries' instructions against the taxation of their estates and the House jealous of popular rights, but from this time onward the efforts of Friends against the war were confined to private and associated remonstran-- * Watson's Annals of Philad., vol. II., pp. 391,-4. Appleton's Cyclopaedia, Art. Post. †Col. Rec., vol VII PP. 292-3. 58 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. ces and to earnest and sometimes expensive and self-denying missions of peace. But no regular militia law was in operation, for the law of 1755, such as it was had expired by its own limitation, and though its forms were observed with respect to many " military associations," it had no real authority. There were also several companies of " Ran:. gers," without a legal recognition, especially in the upper part of the Valley, but their value was so highly appreciated that they were supplied with arms and ammunition by the Governor. They were a kind of " minute men" united together entirely by their own free will and for the protection of their own neighborhood, often going on expeditions of a greater or less distance as occasion or inclination called for them, and bearing all expenses except for ammunition. They were usually mounted on horses of their own, and equipped in the simplest style. They were men who had been reared from childhood in border life, who scarcely knew fear, who could live and sleep in the woods, dressed in hunters' frocks and leggings, knew all the arts and stratagems of Indian warfare and could in some respects improve upon them, could follow trails and the most disguised tracks, and seldom missed their aim at a shot. Such men were James Smith, whose early captivity while making the road for Braddock's army has been noticed, but who afterwards returned to he the terror of the Indians in all the West ; Samuel Brady the " partisan leader," Alexander Lowery, of Lancaster, " Captain Joel," and Captain Jack, " the Black Rifle." Never perhaps has this class of " Border Troopers" been exceeded in dauntless courage and personal prowess. The period of which we are now speaking was the one in which a few of them were just beginning to make their appearance, and so fascinating became the kind of life which they followed that many gave themselves up to it with all its perils and privations after the necessity of it had passed away.* NEW VIGOR IN THE ENGLISH PROSECUTION OF THE WAR. The elevation of William Pitt to the head of affairs in England was soon felt in the remotest frontier of the empire. The enlistment of men for a short period and on small pay, the difficulty of sustaining and moving forces directed to any general enterprise, and the incompetency of those personal favorites whom the ministry Lad sent as leaders, had rendered most of the efforts hitherto abortive. Word was now sent over that a considerable veteran force under an experienced General would soon be sent to America ; that each province would be expected to contribute a certain quota of troops to fill up and cooperate with the royal regiments; and to be enlisted for three years or during the war ; and that the expense of recruiting and arming these would be sustained by the royal treasury, but that the provisioning and the transporting of all troops were to be attended to by the colonies themselves with the promise of a speedy reinbursement at the close of the war. Three expeditions were planned and provided *" Our Western Border, One hundred years ago," by Charles Knight. A volume filled with remarkable lives and adventures among the Indians. for against prominent points in the enemy's possessions, the most southern of which was in Pennsylvania against Fort Du Quesne. For this latter purpose a battallion of infantry, composed of well armed English regulars under the Scottish General Forbes, whose reputation was such as to have gained him the epithet of the " Iron headed," soon after landed in Philadelphia. Colonel Henry Bouquet with a regiment calling itself the " Royal Americans," were sent to Raystown (Bedford) where he arrived in the middle of summer, 1758. This was the place of rendezvous for all the Pennsylvania troops, being-on the old road which had been cut for Gen. Braddock. Gen. Forbes-reached Carlisle in June, but so prostrated in health that he was detained there for several weeks. Recruiting went forward in Cumberland county with the utmost activity under such men as Captains Mercer, Byers, Steel and McKnight, five pounds being offered as a bounty to every private on enlistment and the daily pay of eighteen pence-with rations, and twenty shillings to every officer who obtained an enlistment. Fourteen hundred men with a troop of rangers were-mustered principally from this county, Lancaster and York, and were speedily sent onward to Raystown. Some further delays were produced by the opening and repairing of the road beyond that point to ward Fort Du Quesne. The disaster of the 21st of September when a reconnoitering party under Major Grant, imprudently drew forth an attack under the walls of the Fort, made the officers better inclined to listen to the suggestions of some provincial traders and scouts like-Alexander Lowrey, whose boldness and skill more than once extricated the troops from threatening danger. So late, however, was the season when they reached the neighborhood of the Fort that a retirement till the next year was about to be made Confined as the Gen.. eral was to a litter he would never agree to this, and he swore that he would sleep in the Fort the next night. That evening a great explosion was heard, the news soon reached them that the Fort was blown up by the French themselves, and the English barely caught sight of the last boat of the garrison as it sped down the river. No-Indians were found in the neighborhood. They had just been visited. by Frederick Post, a Moravian missionary who had been sent by the " Friends of Peace" to present to them the results of the late Confer, ence at Easton, and they were so tired of the war and so suspicious of the French, that they had withdrawn and were inclined to overtures from the Governor. Even now, however, they were shy toward our people, no access could be gained to their leading men, and our people retired once more beyond the mountains. Fort Pitt was built on the ruins of Fort Du Quesne, and Captain Mercer was left with his men to fortify and guard it. It does not appear whether the men from this county were in the advanced party in this campaign or not ; Col. Armstrong was at least as far as Raystown, superintending and organizing the companies, and his brother George was the Captain of a company opening the road. Col. Stanwix had been ordered North the year before and was then operating on the Mohawk river, but he was soon (March 1759) returned and stationed at Fort Pitt where he-spent at least two years in building and completing the fortifications.. HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 59 Under his command were, among the Pennsylvania troops, a hundred and fifty men from this county. Another company from this valley we hear of in the attack upon Fort Ligonier, when Lieut Blaine was sent with a small party towards Raystown. Great efforts had to be put forth to supply these western forts with provisions. General Stanwix (he had now been made a Brigadier) was obliged to call on each county for wagons and teams, but so slow was the response, especially in 1759, that he not only offered high prices but threatened to impress them. At the close of that year the Assembly passed an act for the disbanding of nearly all the troops of the province under the impression that the war was at an end. CHAPTER SEVENTH.—A BRIEF PEACE GENERAL PROSPERITY. The messengers sent to the Indians to explain and enforce the conclusions of the recent conferences at Lancaster and Easton were so far successful that there was no more cooperation between the French and the Indians. The explanations which had convinced the Indian deputies at these conferences that the provincial authorities had really dealt fairly and in good faith, were effectual to some extent with the hostile parties. These were the more willing to listen, from the fact that they were now satisfied that the power of the French was virtually at an end in the province. On the advance of the army under General Forbes no Indians were found, and it was soon discovered that they had retired beyond the precincts of Pennsylvania and were contemplating an emigration still further westward. A few desperate and strag gling parties continued to commit depredations on the frontier over the North Mountain and in the northern counties, but the Delaware and Shawanese chiefs disavowed all knowledge or responsibility for their actions. Theseven years war between France and England (1756-63) had no direct bearing upon these tribes ; and the frontiers may be said for five years to have enjoyed a considerable degree of peace. Efforts were made to induce the Assembly to continue the levies or to make new levies of troops, with the view of another expedition against the Indians, especially to enforce the tardy return of prisoners ; but for various reasons these were postponed until one season after another was passed. Farmers resumed their occupations, former occupants of land returned, and new settlers came in with something like the earlier abundance. Carlisle received large accessions to its population so that in 1763 the original plot according to which it was laid out was nearly taken up and most of its lots were built upon. Sixty-four only of its lots remained in the hands of the Proprietaries. A court house of no great pretensions with respect to materials or size was suffered to remain on the southwest corner of the public square, a jail had been erected in 1754, though it remained for some years unfinished, and a pillory and stocks were prominent objects, and it appears from the records of the courts were of frequent use. Shippensburg and Newville were also built up and much extended in their plans. We read of the building of several new churches in different parts of the county to accommodate the different religious views of the immigrants. An Episcopal congregation was established in Carlisle before July 5th, 1753, when a letter from that place speaks of Rev. Wm. Thompson " rector of the Episcopal church," and its building for worship had been used in an unfinished state before 1765.* A German Reformed minister named Frankenfeld was installed at Shippensburg May 4th, 1753.t It is probable that a Presbyterian church of what was called the " New Side," was established in Carlisle about this time, as it was found in existence with a house of worship in 1758, and a minister of that class was sent to establish congregations in this valley as early as in 1757. It is not improbable also that another congregation of the German Reformed faith was organized near this time, called the " Friedenskirche," on the Trindle Spring road, about four miles from the Susquehanna. The Rev. John Conrad Bucher, a native of Switzerland, came to this country about 1755, was engaged in the Indian war on the frontier, enlisted as a private soldier, and preached extensively in this vicinity. Although the Manor of Lowther was not yet opened for sale there were a few Germans and Swiss who, about 1760, began to settle in the eastern part of Cumberland county and on the Conococheague. In different parts of the vaheley we read of a number of " Settlements' which went by the name of some principal inhabitant, whose store or tavern was a place of resort ; but none of them became large enough to receive names as villages or towns. COURTS AND REPRESENTATIVES. The several courts appear to have been held in Carlisle with regularity, notwithstanding the confusion of the Indian depredations. Samuel Smith, Esq., continued to preside at these courts twice a year until 1757. A number of persons were indicted by " George Ross, prosecutor for the crown," for " settling on lands not purchased from the Indians and without warrant," and others for " carrying spirituous liquors to the Indians and keeping an inn without license." In 1757 (Jan. 31,) Francis West began to preside, with Wm. Smith, John Byers, David Wilson and James Carothers, Esquires, Justices. In 1759 John Armstrong began to preside, though in some of the courts Wm. Smith and Francis West acted as presidents, with Harmanus Alricks, John M'Knight and others as side judges. The sheriffs at different times were John Potter (1749), Ezekiel Dunning (1750), John Potter (1753), William Parker 1756-9, Ezekiel Smith 1759-62 and Ezekiel Dunning 1762-4. As specimens of the juries, we select for Jan. 31,1757, John Smith, James Young, Wm. Chesney, John Miller, * American Volunteer of June 1, 1871. † Hist. Discourse by REV. D. W. EBBERT, Pm 14 1277, pp. 5-6. 60 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. John Montgomery, Jonathan Holmes, David Wilson, Win. Armstrong, Ezekiel Smith, Robert Callender, John Gregg, John Davis, William White, John Lusk, Daniel M'Callister, Wm. Ferguson, John Dunning and Patrick M'Clean ; and for April 1, 1759, Tobias Hendricks, James Weakley, John Craighead, Hugh M'Cool, John Trindle, David Crutch-low, Adam Hays, Roger Walton, Wm. Armstrong, Robert Robb, Francis Irwin, Samuel Thompson, Francis M'Guire, James Moore and Rowland M'Donald. In July, 1760, were arraigned before Francis West and his associates Curtis Smith and Thomas Nugent for stealing, and on being convicted they were sentenced to restore the goods or the value thereof, to pay expenses, and a fine amounting to fifty pounds, to be whipped at the public post fifteen lashes, and to be imprisoned until the whole was complied with. This hard sentence was on account of special aggravations of crime. During the French war a great trade was carried on through Chambersburg by packhorses into the western part of the province. Those engaged in it became licentious, carried arms and ammunition to the Indians and refused to submit to the restrictions imposed upon the trade by law. Several towns became infested by bands of horse thieves and counterfeiters. A line was formed from Bucks through Chester and Cumberland counties into Virginia. The long and narrow valleys and the secluded coves of the Blue Mountains afforded these desperatet raders a convenient route and secure retreats. Among these were prominent the Doanes of Bucks county, the Fritzes of Chester and the Nugents of Cumberland. They defied all attempts to bring them to justice. They were seen in the finest clothes, on the best horses, and decked off with costly jewelry, and though every one suspected, none dared to speak of, or could prove the source of, their wealth. In one or two instances their crimes came to light, and as in the case just recited, they became the subjects of punishment. At the next court Smith and Nugent confessed their inability to pay their fine and costs, and requested that they might be sold out of prison for servants. Their request was granted, and the court ordered Oct. 21, 1760, that Smith should be sold for five and Nugent for seven years by the Sheriff, and that the monies be used for satisfying the fine and fees, and if any remained that it should be paid to the government. The Nugents, however, were not reclaimed, but we soon find them more daring than before. Some years afterwards (the precise period not being known) two of them met a man on the road near Chambersburgh with a bottle which they supposed to contain whiskey, and they demanded it from him. He gave it up without remark, and on tasting it they found it to be yeast. They broke it over his head and otherwise abused him. This led to their arrest and imprisonment in Carlisle, when other crimes were charged against them. They were convicted of counterfeiting, then a capital offence, and they were sentenced to be hung. When the day of execution arrived they refused to leave " the dark cell" in the old jail, when a brimstone fire was kindled at the door, and the smoke compelled them to yield, one of them remarking to the other, that " hell could be no worse than that." They were then hung in the presence of a large number of people. The county was entitled to two representatives in the provincial assembly, but we know only of Harmanus Alricks, of Carlisle, who took his seat on the first organization of the county (1750), John Smith, of Middleton (1755-6), William Allen (who was elected in 1756 for both Northampton and Cumberland counties, but chose to represent Cumberland,) and Joseph Armstrong (1756), of Hamilton township, now Franklin county. TAXABLES FOR 1762. We have lists of the taxables for the years 1750, 1733, 1758, 1759, 1761 and 1762 ; they are useful for showing who were residents in the county, the townships in which they resided, and the dates at which individual persons in whom we are interested were alive. To give them all would take up much space and would necessitate many repetitions. We, however, have concluded to give the list for a single year ; and in deciding which would be most desirable we have chosen that of 1762, because it is nearest to the Revolutionary period, in which we feel most interest, and because it contains not only the names of the persons taxed, but the number of acres of land owned by each, and distinguishes whether the land is warranted, unwarranted or patented, and the amount assessed upon each person.. In the following list, u, stands for unwarranted, w, for warranted, and p, for patented land ; r, for rents and the last figure or figures standing alone always are for taxes. The first is land which has not been surveyed, and to which the owners have no written title ; the second is surveyed land on which a payment of five pounds or more has been made, and which therefore has a written warrant ; and the last is land for which a full patent has been given by the Proprietaries The-pounds, shillings and pence are the amount assessed upon each one. EAST PENNSBOROUGH. James Armstrong, 150 acres, w, 4 r, £5 ; Andrew Armstrong, 50 w, £7 ; Samuel Anderson, 150 w, £.5 ; James Armstrong, 100 w, 3 r, 4, £4 : Samuel Adams, 180 p, £4 Samuel Bell, 100 u, 2 ; Wm. Brians, 1 ; William Beard, 200 p, 4 ; John Beard, 150 p, 5 ; Walter Buchanan, 100 u, 4, 10 ; William Bell, 50 u, 4 ; David Bell, 50 u, 4 ; John Buchanan, 100p, 5 ; John Biggar, ; James Carothers, Esq., 100 u, 8 ; William Chestnut, 500 p, 32 ; Thomas Clark, 200 u, 30 r, 31 ; William Carothers, 160 p, 10 Thomas Culvert, 125 w, 7 ; Samuel Chambers, 1 ; John Clendining, 100 u, 3 ; Adam Colhoon, 100 u, 3 ; Samuel Colhoon, 100 u, 3 ; Robert Carothers, 100 w, 3 ; Carothers, 100 w, 3 ; John Crosier, 150 w, 3 r, 5 ; John Chambers, 150 p, 4 ; William Culbertson, 200 u, 12 ; William Cronicle, 100 w, 4 ; John Carson, 650 p, 200 ; Thomas Donallson, 90 w, 2 ; Robert Denny, 100 u, 2, 10 ; William Duglas, 100 u, 4 ; John Dickey, 100 u, 4 ; James Dickey, 100 u, 6 ; Andrew Ervin, 100 u, 4 ; William Ervin, 100 u, 4; James Ervin, 1 ; John Ervin, 1 ; John Edwards, 1; John Fulton, 1 ; James Galbreath, 500 p, 33; James Gattis, 60 u, 3, 10 ; John German, 100 u, 2 ; William Gray, 50 u, 2 ; Samuel Gaily, 1 ; Samuel Huston, 200 p, 9 ; Tobias Hendricks, 300 u, 30 ; John HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 61 Hickson, 1 ; William Harris, 1 ; Patrick Holmes, 150 w, 4 ; John Hamilton, 100 u, 4 widow Henderson, 100 u, 2 ; Clement Horril, 100 u, 6, 10 ; Jonathan Hogg, 155 p, 9 ; David Hogg, 155 p, 8 ; Jos. Junkin, 100 w, 5 ; Robert Jones, 300 p, 10 r, 12 ; James Kerr, 4 ; James Kile, 2 ; widow Keny, 100 w, 3 ; Brian Kelly, 1; Matthew Loudon, 100 w, 3 ; Alexander Laverty, 300 p, 7 ; widow M'Clure, 300 p, 12 ; William Martial, 3 r, 5 ; Edward Morton, 200 p, 18 ; John Morton, 1 ; Robert M'Kinly, 100 w, 4 ; James M'Conall, 200 w, 10; Samuel M'Cormick, 100 w, 3 ; John M'Cormick, 200 p, 12; Francis Maguire, 100 p, 9 ; James M'Cormick, 150 p, 6 ; Thomas M'Cormick, 150 p, 5 ; Matthew M'Caskie, 2 ; James M'Kinstry, 100 u, 3 ; William Mateer, 100 w, 4 ; William Millar, 120, free; Edward Morton, 200 p, ; Andrew Milligan, 50 w, 3 ; John M'Teer, 1 ; Thomas Murray, 2 ; Shedrick Muchmore, 100 u, 3, 10 ; James McConnell, Jr., 70 w, 2; Brian M'Colgan, 1 ; James Nealer, 100 u, 5 ; Nathanael Nilson, 130 p, 6 ; Nathanael Nilson, 2 ; William Noble, 100 w, 3; John Orr, 90 p, 6 ; William Orr, 160 p, 9 ; William Oliver, 1; William Parkison, 1 ; James Purdy, 2 ; William Plunket, 443 p, 14 ; John Quigley, 200 w, 6 ; David Rees; 155 p, 3 r, 6 ; Wm, Ross, 150 w, 8 ; James Reed, 100 w, 3, 10 ; Nathaniel Reaves, 2 ; Archibald Steuart, 200 w, 6 r, 7 ; Robert Steel, 120 w, 3 r, 4 ; John Semple, 120 p, 6, 10 ; Francis Silvers, 2 ; David Semple, 128 p, free; Robert Samuels, 2 ; John Shaw, 1 ; Mr. Seely, 2 ; William Speedy, 1 ; Thomas Spray, 3; Henry Taylor, 1 ; Henry Thornton, 1 ; John Trindle, 100 w, 10 ; Benjamin Vernor, 1; John Williams, 1 ; William Walker, 100 w, 6, 10 ; George Wood, 100 w, 7 ; John Wood, 168 w, 6; John Waugh, 100 w, 8 ; James 'Waugh, 100 w, 5 ; John Willey, 100 w, 6 ; Henry War ton, 100 w, 6 ; Samuel Williamson, 100 w, 3. Total, 126 taxables, 4023 w, 2820 u, 6445 p, 65 r. Tax, £862. CARLISLE, 1762. The first figure is for the number of lots owned ; the others for the £, s, d. John Armstrong, Esq., 2 lots, £30 ; Samuel Allen, 1 lot, £1; Harmanus Alricks, 2 lots, £20 ; Nicolas Albert, 1 lot, 3 ; William Armstrong, 1 lot, 6; Thomas Armstrong, 1, 2; John Anderson, 1, 3 r; John Andrew, 1, free ; widow Andrews, 1, 3 ; Mary Buchanan, 1, 2 ; widow Buchanan, 1, 2 ; Thomas Bell, 1 lot, free ; William Blyth, 1, 4, 10 r ; James Bell, 2, free ; William Bennet, 1 lot, 3 r, 4 ; William Blair, 1, 6 ; James Barclay, 1, 5 ; 'William Brown, 1, 7 ; Thomas Blair, 1, 2 ; Joseph Boyd, 1, 4 ; Charles Boyle, 1, 4 ; Isaac Burns, 1, 2 ; James Brandon, 2, 20 r, 25 ; John Chapman (wagoner), £1, 10 ; John Crawford, 1, 2 r ; Henry Creighton, 1, 2 ; Wm. Crock-et, 1, 1; Robert Crunkelton, 1, 8 r, 8 ; Roger Connor, 1, 2 ; William Caldwell, 1, 4 ; George Crocket, 1, free ; Samuel Coulter, 1, 2, 3 ; Andrew Colhoon, 1, 3 ; James Crocket, 1, 1; Simon Collins, 1, 1 ; Robert Callender, 4, 24; William Christy, 1, 3 ; John Chapman, 1 ; William Clark, 1, 4 r, p ; John Craig, 1 ;, Thomas Copling, 1, free, 10 r; Jacob Cart, 1, 8 r, 10; Thomas Christy, 1, 3; widow Colhoon, 1, 13, 10 1; Michael Dill, 1; George Davidson, 1, 1 ; James Duncan, 1, 6 r, 8 ; Samuel Davidson (not of age) ; Thomas Duncan, 1, 9, 10 11, 10 ; Ezekiel Dunning, 1, 1 ; Thomas Donallan, 1, 16, 10 r, 20, 10 ; William Devinport, 1, 4; William Denny, 1, 6 ; widow Dunning, 1, 10, 10 r; Adam Duglass, 1, 2; Stephen Duncan, 1, 8 r, 11 ; Denis Dougherty, 1, 2; Rev. George Duffield, 2, 5; James Eckles, 1, 1 r, 2 ; James Earl, 1, 4 r,-5 ; David Franks, 1, 1 ; Stephen Foulk, 1, 10 ; John Fortner, 1, 2 r, 3 ; James Ferguson, 1, 1 ; James Fleming, 1, 2 ; Thomas Fleming, 2 ; Mary Gallahan, 1, 1 ; William Gray, 1, 4; Joseph Galbreath, 1, 1; James Gregg, 1, free ; William Gorman, 1, 1 ; John Gamble, 1, 7 ; Daniel Gorman, 1, 7 ; Robert Corral, 1 ; Robert Gibson, 2, 15 ; Robert Guthrie, 3, 5 ; Abraham Holmes, 1, 9 : Adam Hoops, Esq., 1, 16 ; Barnabas Hughes, 1, 2 Joseph Hunter, 1, 9 ; Jacob Hewick, 1, 4 ; Jacob Houseman, 1, 6 ; John Hastings, 1, 6 ; George Hook, 2, 13 ; John Huston, 1, 4 r, 4; John Hunter, 1, 4; Joseph Jeffreys, 1, 8, 10 r, 10, 10 ; Thomas Jeffreys, 1, 10, 10 r, 12, 10 ; John Kennedy, 1, 5 ; John Kelly, 1, free, 6, 10 r ; Benjamin Kid, 1, 2 ; Andrew Kinkaid, 1, 2 r, 3 ; John Kerr, 1, 11 ; John Kinkaid, 5 ; John Kearsiey, 1, 6 ; Robert Little, 1, 1 ; Agnes Leeth, 1, 1; William Lyon, 2, 14 ; William McCurdy, 1, 1 ; William Main, 1, 2 ; David McCurdy, 1, 1 ; John McCurdy, 1, 5 ; widow McIntyre, 2, 15 ; Robert Miller, 3, 30 ; James McCurdy, free; John Montgomery, Esq., 4, 20 r, 40 ; Hugh McCormick, 1, 1 ; Wm. McCoskry, 1, 18 ; James McGill, 1, 2 ; John Mordough, 1, 1 ; widow Miller, 1, 2 ; John McKnight, Esq., 1, 2 ; Hans Morrison, 1, 4 r, 6 ; Patrick McWade, 1, 2 ; William Murphy, 1, 3 r, 4 ; John Mather, 2 ; widow Miller, 1, 5 r ; John McCay, 1, 4 r, 6 ; Hugh McCurd, 1, 2; William Miller, 1, 12 ; Robert McWhiney, 1, 13 ; Andrew Murphy, 1 ; Philip Nutart, 1, 1 ; Joseph Nilson, 1, 4 r; Culbert Nickelson, 1; John Orr, 1, 1 ; Thomas Parker, 1, 5 ; William Parker, 2, 3 ; Philip Pendergrass, 1; John Pattison, 1, 6; Charles Pattison, 1, 9; William Plunkit, 2, 6, 10 r, 9, 10 ; William Patterson, 1, 13, 10 r, 17, 10 ; James Taylor Pollock, 1, 3; James Parker, 1, 15; James Pollock, 1, 20 ; Thomas Patton, 1, 8 r, 9 ; John Pollock, 1, 5 ; William Reany, 1, 3 ; William Roseberry, 1, 1 ; William Rusk, 1, 4 ; Mary Rogers, 1, 3 r ; John Raison, 1, free, 7 r ; Robert Robb, 1, 7 ; James Robb, 1, 6 ; William Rodeman, 1, 3 ; widow Ross, 1, 5 ; Henery Smith, 1 ; Ezekiel Smith, 1, 1 ; John Scott, 1, 3 r, 4, 10; Robert Smith, 1, 4 ; William Sharp, 1, 1 ; widow Steveson, 1, 1 ; Charles Smith, 2 ; widow Sulavan, 4 r ; James Stakepole, 2, 10; John Starret, 2, 1 ; John Steel, 1, 10 r, 13 ; John Smith, 1, 1 ; William Spear, 3, 32 ; Timothy Shaw, 2, 4 ; Petor Smith, 1, 6 ; Rev. John Steel, 1, 5 ; Joseph Smith, 1, 3 r, 4 ; Rowland Smith, 1, 4 r, 5 ; William Spear for Court House, 1 r ; James Thompson, 1, 3 ; Samuel Thompson, 1, 3 ; Wilson Thompson, 1, 4 ; James Thomas, 1, 2 ; James Templeton, 2 ; Wm. White, 1, 2 ; William Ward, 1, 1 ; Roger Walton, 1, 1 ; Samuel, 1 lot free ; William Watson, 1, 1 r, 2 ; William Wadle, 1, 8 r, 10 ; Edward Ward, 1, 20 r, 23 ; Francis West, 2, 21 ; William Whiteside, 1, 2 ; widow Welch, 1, 1 ; Thomas Walker, 1, 3 r, 5 ; Abraham Wood, 2 ; William Wallace, 1, 6 ; John Welch, 2, 13 ; James Woods, 1, 1 ; Nathanael Wallace, 2, 1 r, 3 ; widow Vahan, 2, 6, 10 r, 7, 10 ; John 62 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA, Van Lear, 1, 10 ; James Young, 1, 2. Total, 190 taxables, 201 lots, 351 r. Taxes, £888. ALLEN, 1762. John Anderson, tax, £1. ; James Atkison, 1 ; George Armstrong, 100 w, £4 ; Alex. Armstrong, 50 lots, w, £3, 10 ; Wm. Abernathy, 300 p lots, £4 ; George Armstrong, 50 w, 2 ; James Brown, 100 w, 2, 3 ; William Boyls, 100 u, 2 ; James Beatty, 100 p, 5 ; Robert Bryon, 40 u, 1 ; Win. Boyd, 100 p, 2 ; Wm. Crocket, 50 w, 2, 10 ; George Crocket, 50 w, 2, 10 ; John Clark, 300 p, 11 ; Roger Cook, 100 p, 6 ; James Crawford, 100 p, 10 ; Rowland Chambers, 100 u, ; Samuel Cunningham, 100 w, 4 ; Philip Cuff, 150 w, 2 ; James Crocket, 100 u. 4 ; Wm. Crosby, 1 : Thos. Davis,, 1 ; Wm. Dickey, 1 ; John Dunlap, 100, free ; Wm. Elliott, 1 ; widow Frazer, 100 p, 6 ; Henry Free, 500, 9 ; John Glass, 1 ; Walter Gregory, 2 ; John Grindle, 100 w, 3 ; Richard Gilson, 100 p, 4, 10 ; John Gilkison, 50 w ; James Gregory, 200 w, 8 ; John Gibson, 200 w, 3, 5 ; John Giles, 100 w, 5 ; Wm. Hamersly, 200 w, free Robert Hannah, 50, free ; Thomas Hamersly, 2 ; Isaac Hendricks, 200 u, 10 ; Charles Inhuff, E0 w, 1 ; Nicolas King, 50 w, 2 James Long, 50 w, 3, 10 : Henry Longstaff, 100 w, 2 ; Hugh Laird, 100 p, 5 ; James McTeer, 200 p, 10 ; John McTeer, 100 p, 2 ; Wm. McCormick, 100 w, 3 ; Vim. Martin, 100 w, 3 ; John McMain, 100 w, 4 ; Rowland McDonald, 50 w. 7 ; widow McCurdy, 50 w, 2 ; Anthony McCue, 100 p, 8 ; Hugh McHool, 100 w. 7 ; Andrew Miller, 249 p, 17 ; John McNail, 100 w, 1 : Samuel Martin, 100 w, 16 ; Thos. McGee, 1 ; John Nailer, 100 u, 6 Richard Peters, 500 p, 7 ; Richard Peters, Esq., 100 p, 2; Henry Quigley, 100 w, 12; Richard Rankin, 100 w, 6 ; Thomas Rankin, 100 w, 5 ; John Rutlidge, 1 ; Robert Rosebary, 200 w, 16 ; Isaac Rutledge, 50 w, 2 ; John Sands, 400 p, 20 r, 23 ; widow Steel, 100 w, 4, 10 ; Thomas Stewart, 100 free ; James Semple, 1 ; Charles Shoaltz, 1; Moses Starr, 100 w, 8 ; Peter Tittle, 100 w, 2 ; Wm. Trindle, 100 w, 40 p, 8 ; Alex. Trindle, 70 w, 30 p, 3; David Willson, 400 p, 14 ; John Willson, weaver, 1-; John Willson, 130 u, 5 ; Alex. Work, 150 w, 10 ; Ralph Whiteside, 50 w, 10 ; George Wingler, 50 w, 1. Total, 81 taxables, 4000 w, 770 u, 3919 p, 25 r, £390 taxes. WEST PENNSBOROUGH, 1762. John Armstrong, Esq., 270 w, 21; Jacob Arthur, 50 u, 1 ; Peter Ancle, 1; Lawrence Allport, 1; John Byers, 270 p, 21; Robert Bevard, 100 w, 4; Geo. Brown, 150 u, 5 ; Thos. Butler, 200 w, 9, 10 ; James Brown, 200 u, 5 ; widow Bratton, 50 u, 1 ; Wm. Blackstock, 60 u, 1 ; James 'Bevard, 50 u, free ; Wm. Bevard, 100 w, free ; John Bums, 100 w, 3, 4 : Wm. Carothers, 200 w, 6 ; James Carothers, 100 w, 6 ; Wm. Clark, 300 p, 15 ; John Campbell, 50 u, 2 ; widow Crutchlow, 100 w, 4 ; David Cronister, 1 ; Matthew Cralley, 1 ; John Denny, 150 w, T ; Ezekiel Dunning, 150 w, 7 ; Wm. Dunbar, 200 w, 8 ; Wm. Dunlap, 100 w, 8 ; John Dunlap, 100 w, free ; John Dunbar, 100 w, free ; James Dunning, 300 w, 5 ; John Dunning, 300 w, 10 ; George Davidson, 200 w, 7 ; John Dunning, 200 w, 4 t Wm. Dillwood, 1 Rob. Erwin, 8. 10 r, 14 ; Wm. Eakin, 50 u, 2 ; Thomas Eakin, 50 u, 2 ; Thos. Evans, 200 w, 6; Wm. Ervin, 100 u, 2 ; John Ervin, 100 w, 6, 10 r, 9, 10 ; Alex. Erwin, 100 w, 5 ; Wm. Ewing at 3 Springs, 290 w, 8 ; Thos. Ewing, 1 ; Wm. Ewing, 1 ; Andrew Forbes, 100 w, 6 ; Alex. Fullerton, 100 u, 2, 3 ; Andrew Giffin, 100 u, 7 ; James Graham, 200 p, 9-; Rob. Guthrie, 100 u,.4 ; James Gordon, 200 u, 9 ; Wm. Griffis, 100 u, 4, 10 ; Thomas Gray, 200 W, 9 ; Sam'l Henry, 100 u, 2 ; John Hodge, 400 Jr, 2 ; Adam Hays, 300 w, 18 ; Wm. Harkness, 200 u, 10 ; James Hunter, 200 u, 6 ; Joseph Hasteen, 50 u, 3 ; Thos. Holmes, 300 u, 8 ; Barney Hanley, 1 ; David Hall, 1 ; Henry Hanwort, 1 ; Joseph Kilgore, 1 ; John Kerr, 1 ; Matthew Kerr, 1 ; Chs. Kilgore, 200 w, 15 ; Samuel Kilgore, 70 u, 4; Jno. Kenner, 150 w, 4 ; Wm. Lemmon, 100 w, 3; Wm. Laughlin, 100 u, 23 ; Allen Leeper, 200 w, 15 ; Wm. Leviston, 100 u, 3 ; Logan, 200 u, 6 ; Geo. Little, 150 u, 3 ; Geo. Leavelan, 50 u, 1 ; Wm. Little, 100 w, 6 ; Sam'l Lindsay, 100 u, 5 ; John Lusk, 200 w, 9 ; Wm. Leech, 100 p, free ; John McClung, 100 w, 5 ; Robert Meek, 1 ; James McFarlane, 150 w, 12 ; Wm. McFarlane, 2 ; Rob. McFarlane, 150 w, free ; John McFarlane, 150 w,1, 3 ; Andrew McFarlane, 100 w, 7, 10 ; David McNair, 200 w, 5 ; John McClure, 200 p, 15 ; Edward McMurray, 100 w, 7 ; John McGeary, 100 w, 4 ; Patrick McClure, 100 w, 4 ; Robert McClure, 100 w, 5 ; John McCune, 200 w, 7 ; Robt. McQuiston, 200 w, 9 ; James McQuiston, 200 w, free ; James McCay, lop w, 4 ; Thomas McCay, 100 u, 4 ; Daniel McAllister, 150 w, 7; Archibald McAllister, 200 w, 20 ; James McNaught, 200 w, 9 ; Alexander McBride, 200 w, 4 ; Samuel McCullough, 200 u, 2 ; • David McAllister 300 w, 6 ; John Miller, 400 p, 20 ; Rob. McCullough, 30 w, 2; Jno. McIntyre, 2 ; John McNair, 150 p, 10 r, 14 ; David McNair, 100 p, 2, 10 r, 2, 10 ; Alex. McCormick, 100 w, 2 ; Wm. McMahan, 100 w, 4 ; Daniel Morrison, 200 p, 6 r, 8 ; Matthew McClearas, 1 ; James McAllister, 200 w, 2 ; Francis Newell, 50 w, 2 ; John Newell 3 r, 4 ; Herman Newman, 1 ; Alex. Officer, 100 w, 4 ; Richard Peters, Esq., 200 w, 3; Wm. Parsons, dec'd. 300 p, 10 ; Proprietaries' Manor, 700 p, 20 ; Wm. Dutton, 200 w, 9 ; Paul Pears, 200 w, 20 ; Richard Parker, 100 w, 7 ; Wm. Parker, 200 w, 15 ; widow Parker, 100 w, 4 , Joseph Peoples, 100 u, 3 ; Jacob Peoples, 100 u, 2 ; Michael Pears, 2 ; John Patton, 100 free ; Thomas Parker, 1 ; Wm. Quiry, 100 u, 4 ; David Ralston, 100 u, 6 ; Matthew Russell, 300 w, 7, 10 r, 9, 10 ; Robert Rogers, 2 ; Wm. Robison, 200 w, 7 ; Archibald Robison, 1 ; John Robison, 2)) ti, 8 , Samuel Reagh, 50 u, 3 ; Patrick Robison, 200 w, 4 ; Singleton's Place, 400 w, 4 ; Rob. Stuart, 100 u, 2 ; John Scroggs, 100 u, 7 ; Allen Scroggs, 100 u, 8 ; John Smily, 50 w, 1 ; James Sea, 200 w, 5 ; Robert' Swaney, 200 w, 3 ; John Swaney, 100 w, 6 ; David Stevenson, 200 w, 5 ; Thomas Stewart, 3 r, 5 ; Robert Stewart, 1. ; Wm. Scarlet, 1 ; Wm. Stewart, 1 ; James Smith, Attorney, 100 w, 2 ; Anthony White, 100 u, 4 ; widow Willson, 200 u, 6 r, 7 ; Samuel Willson; Jr , 200 w, 6 ; Samuel Wilson, 100 w, 2 ; James Weakley, 400 p, 20 ; Robert Walker, 500 p, 15 ; Win. Woods, 500 w, 15 ; James HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 63 White, 1 ; Robert Welsh, 1 ; Alex. 'Young, 1. Total, 164 taxables, 12220 w, 4390 u, 2920 p, 56 r, £862. MIDDLETON, 1762. Nathan Andrew, 150 p, 4 r, 6—Wm. Armstrong, 100 u, 17—James Alcorn, 138 w, 3, 10—Adam Armwick, 270 w, 4 r, 5—John Beatty, 100 w, 2 r, 3—John Bigham, 150 u, 9—Wm. Beatty, 200 w, 3 r, 4—Wm. Brown, 200 u, 6—John Beard, 200 p, 6, 10 r, 9, 10— Wm. Buchanan, 1 lot, 1—John Brownlee, 100 u, 2—James Blair, 1—James Blain, 50 w, 30 r, 32— Richard Coulter, 150 p, 9—Widow Clark, 150 w, 9—Wm. Campbell, 150 u, 3—John Crennar, 100 u, 2 —Robert Caldwell, 100 w, 3 r, 4—Charles Caldwell, 100 w, 3 r, 4—John Craighead, w, 10—James Chambers, 1—John Davis, 250 p, 17 —Geo. Douglass, 100 u, free—John Dinsmore, 100 u, 3—David Drennan, 100 u, 4—Wm. Dunbar, 100 w, 2r, 3-John Dickey, 200 p, 5—Walter Denny, 200 w, 8—David Dunbar, 1—James Dunlap, 1—Widow Davies, 6 r, 7—William Davison, 200 w, 2—Wm, Davison, Jr., 200 w, 4—James Eliot, freeman, 100 w —Robert Eliot, Jr., 100 w, 4—John Elder, 150 w, 6—Disputed land, 150 w, 3—James Eliot, Jr., 150 w, 6 r, 9—Andrew Eliot, 150 w, 2--Wm. Forgison, 200 u, 10—Wm. Fleming, 200 u, 12—Joseph Fleming, 150 w, free—Ann Fleming, 150 w, 4—Arthur Foster, 200 p, 8—John Forgy, 150 w, 6— Thomas Freeman, 200 w, 10 r, 12—John Gregg, 50 w, 3—Samuel Guay, 200 u, 3—Widow Guliford, 100 w, 2—Andrew Gregg, 250 w, 8—Robert Gibson, 200 w, 11—Lodwick Ginger, 2—Joseph Gaily, 200 w, 6—Joseph Goudin, 1—Thomas Gibson, 1 r, 2—Nicholas 'highs, 1—Samuel Harper, 200 u, 6 —Wm. Henderson, 100 w, free —Thomas Holt, 1—Wm. Hood, 1—Jonathan Holmes, 400 w, 29— Humphrey's land, 300 w, 6—Hamilton's land, 200 w, 2—Patrick Hason, 200 w, 4—Andrew Holmes, 150 p, 12—Thomas Johnston, 100 w, 4, 10 r, 7, 16—John. Johnston, 100 w, 1 r, 1—Archd. Kennedy, 50 w, 3—James Keny, 200 w, 13—Mathew Kenny, 100 w, free —John Kincaid, 150 w, 5—Geo. Kinkaid, 2—James Kinkaid, Richard Kilpatrick, 150 w, 4 r, 5—Wm. Reer, 150 w, 3 r, 5 —Robt. Little, 200 w, 6 r, 9—John Little, 1—Geo. Leslie, 2—Saml. Lamb, 200 w, 5, 10—David M'Clure, 1 r—Wm. M'Knitt, 200 u, free—Andrew M'Bath, 250 w, freeman—Wm. M'Clellan, 190 p, 4--Hugh -M'Bride, 300 w, 3, 10 r, 4, 10—John M'Crea, free—David M'Bride, 2 —Meeting House land, 130 p, 5—Hugh M'Cormick, 136 w, 7—James M'Cullough, 2—Matthew Miller, 200 w, 12—James Matthews, 100 w, 5—James M'Allister, 5 r, 7—Francis M'Nickle, 140 w, 13—John M'Knight, Esq., 200 p, 17—James Moore, 100 w, 34—Wm. Moore, 100 w, free—James M'Manus, 6 r, 7—Guain M'Haffy, 100 w, 3—John M'Haffy, 150 u, 6—Thomas M'Haffy, 50 w, 2, 10—Samuel M'Crackin, 1—John Mitchell, 200 w, 12—Widow M'Intyre, 5 r—John Neely, 50 u, 2—Matthew Neely, 1—John Patton, 100 u, 4—Wm. Parkison, 150 p, 15—James Pollock, 6 r—Rob. Patterson, 2—Wm. Patterson, 200 w, 5—Richard Peters' land, 400 p, 10—John Patterson, 200 w, free—Wm. Riddle, 100 w, 3—Archd. Ross, 200 w, 6—James Robison, 1—John Reed, 1—Robt. Reed, 200 w, 6—Wm. Reed, 170 w, 6—John Reed, Jr., 200 u, 6—John Robb, 1—Adam Ritchy, 100 w, 1—David Reed, 100 p, 4—James Reed 100 w 5—Wm. Riggs, 150 p, 3 r, 6—Geo. Riggs, 150 p, 3 r, 5—Jacob Stanford, 50 w, 2 r, 4—Abraham Stanford, 100 w free, 20 r—John Stuart, weaver, 50 u, 2—James Stuart, 100 u, 3—Wm. Smith, 100 w, 4—John Stinson, 100 11, 1—Geo. Sanderson, Sr , 10 —Rob. Sanderson, 100 w, 2, 10—Jean Sanderson, 250 w, 7—Geo. Sanderson, Jr., 200 u 4, 10, James Sharon, 150 w, 3 —John Smith, 16 w, 1—Alex. Sanderson, 100 u, 3—Andrew Simison, 200 p, 5—Randles Slack, 1—Wm. Shaw, 100 w, 8 r, 9—James Smith, 200 w, 7 r, 8, 10—Wm. Stewart, 1, 10 r, 2, 10—Rob. Stinson, 200 w, 10 r, 12—Ezekiel Smith, 150 w, 13 r, 19—John Stewart, 100 u, 3—James Smith, 200 w, 2—Widow Templeton, 100 u, 3—Robt. Urie, 100 w, 7 Patrick Vance, 1—Solomon Walker, 100 w, 2 r, 3—Daniel Williams, 300 p,. 17—Saml. 'Willson, 3—John Waddel, 150 w, free—Widow Williamson, 250 p, 7—Francis West, 16 w, 1—John Welsh, 200 u, 10—Thomas Wilson, Esq., 250 p, 24—Saml. White, 1—Thomas Woods, 2—James Young, 200 p, 20. Total, 159 taxables, 11979 w, 4250 u, 3970 p. 192 r. Taxes, £861. HOPEWELL, 1760. For some reason tie list of Taxables for 1762 is not given, among the other townships. We therefore give that of 1760. John Anderson, 100 u, 1 ; Thomas Alexander, 100 u, 3 ; widow Andrews, 100 p, 4 ; Hugh Brady, 100 u, 3 ; widow Brice, poor Benj. Blyth, 400 w, 18 ; Wm. Bryson, 50 w, 1 ; Joseph Brady, 80 w, 4 ; John Brown, 100 u, 1 ; Wm, Crunkelton, 1 ; John Cough, 1 ; James Chambers, 60 p, 27 ; James Chambers, 50 w, at the Big Spring, 1 ; Wm. Caranhan, 100 w. 3 ; Geo. Clark, 100 w, 4 ; James, Caranhan, 100 u, 8 ; Geo. Cuningham, 150 w, 6 ; Robert Chambers, 200 w, 10 ; Francis Campbell, 15 ; Wm. Duncan, 100 w, 7 ; Thomas Duncan, 150 w, 8 ; Daniel Duncan 6 ; John Dysert, 100 11, 2 ; James Dysert 100 w, 3, 10 ; Moses Donald, 100 u, 3 ; Thomas Donald 100 u, 6 ; John Egnew, 100 u, 4 ; Joseph Eager, 100 u, 2 ; John Eliot, 100 u, 4 ; Sam]. Eliot, tailor, 50 u, 1 ; John Eager, 100 u, 3, 10 ; Robt. Pryor, 100 u, 1 ; Wm. Cibson, 100 u, 5 ; Andrew Gibson, 200 w, 2 ; Thomas Goat, 100 w, 2 ; Sam'l Gibson, 100 u, 3 ; Robert Gib, 50 u, 2 ; Wm. Gamble, 150 u, 7 ; John Hannah, 150 u, 4 . Josiah Hannah, 140 u, 2 ; Sam'l Hindman, 2; Philip Hutchison, 1 ; John Hunter, 100 u, 2 ; John Hamilton, 2 ; Wm. Hodge, 100 u, 3 ; Johner Hamilton, weaver, 50 u, 1 ; James Hamilton, 100 u, 3 ; Geo. Hamilton, 150 u, 7 ; David heron, 180 u, 10 ; John Jack, 80 w, 3 ; Joseph Irvine, 1 ; James Jack, 100 w, 7 ; Benj. Kilgore, 1 ; James Kilgore, 100 w, 7 ; James Long, 100 p, 37 r, 43 ; Edward Lice, 5 ; John Lauglan, Jr., 100 u, 2, 10 ; Sam'l Laughlan, 150 u, 3 ; James Little, 1 ; Andrew Lucky, 150 u, 5 ; John Laughlin, Sr., 100 u, 1 ; Josiah Marton, 100 u, 5 ; Daniel M'Donald, 100 u, 2 ; James M'Farland, 150 u, 4 ; John M'Farland, 100 u, 1 ; John M'Clintock, 100 u, 4 ;. James M'Guffog, 100 u, 3, 10 ; Andrew M'Ilvaine, 100 u, 3 ; Robert. 64 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. M'Dowell, 2 ; Sam'l Morrow, 100 u, 2 ; Patrick M'Gee, 100 u, 3 ; Robt. M'Comb, 100 w, 5 ; Sam'l Montgomery, 100 w, 4 ; James Mahan, 1 ; John Morehead, 100 u, 6 ; Sam'l M'Cormick, 200 w, 8 ; Geo. M'Cormick, joiner, 1 ; John Montgomery, 100 u, 4 ; James Montgomery, 140 u, 6 ; June M'Cune, 100 w, 7, 10 ; John M'Cune, Sr., 80 u, 3 ; Robert M'Cune, 50 u, 3 ; John M'Clean, wagoner, 100 u, 5 ; Geo M'Cormick, weaver, 100 u, 1 ; Daniel Mickey, 100 u, 1 ; Robert Mickey, 200 u, 10 ; John Miller, 80 w, 3 ; Sam'l Montgomery, Innkeeper, 6 ; David Magaw, 19 ; Philip Miller, 1 ; Isaac Miller, smith, 2 ; James M'Nay, 1 ; Arch'd M'Carty, poor ; John Miller, Sr., 1 ; Sam'l M'Call, carpenter, 5 ; John Meason, 100 u, 2 ; Neal M'Clain, 100 u, 1 ; Geo. M'Cully, 1 ; John M'Intyre, 100 u, 1 ; Sam'l Moore, 100 u, 2 ; John Murrain, 100 u, 2 ; Patrick M'Farlane, 100 u, 4 ; Wm. M'Guffog, 50 u, 1 widow Myers. 80 u, 4 ; Wm. Moorhead, 100 w, 1 ; Robert Meek, 1 Gideon Miller, 1 ; Samuel Mitchell, 100 u, 5 ; James M'Ilvaine, for Cat's Cabin, 300 w, 5 ; Thomas Meason, freeman, 100 u, 1 ; Thomas Montgomery, 100 u, 3 ; James M'Dowell, 100 u, 2 ; Samuel Neays, 300 w, 15; John Nisbet, tailor, 200 w, 7 ; Win. Newell, 2 ; David Newell, 100 u, 1 ; Richard Nickelson, 200 u, 8 ; Wm, Nickelson, 50 u, 1 ; John Nisbet, 100 u, 3 ; Allen Nisbet, 100 w, 1 ; Samuel Nisbet, 3 ; Wm. Powell, 1 ; Richard Peters, Esq., 150 w, 2, also 200 w, at the Eig Spring. 2 ; Wm. Plumstead, 260 w, 16 : Wm. Piper, 5 Samuel Perry, 6 ; Robert Peoples, smith, 2 ; Nathanael Peoples, 150 u. 4 ; James Po lock, 100 u, 2 ; James Quigley, 100 u, 4 ; John Quigley, 50 u, 1 John Robison, 50 u, 1 ; Wm. Ranalds, 250 p, 20 ; John Redick, 1 ; Samuel Smith, 3 ; Geo Sheets, 1; Samuel Stuart, 100 u, 6; David Seineral, 100 u, 6; Win. Stitt Simeral 1 ; Robert Simonton, 100 u, 4 ; David Scott, 100 w, 2 ; Edward Shippen, at Big Spring, 300 p, 12 ; Edward Shippen, 1100 p, 50 ; Alexander Scroggs, 250 w, 15 ; Samuel Senor, 3 ; John Stevenson, 50 u, 4 ; Nat. Scruchfield, 1 ; John Smith 50 u, 2 ; Hugh Torrence, 100 u, 5 ; widow Thompson, 100 u, 2 ; John Thompson, 100 u, 4 ; William Thompson, 140 p,10 ; John Trimble, 100 u, 2 ; widow Trimble, 100 u, 7;. Its. Thompson, 1; Hugh Thompson, 150 u, 7; John Thompson, mon. 100u, 1;Jos. Woods,100 w, 3 ; Jno. Wooden, 100 u, 1; Wm. Walker, Jr., 50 u, 3, 10; Robert Walker, 50 U. 3 ; Samuel Walker, 1 ; James Williamson, 100 u, 3, 10 ; James Whitehill, 500 w, 9 ; Samuel Wier, 100 u, 5 ; Samuel Williamson, 200 w, 4, 10 ; James Work, 100 u, 2 ; Wm. Walker, 150, u, James Walker, 50 u, 2 ; James Wallace, 100 u, 3 ; West and Smith, 100 n, 5 ; James Williamson, jockey, 100 u, 4; James Young, 150 w, 5. Total, 176 Taxables, 5%600 w, 9,270 u, 2,050 p, £37 r, £778, 10 tax. According to this list there were in 1762 (reckoning in Hopewell (Or 1760), 896 taxables, 37,820 acres of warranted land, 21,500 acres of unwarranted land, 19,304 acres of patented land, 201 town lots, £726 rents, and £4,641, 10 taxes. The Proprietaries were the owners of land estimated at 5,167 acres in Middleton township, near Carlisle, and 7,000 in East Pennsborough, of which 1,000 had been given op to Peter Chartier, (and now in the hands of his assigns) and Tobias Hendricks, who took care of the whole manor. They also were the owners of 64 lots in Carlisle, 8 of which were rated at one hundred pounds, and the remainder at fifteen pounds each. The manor lands were valued for taxes, 3000 of those in Middleton at one hundred pounds per hundred, and those in East Pennsborough at seventy-five pounds per hundred, on which they paid a tax of six shillings on the pound. Before 1755 the proprietary estates had not been included in any general land tax bill, but on that year the Proprietaries had yielded the point and consented to be taxed on all really taxable property (that is, appropriated lands, all real estate except unsurveyed waste land, lots in town, and rents of all kinds) and on equal terms with the other 'owners. There was, however, so much dispute on various points connected with this matter, that no collections were made on the proprietaries; but in consideration of the dangers of the province they had made a donation of five thousand pounds. In 1759, therefore, when the tax was levied it was made retrospective for the five years (1755-9) inclusive which had been in dispute, allowing them credit for the five thousand pounds which had been given. As this dispute had reference principally to the lands and property of the Proprietaries in Cumberland county, this entire controversy belongs especially to our history.* DOCTOR JOHN'S MURDER. There were still some remnants of the Shawanese Indians who lingered around their old home on the Conodoguinet. In spite of the effort to induce them to remain in a body at Conestoga, or at some place at the East where they were more free from hostile influences and from suspicion, there were at times some who yielded to their roving nature, and had temporary residences among the frontier settlements. There when stimulated by passion or under the excitement of strong drink, they would use boastful and unguarded language and commit deeds which provoked retaliation. Even the most friendly citizens were sensitive to such things when there was so much ground for general alarm. At some time near the beginning of 1760 a worthless Indian, familiarly called Doctor John, of the Delaware tribe, removed from Lancaster county and dwelt in a cabin near the Conodoguinet not far from Carlisle. For two years he lived there with his family in peace, obtaining subsistance principally by hunting, as game was still plentiful, especially on the proprietaries' lands and on the neighboring mountains. In the early part of the year 1760, his conduct and language became more insolent, and on one occasion lie spoke contemptuously of the provincial soldiers at Carlisle, boasting that he and two or three more could drive the whole of them, and that though they had killed Capt. Jacobs there was another Capt. Jacobs, a bigger and stronger man than him that was killed, that he had himself killed sixty white people and captured six, and that if war should break out he would do the same again. About a month after this (near the 21st of February), Francis West, a Justice of Carlisle, wrote to the Governor that this Indian and his family, a wife * Col. Rec. Vol. VIII.. pp. 472-7 529,552-7.584-5. HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 65 and two children, had been inhumanly and barbarously murdered, by some persons unknown, and that it was considered certain that the chiefs of his tribe would demand reparation. " So many cruelties," he says " have been practiced upon the whites by the Indians, that even innocent Indians were not secure from their revenge." An inquest was held over the victims, at which Capt. Robert Callender was one of the jury, and being soon after in Philadelphia was examined before the Council and reported the facts in detail. The excitement both in Cumberland county and in Philadelphia was intense for the effect upon the Indians was much dreaded. A reward of a hundred .pounds for each person concerned in the murder was offered, and every exertion was made by the authorities and the people of the county to discover and apprehend the perpetrators. It afterwards appeared on the testimony of John Longhry, of York county, that John Mason, of Cumberland county, had applied to him (early in February) to be one of a party to murder some Indians to the number of four or thereabouts, residing in cabins on the Conodoguinet ; and that some time after that, a certain gentleman of Paxton, in Lancaster county, had informed him that James Foster, Wm. George and some young men, all belonging to Cumberland county had actually perpetrated the murder of these Indians by forcibly entering their cabins by night with axes, &c., and killed and scalped the Indians ; and that sometime near the beginning of March, being at Pittsburgh (when the Governors proclamation was known), this James Foster told him that lie was afraid the murder would be found out upon him and his accomplices. In transmitting this deposition to the Governor, Justices West and Alricks wrote that they had apprehended Wm. George and the young men mentioned in the affidavit, and were about to send to Pittsburgh an order for Mason's and Foster's apprehension. It appeared afterwards that Mason and Foster had fled northwards, and were never found ; and that nothing could be done against the others " on mere hearsay." At a Conference held with some Indians who were relatives of the murdered family, at Philadelphia, May 6th, 1762, the subject was formally considered, and the Governor, after reciting what had been done to bring the criminals to justice, declared that on hearing of the affair he had " instantly despatched messengers, with an account of it to the Indians. on the Ohio and the Susquehanna to condole with them and to bear the presents usual on such occasions ; that while there are wicked men in the world such accidents will happen both among white people and Indians ; that some white people had been killed by Indians in several parts of the province since the peace, as well as a few Indians by white people and that without any fault in those who conduct public affairs on either side ; and that these ought not to interrupt the peace and friendship that have been SO happily restored between the English and Indians."* * Col. Rec Vol. VIII, pp. 435,712. Archives Vol. III., pp. 705. 707, 732. Rupp's Co, pp 133-61, CHAPTER EIGHTH.—PONTIAC'S WAR. CONSPIRACY OF INDIAN TRIBES. The peace concluded with the Indians was of but brief duration. The inhabitants of Cumberland Valley had just time to indulge in fond hopes, to dismiss their military organizations, dismantle their forts, and resume their usual occupations, when an Indian war of more terrific proportions and deadly purpose than any which the American colonies ever knew before or since, broke in sudden fury upon them. There was very little to indicate its coming. The western Indians had complained somewhat of the building of such strong forts as those of Fort Pitt, Le Beuf, and other places in Western Pennsylvania, and some restless spirits were yet unsatisfied and believed that they had been unfairly dealt with in the purchase of their lands ; but when they had been assured that the forts were designed not for the occupation of the land but simply for security against the French and lawless persons, and that every reasonable demand should be complied with, the hope had been indulged that peace would remain unbroken. But a sagacious and powerful chief had risen up in the northwest who foresaw that if ever the Indians were to contend for their possession of this country, it must be done at once. This was Pontiac, one of the ablest and noblest of their chieftains. He belonged probably to the Ottawa tribe and he spent many months in visiting and haranguing all the western and southern Indians with the view of forming a grand confederacy for the entire extermination of the English west of the mountains. He succeeded in enlisting all the Indian tribes in a scheme to attack on a given day every fort and settlement, and to leave not a single person connected with time English of any age or sex. With consummate craft and secrecy, by every stratagem known to Indian tactics, their victims were to be beguiled until the fatal hour agreed upon, when every officer and soldier in the forts, every trader, and every settler in the country and every traveller, whoever be might be, was to be slain without mercy. On the day agreed upon (near the last of May, 1763) nine forts were captured, and those of Fort Pitt, Ligonier and Bedford in this state alone escaped, after a desperate attack upon each. News of the attack flew rapidly with some fugitives over the mountains and came upon the inhabitants like a loud clap of thunder in a clear sky. In quick succession accounts followed each other, that one settlement after another had been overrun by scalping parties who had left nothing which could be carried off or destroyed. A letter dated Carlisle, July 5th, says : " On the morning of yesterday horsemen were seen rapidly passing through town. One man rather fatigued, who stopped to get some water, hastily replied to the question, What news? Bad enough, Presque Isle, Le Beuf and Venango have been captured, their garrisons massacred with the exception of one officer and seven men who fortunately made their escape from Le Beuf, and Fort Pitt has been briskly attacked on the 224 66 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. of June, but had succeeded in repelling the assailants." The terrible Shingas with his murdering parties was once more heard of, now at Fort Pitt, and then flying with the speed of a wolf from one part of the frontier to another. Out of a hundred and twenty Indian traders along the froand somely two or three escaped. The settlers beyond the Alleghenies were nearly all killed and their cabins burned. The Valley was soon filled with the terrified fugitives, and houses hundredles were crowded with women and children, who had nothing to eat. The people were in the midst of harvest, but the fields of grain were deserted, and the roads to Carlisle and Shippensburg were thronged with families destitute of all the necessaries of life. HAVOC IN THIS VICINITY. It was at first hoped that the war was intended to be confined to an assault upon the forts and main communications with the west, but it was not long before it became evident that all the settlements were to be cut off. One of the first attacks in this region was upon two families on the Juniata (July 10th), about thirty miles from Carlisle, in which about a dozen persons were killed. On hearing of this, several parties were formed, two from the upper part of Sherman's Valley, and another under Col. Armstrong and Thomas Wilson, Esq., to reconnoitre and bury the dead. One of the former about twelve in number passed through the Tuscarora Valley, where they saw houses burnt or in flames, shocks of grain and wheat unreaped in the fields consumed, dead bodies mutilated and torn by beasts, and they were themselves fired upon by a party of Indians and obliged to fly, and two of their number at least (Wm. Robinson and John Graham) were killed. On hearing the report of this company another party of about thirty, under Sheriff Ezekiel Dunning and Win. Lyon. went in quest of the enemy, whom they found about fifteen in number rifling the house of Alexander Logan, having murdered him and five of his family and neighbors. They attacked the Indians and drove them some distance, but reported that not less than fifty-four persons were known to have been murdered. They mentioned that on their return they had found two men named Pomeroy and Johnson. living, lately residing near Shippensburg, who, with their wives had been surprised and left for dead. As one of the women on their arrival showed some signs of life they had brought her to Shippensburg, but she was so mangled that she soon died. The party which had gone out under Col. Armstrong on its return reported that they had found a number of dead bodies which they had buried ; that since the preceding Sunday they had heard of not less than twenty five killed and four or five wounded, and that the Indians were traveling from place to place along the valley, burning farm buildings and destroying all the people they could find. A number of Indian parties had come over the mountains and murdered several families near the foot of the mountains, and it was said that the inhabitants of Sherman's and Tuscarora Valley had all come over, and the people of this Valley near the mountain were beginning to move in, so that in a few days it was expected that there would be scarcely a house inhabited north of Car lisle. In a letter from Rev. Wm. Thompson, Francis West and Thos. Donellan, dated Carlisle, August 24th. 1763, it is said that upon strict inquiry it had been found that seven hundred and fifty families bad abandoned their plantations, the greatest number of which had lost their crops and some their stock and furniture ; that there were two hundred women and children coming there from Fort Pitt, and that already there were in Carlisle and neighborhood upwards of two hurldred families, many of them in the greatest indigence ; the small-pox and flux raging among them. In Shippensburg it was estimated that thirteen hundred and eighty-four people had taken refuge from the-neighboring country. Large numbers went over the South Mountain and sought a more secure shelter in Lancaster and York counties, and some of them were attacked by disease and died on the roads and in the woods. The miserable condition of the people at this time so touched the hearts of their more favored eastern neighbors that large contributions were sent for their relief. Six hundred and sixty-two pounds were sent for distribution to the vestry of the Episcopal church of Carlisle by the members of Christ's and St. Peter's. congregations of Philadelphia ; and one hundred and thirty from the First Presbyterian church of the same city, (Feb. 1st, 1763). and one hundred and fifty by the hands of Francis Allison, D. D., (July. 10th, 1763) probably from the same congregation, were sent to Rev. John Steel by the hands of John Montgomery, at that time a member of the Assembly in Philadelphia. The money they contributed was expended in the purchase of flour, rice, medicine ; and to enable those who chose -to defend themselves and to return to their plantations, arms and ammunition were bought and distributed under the care of the committee. EFFORTS AT DEFENCE. Besides the hasty expeditions which have just been mentioned there were, as soon as possible, more permanent organizations formed for repelling the foe. After the first panic had passed over the brave scouts and rangers of former times succeeded in forming companies who went in every direction to encourage the people, relieve distress and meet the enemy. It was soon discovered that the number of Indians was not large, and that the main difficulty was in finding them. At the Great Cove David Scott paid for and maintained a scouting party of twenty-seven men for three months, during which time the-Indians were repulsed, and the inhabitants succeeded in harvesting their grain. His neighbors united in a petition to the Assembly, setting forth that they were obliged to take into pay those who were accustomed to hunt and endure hardships, who were acquainted with the country and versed in Indian warfare, under the command of one who had been for several years a captive among the Indians ; that unless they had done so they would have been obliged to leave their houses ; and that while they were grateful for the proposal to send them other troops, they found themselves unable to rely upon strangers who knew nothing of the country and the modes of savage warfare, and hence they were compelled to continue the company they HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 67 had formed ; and that having already advanced out of their poverty more than they could well bear for the support of these men, they would need help in continuing the organization under such regulations as might be judged wise. In response to the petition, the company thus formed was recognized and supported and taken into the pay of the government, and it was resolved (July 6, 1763) that seven hundred men should be at once enlisted principally " among the hack inhabitants, exclusive of those already in the service, to be employed in protecting the inhabitants within the purchased parts of the province during the time of harvest." These were to be under the command of the Governor as Colonel, of which the second battalion was to be under the command of Lieut.-Col. John Armstrong. They were to be enlisted for not less than a year or during the war. Stations for enlistment were at once opened in Cumberland county, and seven companies were formed under the command of Captains Laughlin, Patterson, Hamilton, Crawford, Sharpe and others. About three hundred of these men were soon got together under Armstrong and these Captains, to attack some Indians whose centre of operations appeared to be on the Upper Susquehanna, near what was called the Great Island (Lock Haven). In pursuance of the policy which had been found so effectual at Kittanning of striking a blow at the strong holds, this little army started about the last of September, by way of Fort Shirely, from which place they went up the river as quickly and as secretly as possible, that they might surprise the Indians at the Island just as they were preparing to make a descent upop the peaceful settlements. On reaching the place, however, they found that their foes had received notice of their coming, and had left some days before. They pursued after the fugitives about twenty miles up the western branch of the river, where these wily foes once more eluded their grasp, leaving their food untouched upon the tables. Very probably this expedition was of great benefit, as at least one detachment of the Indians believed to be hostile was cut off, and the main body were prevented from coming down to massacre the inhabitants. BOUQUET'S EXPEDITION TO FORT PITT. Nothing had for some time been heard from Capt. Mercer at Fort Pitt or Lieut. Blaine at Ligonier. From some traders it had been ascertained that both forts were closely beset, and there was reason to fear that they might betaken or reduced by famine. Col. Bouquet, who had been in Forbes' expedition, and had shown himself a resolute and skillful officer, was despatched during the summer (1763) with two regiments of the Royal Troops for the relief of those fortresses. The only companies which could be spared him were such as had lately been worn out and broken by sickness at the siege of Havana, in the West Indies. They set out from Philadelphia, a large part of them carried in wagons as invalids, and when they arrived at Carlisle they were able to do little more than help one another. Here it had been expected that they would find provisions and wagons for the remainder of the expedition, and that a sufficient number of recruits would be mustered to fill up their companies and form addi tional companies of two hundred provincials. Instead of this he found the inhabitants centering all their hopes upon him, not only without provisions or recruits for him, but begging for food and medicines and protection from him. He was obliged therefore to wait eighteen days at Carlisle while he sent eastward for supplies. By the time these were obtained the people had so far recovered themselves that they were able to defend themselves and form companies for the expeditions up the Susquehanna and over the mountains. But when they remembered the ferocity and number of the enemy, the former defeats of a much better and more numerous body of troops, and beheld the small number and sickly condition of the regulars employed in this expedition, they were without hope of success, and instead of enlisting in the service they turned their whole attention to the organization of companies for home defence. In these circumstances the prospects of the Colonel and his little army were discouraging. Unintimidated, however, with about five hundred regulars and a like number of provincial troops, mostly from York and Lancaster counties, he pressed forward, leaving sixty of the feebler ones who had to be carried in wagons over the mountains, to garrison the smaller posts on the communication. The first object to which he directed his efforts was the relief of Fort Ligonier, which he had himself established the year before, and which was important on account of its large military stores. There for some time Lieut. Blaine, of Cumberland county, had obstinately held the post, though often assailed by superior and determined foes. The stockade was very bad and the garrison extremely weak, and when thirty men were sent forward by forced marches for its relief, it was found in a desperate condition. These came in sight of the fort without being perceived, and after receiving a few running shot, threw themselves into it, when the enemy abandoned the siege. The brave commander was thus saved for a more signal service in another field. On arriving there with the main body of his army Colonel Bouquet left his wagons and all in-cumbrances in the fort and pressed on to Fort Pitt. The Indians had spies upon all his movements, and when he was near Bushy Run, in a dangerous defile along Turtle Creek, several miles in length, commanded by high hills, they drew of their whole force from Fort Pitt and attacked him with great outcries and fury. Often repulsed they as often returned to the assault, and for thirty-six hours (August 5th and 6th,) maintained a perpetual fire upon the English. By an artful stratagem the Colonel finally drew them into an ambush, by which they were surrounded and completely routed. They lost about sixty men, some of whom were their chief warriors, and many more were wounded and fell in the pursuit. It was a severe blow, from which they did not entirely recover. They not only renounced all designs against Fort Pitt, but forsook their former towns and the whole western part of the province, not thinking themselves safe until they had settled on the head waters of the Muskingum. Our army now entered Fort Pitt (August 10), but as at least fifty of their number had been killed and about sixty bad been wounded, the pursuit of the enemy was deferred to another year. The garrisons at Fort Pitt, Ligo- 68 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. trier and Bedford were strengthened, and three companies were stationed at Carlisle for the winter.* As no act of submission had been made by which it could be known that the hostile Indians were peacefully inclined, active operations were continued with the view of marching another army into Ohio during the ensuing summer. THE " PAXTON BOYS." All along the frontier counties there were strong suspicions that the Indians who were sustained by the Government at Lancaster and who professed to be friendly, were, in fact, in correspondence with the hostile party. There was abundant evidence that some of these Indians passed back and forth between their residence and the western towns, two or three of them of a low character had been seen in the company of hostile Indians, and when drunk or much provoked they had boasted of what they had done or would do. Some settlers whose relatives had been murdered professed to recognize the murderers among the pensioners at Conestoga. It was also generally believed that the expedition to Great Island had been rendered abortive by information given to the enemy by parties from Lancaster, who were seen fighting with the enemy at Muncey Hill, and yet afterwards applied for support among those professing to be friends. Murmurs became loud and general that the government was sustaining a body of men who were really at war with it, and that at least this body of Indians ought to be removed to the eastward where they would not be so dangerous. Not merely warnings were sent to the Governor that if such a removal was not effected the Indians would be murdered, but threats were sent that an organization had been formed for their extermination and that this was in actual preparation. Five hundred men were said to be in readiness to march from Cumberland and Lancaster counties to Philadelphia and enforce their demands by violence. Some time in December a scout reported to Matthew Smith, of Paxton, that an Indian well-known to be a murderer in his neighborhood had been traced to Conestoga. Mr. Smith, with five of his neighbors, went down to that place to reconnoitre. " He saw or fancied that he saw armed Indians in the cabins of the professedly friendly party. The next day (December 14) about fifty men went to Conestoga and killed six of the Indians, the man who shot the first Indian exclaiming : " He is the one that killed my mother!" The other fourteen (for there were only twenty of them in all, remnants of several tribes, and several of them old and feeble,) were put into the jail for safe keeping. It was believed that one of these had murdered the relatives of one of the borderers. On the 27th some fifty men under the leadership of Lazarus Stewart dashed into Lancaster, broke open the jail, killed the fourteen Indians and were gone in ten minutes. Such, in brief, was the murder of the Indians of Conestoga by the " Paxton Boys." It cannot be justified on any principles of law or * " An Hist. Account of the expedition against the Ohio Indians in the year 1764, under the command of Henry Bouquet, Esq., with an Introd. account of the preceding campaign and Batik at Bushy Run, by a lover of his country, Philadelphia, 1765." order. It was not excused by the ministers of that day, though it was participated in by men who stood high in their congregations. The magistrates of Lancaster and Cumberland counties protested against it, reported it as soon as possible, and exerted themselves to bring the offenders to justice. It was, however, of no avail. Public sentiment was almost universally with the rioters. In spite of public offers of high rewards for their apprehension they made no concealment of what they had done and attempted no evasion of the officers. None of them were ever arrested but Stewart, and he was so poorly guarded that he soon walked away. The Moravian Indians at Wyalusing to the number of one hundred and fifty were threatened with a similar fate, and were soon afterwards removed for safety to Philadelphia. In terror lest the Paxton men should march to that city and put them to death they were sent to New York, where Gov. Colden refused to receive them and the Governor of New Jersey ordered them out of his province. On being brought back to Philadelphia towards the end of January, 1764, a body of frontiersmen, amounting to five hundred or a thousand men, actually marched into that city with no acts of violence, proceeding at their leisure, favored by the people all along their route, and joined by many as they went.              The Governor and Council now determined to try negotiation.Dr. Franklin and three others met the Paxton men at Germantown where it was agreed that commissioners should be appointed and should receive a respectful hearing. Matthew Smith and James Gibson being appointed on the part of the Paxton men drew up a Declaration and Remonstrance in which they professed to speak in behalf not only or those acting with them but of " the inhabitants of the frontier counties of Lancaster, York, Cumberland, Berks and Northampton." Nine grievances were set forth in their remonstrance in substance as follows That the five counties they represented had but ten members of the Assembly, while the three counties and city of Philadelphia, Chester and Bucks had twenty six, thus throwing the majority into the hands of men who were opposed to any active means of defence; that a Bill. was before the House to have the actors in the recent disturbances tried for their alleged offence, not in the counties where they resided, but in one of the three eastern counties ; that so little was done for the protection of the frontiers while so much was done under the pretence of philanthropy for some who were in communication with their enemies; that any Indians should be allowed to live near the frontiers while we were engaged in war with others and some of the same tribes ; that no provision was made for such as had been wounded in defence of the province ; that no rewards had been offered as in former wars, for Indian scalps ; that no efforts had been made to recover those who had been carried into captivity ; that a certain society of people were allowed to treat with the Indians in their own private capacity and to give large presents to them in time of war ; and that the principal fort on the North neither protected the inhabitants nor made any aggressive movement on the enemy. This remonstrance was signed by the commissioners " by the appointment HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 69 of a great number of the frontier inhabitants," and was accompanied by a memorial having fifteen hundred signaturcs. The details of this affair have here been given, although no part of it took place within the limits of this county, and although Col. Armstrong reported to the Governor " that not one person of the county so far as he could learn had been consulted or concerned" in it, and Rev. John Elder the pastor of the Paxton church said that " it was an ebullition of wrath caused by momentary excitement and that there was not one person of judgment or prudence that bad been in any wise concerned in it." It was nevertheless a movement which had the sympathies of very nearly the whole population of this county, it explains some things in connection with the murder of Doctor John, as well as some which will soon be noticed, it refers not merely to matters of private and temporary grievance but to deep seated and long established political wrongs, and well illustrates the spirit of the time among the entire Scotch-Irish population. Although considerate persons felt bound to speak of it as illegal and disorderly, some of the most judicious and pious people in this country and in Ireland and Scotland, regarded it as an outbreak of popular wrath called forth by evils for which ordinary laws afforded no remedy. The memorals were sent by the Assembly to a Committee which recommended a conference, in which they invited the Governor to participate. The Governor (John Penn, a grandson of William Penn, and a man of impartiality and judgment), declined to take any part in such a conference, on the ground that it did not became a magistrate to hold intercourse with men for whose apprehension he had offered rewards, but he afterwards declared that he was convinced of the perfidy of the Indians who had been killed, and that they had been concerned in the murder of the back settlers. An investigation was had before Justice Shippen, at Lancaster, in which the evidence was so damaging to the Indians that it was suppressed and destroyed. All proceedings against the Paxton men were stopped, the Assembly took no further action on the papers before them, and although many violent pamphlets were published, nothing effectual was done on either side. The Rev. Mr. Elder, said of Lazarus Stewart and his friends that they were " still threatened by the Philadelphia party, and talked of leaving. If they do, the province will lose some of its best friends, and that by the fault of others not their own ; for if any cruelty was practised on the Indians at Conestoga or at Lancaster, it was not by their hands. There is reason to believe that great injustice has been done to all concerned. In the contrariness of accounts we must infer that much rests for support on the imagination or interest of the witnesses. The characters of Stewart and his friends were well established. Ruffians and brutal, they were not, but humane, liberal, moral nay religious." Benjamin Franklin who wrote a violent pamphlet against what he called the rioters, afterwards acknowledged that his object was political, but he conceded that the policy of the proprietary government toward the Indians had been provoking and unwise. CLOSE OF THE INDIAN WAR. The Indians remained quiet during the winter, but in the Spring of 1764, baving been again supplied by French traders with ammunition., and imagining themselves beyond the reach of our troops, they began to ravage the frontiers with their usual barbarity. On the two main routes by the Juniata and Great Cove, they showed themselves in small companies and quick movements, not deeming it safe to leave their towns without defence. One party (July 6th) murdered a whole school, (with the exception of one small boy left for dead), in Antrim township, consisting of a teacher named Brown, and ten small children. Indians were seen almost every day in the settlements on the Conococheague, and one young woman, a daughter of James Dysart., going home from public worship at Big Spring, ten or twelve miles from Carlisle, was killed and scalped on the road. These occurrences alarmed the people again, and it was feared that a general flight might once more take place. It was now determined to carry out the plan which had been left incomplete the preceding year. Two armies were to be sent into the Indian country, one under Col. Bradstreet, alone the northern lakes to Sandusky, and another under Col. Bouquet, by the old military road through Pennsylvania, by Fort Pitt to the Muskingum. An extraordinary energy was displayed by the Assembly and by the whole people. A thousand men were raised for the expedition under Bouquet, besides two hundred and fifty who were taken into pay for the defence of the frontiers. Seven companies which last year had been distributed among the forts beyond the mountains, were called in and stationed, three at Carlisle, and the remainder at Shippensburg, Fort Loudon and Bedford. As most of them had been enlisted only for the previous year, they were rcenlisted or their places were supplied until the full quota was made up. We notice that an allowance was made of " three shillings per month to every soldier who would bring with him a strong dog, to be employed in discovering and pursuing the savages ;" and it was recommended that " as many such dogs should be procured as possible not exceeding ten per company, each to be kept tied and led by his master." We also notice that rewards were again offered for Indian scalps, when it could be proved that they were taken from enemies. Two regiments of royal troops, with a thousand provincials, assembled at Carlisle early in August. Gov. John Penn accompanied the troops to that place, and addressed them with encouraging words before they set out. Eight companies, making a battalion of 380 men exclusive of officers, were under the command of Lieut. Col. John Armstrong, and Captains William Armstrong, Samuel Lindsey, James Piper, Joseph Armstrong, John Brady, Wm. Piper, Christopher Line, and Timothy Green, with a few more under Lieut. Finley. The other 250 men who were to be retained on this side of the mountains, were raised immediately after the departure of the western expedition, and were victualled by the crown under the-direction of Commissary James Young, and Dep. Commissary Robert Callender. On reaching Fort Loudon (Aug. 13th), the provincial troops had 70 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. become reduced by desertions to 700 men, and they were obliged to recruit again until the complement of 1000 men was reached. So active, however, was the zeal of the people that this was accomplished within a week, and the entire army reached Fort Pitt on the seventeenth of September. With 1500 men the Colonel pressed forward as soon as possible to the Muskingum, where the chiefs of the hostile Indians met him, humbly suing for peace. After severe reproofs to them for their treachery on several recent occasions, this was finally granted, on condition that without any unnecessary delay they should deliver at Fort Pitt all the captives and negroes that were in their hands, give such hostages as he should name as a pledge for the delivery of those who could not be produced at once, and for the maintenance of peace in future toward all his Majesty's subjects. The least appearance of delay or reluctance on the part of any of the Indians was treated with rough severity, and so thoroughly were they awed and terrified, that every requisition was at once complied with. Within an almost incredibly brief time the captives were all brought in, even those who had married Indians, and their children, however anxious such might be to remain. The scene was described by an eye witness in affecting terms. Fathers and mothers who had come from the settlements in hopes to meet with their children, recognized and clasped their long lost ones, husbands found wives who had for years been sufferers of inconceivable horrors, sisters and brothers who could scarcely speak the same language or know each other after a long separation, at last caught some token of recognition and flew into each other's arms ; and others wandered about eagerly inquiring for relatives, trembling to receive answers to their questions, and smitten with disappointment when compelled to give up hope. The Indians themselves were not seldom the most pitiable of the actors in these scenes, sometimes delivering up their captives with extreme grief, shedding many tears, commending them to the kind care of the officers, accompanying them a long way toward the settlements, and one persisting to follow one whom he called his wife until he reached Virginia regardless of danger from former enemies. Such scenes were renewed all along the route homewards. Leaving the regular soldiers at Fort Pitt and at other fortified places in the western part of the province, the provincial troops with the restored captives reached their homes early in December. On his arrival at Carlisle Col. Bouquet advertised for those who had lost friends to come and look for them. Many did so,and several weeks elapsed before all the .captives found their homes. Not less than three hundred are said toer have been recovered from captivity during this expedition. The Indians were subsequently found to have been faithful to their promises. A .few captives who could not be found at first, were brought in next Spring and delivered to George Croghan, at Aughwich (May 9th, 1765), and deputies from all their tribes were sent according to agreement, to conclude a formal treaty with Sir Wm. Johnson, on the Mohawk. In June Sir William wrote that he had " finished his congress greatly to his satisfaction and even beyond his expectations." In January (1765) Col. Bouquet arrived at Philadelphia where marks of gratitude from all classes of people were showered upon him. On the eve of his departure for England, the Assembly voted him an address, in which they speak of his superior skill and intrepidity as well as of the bravery of his officers and soldiers.* The whole second battalion of provincial troops, composed almost exclusively of citizens of Cumberland county, was immediately paid off and mustered out of service, and the arms were delivered to the authorities. The long chapter of sufferings from the Indians, so far as this county is concerned may here be considered as closed–a chapter full of painful repetitions, and yet presenting in strong light the sacrifices and prominent characteristics of our fathers. CHAPTER NINTH - INTERNAL AFFAIRS ASSAULT UPON INDIAN TRADERS. In the arrangements with the Indians it had been agreed that a trade should as soon as possible be opened with them, but before the Governor's proclamation permitting it, and before proper regulations had been agreed upon and published, a considerable quantity of goods was collected at Henry Pollen's on the Conococheague for transportation. Many of the inhabitants of that region, who had long suffered from the depredations of the Indians were alarmed at this, for they had reason to believe that powder, lead and tomahawks, with other military articles constituted a part of the stock, and they were not yet satisfied of the sincerity of the Indians. They therefore requested that the goods should be kept in store until further orders were obtained respecting them. Capt. Robert Callender, the proprietor of a large flouring establishment near Carlisle, who was in part the owner of the goods, and the agent for a firm in Philadelphia to which the remainder belonged, declined this suggestion, and on the sixth of March the train of eighty-one pack horses set out on their journey. A company of fifty armed persons under the command of Wm. Duffield, a respectable citizen of that neighborhood met them at a place where Mercersburg now stands and entreated them to proceed no further at present. They still persevered and were met again over the mountain in a small valley called the Great Cove where Duffield and his party expostulated with them and urged the danger the back people would be exposed to if the Indians should now get a supply of military stores. They, however, made light of all his arguments, and he returned. On seeing this, James Smith, one of the rangers who had been out in all the expeditions under Braddock, Forbes, and Bouquet, collected ten of his warriors who blacked and painted themselves, and following after the traders way-laid them near Sideling, Hill, about * Hist. account of Bouquet's expedition, pp. X-33. HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 71 twelve miles beyond the last place of meeting, killed many of their horses and compelled them to halt. They then ordered the traders to unload their goods, to take their private property and immediately retire. When they were gone, Smith and his party burned sixty-three loads, consisting principally of blankets, shirts, vermillion, lead, beads, wampum, tomahawks, scalping knives, &c. The traders went back to Fort Loudon, where Lieut. Grant, the commander, at once sent a sergeant with twelve men who saved the remaining loads consisting chiefly of liquors, made some of the rioters prisoners, and took eight rifles. In a day or two, do learning that the prisoners were to be taken to Carlisle, Smith collected another company of three hundred riflemen and encamped on a hill in sight of Fort Loudon, where he soon captured a considerable number of British soldiers, and exchanged them for the prisoners in the guard house. As the rifles were still kept by Lieut. Grant, with the view of proving by them who were engaged in the riot, James Smith again collected a company of a hundred and fifty men, took Grant prisoner as he was riding out, detained him until he gave up the guns, and destroyed the large quantity of gunpowder which the traders had stored up. Three of the Justices of the upper part of the county were censured for giving some countcnance to these proceedings. One of these was William Smith, a brother-in-law of James Smith the leader of the party ; and as his participation in the disorders was open and clearly proved, he was superseded from his office by the Governor. Legal proceedings were commenced at Carlisle against some of the more active ones, but the jury sympathizing perhaps with them, found no cause of action. In his narrative James Smith acknowledges that "both parties in these transactions" had got entirely beyond the bounds of the civil law, and many unjustifiable things were done on both sides. " This convinced me" he says, " more than ever I had been before, of the absolute necessity of the civil law, in order to govern mankind."* GENERAL PROSPERITY. The cessation of the Indian war which had for nine years kept the inhabitants of the county in almost perpetual alarm was accompanied by circumstances fitted to inspire confidence. The Indians were thoroughly subdued and removed to a great distance, and guarantees were given which seemed sufficient. The people who had left their possessions to find safety in the eastern counties now returned, accompanied by a large number of immigrants of an excellent character. Carlisle was re-surveyed and laid out anew (1765), and out of the three hundred and forty lots laid down in its plan, two hundred and four were now owned by actual residents, and at least two and perhaps three new churches were built about this time. For many years the county had a reputation for social refinement and intelligence which gave it a high distinction throughout the province. Its ministers, lawyers and physicians commanded respect not only in provincial but in national assemblies. Out of a hundred and forty-one thou- * An account of remarkable occurrences in the life of Col. James Smith, is Loudon's Narratives, Vol. 1., pp. 246-9. Col. line., Vol. IX., pp. 268-70 sand acres of land, seventy-two thousand were returned in 1762 as patented and warranted by the inhabitants. A few Germans took up their residence near the river about 1761-2, and one or two Lutheran and Reformed congregations in the central part of the county must have been organized about this time. As the Shawanese had shown themselves decidedly averse to a residence on Paxton (or as it now began to be called Lowther) Manor, and as they had received from the Proprietaries an equivalent for it, a re-survey of the land was made (Dec. 26th, 1764) with the intention of opening it for settlement. By a return made by John Armstrong, Deputy Surveyor, May 16, 1765, the quantity of land owned by the Proprietaries in East Pennsborough was found to be seven thousand five hundred and fifty one acres. Two years afterwards it was again surveyed by John Lukens, the Surveyor General, and divided into twenty-eight lots or parcels, each containing from one hundred and fifty to five hundred acres ; and when these lots were exposed for sale they were purchased principally by the Scotch-Irish from Lancaster and Cumberland counties, but also by many Germans from the more eastern parts. Among the former were Isaac Hendricks, Capt. John Stewart, John Boggs, John Armstrong, James Wilson, Robert Whitehill, (who is said to have erected the first stone house on the manor), Moses Wallace, John Wilson, Samuel Wallace, James M'Curdy, David Moore, Rev. Wm, Thompson, (the Episcopal minister at Carlisle), Alexander Young and Jonas Seely. Among the latter were John Mish, Conrad Renninger, Caspar Weaver, Christopher Gramlich, Philip Kimmel and Andrew Kreutzer. The names of many others of both classes who had residences a little afterwards in the eastern part, are in our possession, but they will be given more appropriately in the township histories. Among the more prominent individuals who about this time made improvements and took up residences in different parts of the county, were Ephraim Blaine who erected a mill (1764) on the Conodoguinet about a mile north of Carlisle, Robert Callender, who built another near the confluence of Letort Spring with the same stream, (Middlesex), Wm. Thompson, a captain in the Indian war and a general in the Revolutionary war, Wm. Lyon, a Justice and a Judge and a military officcr, John Holmes, (elected Sheriff Oct. 5th, 1765), William M'Coskry, (Coroner in 1764), Stephen Duncan, Rev. George Duffield, (as early as 1758 pastor of a Presbyterian church), John Montgomery, Esq., Dr. Jonathan Kearsley, Robert Miller, Rev. Captain John Steel, all of Carlisle ; George Armstrong, a member of the Assembly, and Walter Gregory, of Allen ; James Carothers, Esq., James Galbraith, Esq., James and Matthew Loudon,* of East Pennsborough, George Brown, Ezekiel Dunning, Sheriff in 1764, and John Byers, an extensive farmer near Alexander's Spring and afterwards a member of * Matthew and James London came from Scotland and settled first in Sherman's Valley, but being driven away by the Indians they took up land near Hogestown, now owned by Williams Parker and Alex. Cathcart. James went back to Sherman's Valley after the peace with the Indians. His son Archibald was born on ship during the passage from Scotland, and afterwards became publisher of several works, among others the Narratives of outrages during the Indian wars, and a Post Master in Carlisle. Descendants of these original settlers are now !king in Carlisle and Hogestown. 72 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA Council, of West Pennsborough ; William Buchanan, James Blaine, John M'Knight, (Judge) and Thomas Wilson, (Judge) of Middleton. Most of these became prominent in subsequent times in the affairs of the county. HABITS OF THE PEOPLE. As the result of this general prosperity, there were particular families which had become possessed of large wealth and were able to maintain a considerable style in living. It was natural that English life should be the model to which this should be conformed. " To be an old England man," says Franklin, " gave a kind of rank and respect to any one." To have a house in town for winter, and another on a plantation for summer was not very unusual, and in the proper season a large hospitality was indulged in. In many families slaves were possessed, and even where a more ordinary style of servitude prevailed there were not a few forms of aristocratic life. Some slaves were found even on the smaller farms, but the great majority of servants were German or Irish " redemptioners." As their term of service was commonly not more than four or five years, and the price of service not more than the hire of laborers for a less term, many farmers found this an advantageous method of obtaining help. As they were not much distinguishable from their employers, and afterwards received good wages, they soon became proprietors of the soil, and their children being educated passed into better society. In such a state of affairs there was a perpetual tendency to a uniformity of conditions and of social life. The great body of the people was rural and all marked distinctions among them were discountenanced, but those who followed rough trades were not unwilling to be recognized. A style of dress and manners prevailed, to which our later American habits are generally averse, and which plainly distinguishes between them and professional men and persons of independent means. Each class had its special privileges which amply compensated for inferiority of position. The long established relations which thus grew up were the sources of mutual benefits and pleasures. The dress of those who aspired to be fashionable was in many respects the reverse of what it now is. " Men wore three-square or cocked hats and wigs ; coats with large cuffs, big skirts lined and stiffened with buckram ; breeches closely fitted, thickly lined and coming down to the knee, of broad cloth for winter or silk camlet for summer. Cotton fabrics were almost unknown, linen being more common, the hose especially eing of worsted or silk. Shoes were of calfskin for gentlemen, .bile ordinary people contented themselves with a coarser neat's father. Ladies wore immense dresses expanded by hoops or stiff stays, curiously plaited hair or enormous caps, high heeled shoes with white silk or thread stockings, and large bonnets universally of a dark color." The dresses of the laboring classes were different from these principally in the materials used. Buckskin breeches, checked shirts, red flannel jackets and often leather aprons were the ordinary wear. While at their work in the fields the appearance of the men and women continued much as we have described it at an earlier period. Before the Revolution Watson tells us that " the wives and daughters of tradesmen throughout the province," all wore short gowns, often of green baize but generally of domestic fabric, with caps and kerchiefs on their heads, for a bare head was seldom seen except with laborers at their work. Carriages were not common, and were of a cumbrous description. People usually rode on horseback, and good riding was cultivated as an accomplishment. At the country churches on the Sabbath, not unfrequently the horses on the outside, were nearly as numerous as the people inside the buildings. Stores in town were places of resort, and did a more extensive business than they have done since the cities have been so accessible. Newspapers were rare, published generally only once a week and reaching subscribers in this county nearly a week after date. Eight weekly newspapers and one semi-weekly had been started in Philadelphia, but as the post went into the interior only once a week the latter was of little advantage to our people. The sheets on which they were printed were small, and the amount of news would now be considered very meagre. The death of a sovereign about this time was not proclaimed in this province until near six weeks after its occurrence, and Bouquet's victory and treaty with the Indians were not known in Carlisle until between three and four weeks from those events. Visitors to Philadelphia usually went in their own two-wheeled chaises or on horseback, occupying two or three weeks in the journey. The numerous courts and transactions in land, as well as a lively social intercourse, made such journeys frequent. The transportation of goods both ways rendered needful trains of heavily loaded wagons (since called by the name of Conestoga or Pennsylvania), with four, five or six horses. As the roads westward and over the mountains would not. allow of this method, either at Shippensburg or Smith's (Mercers-burg), the goods had to be transferred to packhorses. " It was no uncommon thing at one of these points to see from fifty to a hundred packhorses in a row, one person to each string of five or six 'horses, tethered together, starting off for the Monongahela country, laden with salt, iron, hatchets, powder, clothing and whatever was needed by the Indians and the frontier inhabitants." RESCUE OF STUMP AND EISENHAUER. Near the first of January, 1768, two persons, Frederick Stump and a man in his employ named Hans Eisenhauer, (or John Ironcutter), who had murdered ten Indians (four men, three women and three children,) on Middle creek, in the lower part of Sherman's Valley, were taken by the authorities and lodged in the jail at Carlisle. Of their guilt there was no question, and the circumstances of the murder were of the most brutal character. But in the warrant for their arrest it was required that they should be brought before the Chief Justice at Philadelphia " to answer for said murders and be dealt with according to law." This was looked. upon by many as an encroachment upon the right of each man to be tried in the county where he commits a crime and by a jury of his own neighbors. On the Monday after the imprisonment (Jan. 25) John Holmes, the sheriff of HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA - 73 Cumberland county, was about to set off with his prisoners for Philadelphia, when a number of respectable citizens (Robert Miller, James Pollock, Wm. Sweeny and some others) remonstrated against their removal, alleging that it would be a precedent of a pernicious nature. The weather was at the same time extremely bad, the water of the river at Harris' Ferry was high and dangerous, and fears were entertained that a rescue might be attempted by the former neighbors of the prisoners, should the party be detained at the river. A meeting of Justices was held for consultation, at which a majority was in favor under these circumstances of detaining the prisoners until the pleasure of the authorities at Philadelphia could be learned. As the sheriff was still resolved to set out, alleging that he was bound to listen to no authority in opposition to that of the Chief Justice, Col. Armstrong, though personally in favor of an immediate removal, acting in the name of the justices, went to the jail and discharged the guard which had been prepared for the journey, examined the prisoners, committed them, and wrote to other justices to attend a meeting on Wednesday. While the justices were assembled on Wednesday a party of armed men from Sherman's Valley appeared in sight of town, and sent word to the magistrates by two of their number (John Davis and John McClure) that they were resolved not to suffer the prisoners to be taken from. the county. On being assured that the prisoners were well treated and that if they were taken to Philadelphia it was not to be tried but for examination, these messengers retired and the whole party moved off. An account was then sent to the Chief Justice, with a request for further orders, but all apprehensions of a rescue were given up. On Friday, (29th) however, another large body appeared early in the morning, seized the jailer, obtained the keys of the dungeon from one of the servants, brought out the prisoners and made their way with them out of town. As Col. Armstrong was sitting at breakfast in his house opposite the jail, he saw the crowd around the door of the prison and rushed from his house and was soon joined by Sheriff Holmes, Robert Miller, Wm. Lyon and Rev. John Steel, who together endeavored to disperse the mob. As they attempted to enter the jail they were pushed back and drawn violently into the street. Armstrong regained his stand upon the steps exclaiming that they should have his life before they should have the prisoners. Just as this was said several armed men came from within with the prisoners, and pushing their way through the crowd, most of whom were their friends and assisting them, and violently thrusting all opposed to them out of the way, they went off with shouts of triumph. The whole party were not less than eighty, all armed with guns and some with tomahawks. Witnesses afterwards testified that among them were James Morrow and others named Beard, Adams, Parker and Williamson. The company were followed out of town by Ephraim Blaine, Ralph Nailor and Joseph Hunter as far as Ferguson's, six or seven miles from Carlisle and near the foot of the mountain. On being informed that some of the party wished to see him at John Davis' place, on the creek about two miles from town, Armstrong, with Lyon and the Sheriff, went to the place, where they were joined by John Byers, but found that the mob had concluded it was unsafe to wait and had moved off. Some of the men appeared to be concerned with respect to the consequences of their course and declared that if they could have security that the prisoners would not be removed out of the county for trial they would engage to have them restored. It was, however, found to be too late, as the prisoners had been taken away over the mountain and could never afterwards be found. The authorities at Philadelphia were much irritated at the result and the magistrates, John Armstrong, John Miller and Wm. Lyon, with the Sheriff, John Holmes, who had detained the prisoners at first, were summoned to Philadelphia to account for their proceedings. On their examination, however, the Governor declared that he was "satisfied from the evidence that they were far from having any intention either to favor the prisoners or to offer the least contempt to the authority of the Chief Justice's warrant, and that they acted for the best in a case of perplexity, not expecting but rather intending to prevent the consequences which followed. No further notice was therefore taken of the matter than to admonish them for the future to be careful to confine themselves within the bounds of their jurisdiction and not to interfere again in matters which belong to a superior authority." Nothing was left undone on the part of the government or of the magistrates to retake the prisoners or to punish those who had aided in their rescue. Jonathan Hoge, James Galbreath, Andrew Calhoun, John Byers, John McKnight and Hermanus Alricks, Justices, wrote to the Chief Justice under date of Feb. 28th, 1768, that it was utterly impossible that those who had rescued Stump either could or would restore to justice the perpetrators of the murder, and that they had doubts whether they were in the county. They, however, proceeded to take information and issue warrants for the apprehension of the rescuers. They gave it as their opinion that the murderers had taken refuge in Virginia.* Twenty. or more of those who were supposed to have been in the riot were reported and sought for, but the affair was soon dropped as one which had sprung from misapprehension and an overheated zeal for popular rights. ATTEMPTS TO RESCUE JAMES SMITH. A smilar effort was made in the latter part of the next year (1769)to deliver from the jail in Carlisle the same James Smith whose part in the affair at Fort Loudon has been noticed. The year 1767 Smith had spent in wild adventures in Tennessee and Kentucky, but had returned and passed the next year at his home on the Conococheague. In 1769 a few straggling Indians had created some alarm on the frontiers, and when some traders were known to be carrying articles which could be used in their savage incursions, some persons in the upper part of the county blackened themselves and seized upon and destroyed a quantity of powder, lead, &c., as it was passing over the mountains. A number of these were apprehended and put in irons at Fort Bedford as perpetrators of a robbery. Smith says that though * Col. Rec., vol. IX., pp. 413 -513. 74 - HISTORY OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. he did not altogether approve of the conduct of this new club of black-boys, he did not like their lying in confinement by mere arbitrary or military power, and so he collected eighteen of his old companions in the Indian war, surprised the fort early in the morning, compelled a blacksmith to take the irons off the prisoners, and left the place with them. " This was," he says in his narrative, " I believe the first British fort in America that was taken by what they called American rebels." Some time after this he was passing near Bedford on his way to the west when he was overtaken by a party of men who called on him to surrender. In an exchange of shots a man who had been traveling with Smith was shot, and each party charged the other with killing him. Smith believed that from the position of his gun it was impossible his shot should have killed the man, yet he acknowledged he was not certain. He was taken to Bedford and confined in the guard-house; an inquest was held by John Holmes, Esq., over the body, and he was brought in guilty of willful murder. For fear of a rescue he was sent as soon and as privately as possible to Carlisle, where he was laid in heavy irons. Some suspicion arising that the inquest had not been legal or impartial, Wm. Denny, the coroner of Cumberland county, was sent for to re-examine the matter, when a jury of unexceptionable candor, after an inquiry of three days, pronounced it impossible that Smith should have fired the shot which killed the man. Shortly after his confinement in Carlisle a number of his old band came and threatened to tear down the jail. Smith wrote them a letter entreating them to let him alone as he preferred to stand his trial. As they retired they met a party of more than three hundred coming to their assistance, and all came back to Carlisle, alleging that they feared he would not have a fair trial, as they knew that the government was much enraged at hint. Hi3 irons were then removed and he was allowed to address them from the window of his cell, when he thanked them for their kind intentions but told them that the greatest favor they could confer on him would be to withdraw and return in peace, as a rescue under a charge of willful murder would leave him under a lasting dishonor. On this they returned to their homes, and when the Supreme Court sat in Carlisle after a long investigation, the jury without hesitation brought in a verdict of not guilty. We shall find that he lived to become distinguished in the Revolutionary war, as a member of the Legislature and a military officer.* JUSTICES AND LEGAL PROCEEDINGS IN CUMBERLAND COUNTY. The Governor being informed in October, 1764, that the Courts of Quarter Sessions and Common Pleas were soon to be held in Carlisle, and that some vacancies existed in Cumberland county was pleased to appoint a new board of justices, composed of the following persons, viz: John Armstrong, James Galbreath, John Byers, Wm. Smith (superseded Jan. 15, 1766, for participation in the affair at Fort Loudon), John McKnight, James Carithers, Hermanus Alricks, Adam * Loudon's Narratives, vol. I., pp 336-67. Our Western Border, by Charles McKnight, Chambersburg, 1875, pp. 107-8. Hoops, Francis Campbell, John Reynolds, Jonathan Hoge, Robert Miller, Wm. Lyon, Robert Callender, Andrew Colhoun, James Maxwell, Samuel Perry, John Holmes and John Allison. In 1769 these persons were reappointed with some additions, but the additions were altogether of persons beyond the limits of the present county, except John Agnew and perhaps Turbutt Francis. On the returns of election for 1765 to the Governor John Holmes was appointed Sheriff and James Jack Coroner. In like manner in October, 1768, David Hoge-was appointed Sheriff and Wm. Denny Coroner. On the 16th of August, 1765, at a Court of Oyer and Terminer before Alexander Steadman, of the Supreme Court, and John Armstrong and James Galbreath, Esqs., John Money was tried and convicted of felony and murder committed on Archibald Gray in the preceding March, and he was soon after executed for the same. One of the earliest trials in this county was that of a man of the name of Warner, for the murder of a western man named Mussel-man. The latter had been to Lancaster where he had received a considerable sum of money and was on his return. Aware of this, Warner lay in wait for him at some fording place on the Susquehanna near Harrisburg. When called upon to stop and deliver up his.. money, Musselman spurred his horse and was pursued for about twelve miles along the road in the direction of Carlisle. The race for life was intense, and many living on the road were accustomed in after years to describe the clatter of horses' hoofs and cries for help which were heard along the route. Warner overtook his victim just below Kingston, and was supposed to have knocked him from his horse with a club. An old tree is still pointed out under which a desperate struggle ensued, as was evident from the tracks and blood which were apparent in the snow. Next morning Musselman's body was found under the tree, and Warner was suspected from his having a saddled horse in his possession besides the one he was riding. Besides a considerable quantity of money some articles which people in Lancaster indentified as what they had made up for Musselman's. children were found upon him. Warner was tried and found guilty of the murder. The time of the trial and execution is uncertain, and some have even questioned whether it was in Carlisle and whether it was not before the erection of this county.