50 - HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY.
the Indians of his agency, which trust was faithfully executed. Acts such as the preceding, with the accounts transmitted through the Delawares of the just and humane government of the Quakers in Pennsylvania toward the primitive Indians, had made them repose great confidence in persons of their society. By such acts the Shawnees were induced upon the paths of civilization, and had made fair progress in clearing, improving and cultivating their reservations.
At that time (1831) a large proportion of them were living in good log cabins, surrounded by cultivated fields and orchards, and were in possession of horses, cattle and swine in large numbers. They were peaceful in their intercourse with the whites, and had commenced to educate their children in the Quaker schools. In the midst of their prosperity and peace, Commissioner Gardner sent a message to the Shawnees at Wapakonetta, informing them that he would be there in a few clays to make proposals for the purchase of their lands. This was the first intimation of the kind that had reached their ears since they had entered upon their reservations, which the Government and declared they should occupy for an indefinite term of years. The message greatly surprised and alarmed them, for they had always dreaded such a contingency, guided by the history of the past, though they did not expect it so soon, having been so repeatedly assured by the Government that they should forever remain upon and own their lands, Without being molested by any one. Having full faith in the guarantees of the Government, they had been induced to improve their lands and change their mode and manner of life. The message of Gardner produced great confusion of mind and uncertainty of purpose. The chiefs consulted their Quaker friends, as to the proper steps to be taken. It seemed almost incredible that the Government intended to thrust aside the plighted faith of the nation, and dispossess this handful of helpless Indians of so small a tract of land. Their Quaker friends advised them to refuse to sell or part with their lands.
In the meantime, the traders and others having claims on the Indians demanded immediate payment, and commenced offering the chiefs large bribes to induce them to sell, expecting to get their dues in that way, regardless of the fate of the poor Indians. In this way, the advice of the Quakers was overlooked, and the Indians induced to part with their improvements and wild lands. In a few days, Gardner notified the chiefs te meet him on a fixed day at Wapakonetta, and from that time until his arrival the utmost confusion, grief and alarm prevailed among the Shawnees, The head men met him in general council, when, through a new interpreter, Gardner delivered a long harangue, " describing the difficulties in the way of taxation, making roads, and the like, that were ahout to overtake them; adverting to the fact, also, that mean white men would soon ruin them with bad whisky; that white men would collect debts from them under their laws by seizing property, while an Indian's oath would amount to nothing; that white men would turn their horses in the Indian's grain field, and Indians be beaten by white men without remedy; and in this way continued to alarm their fears until he had produced a desire in his hearers to remove to the wilds of Kansas where they could feast on buffalo, elk and other wild game without working as the whites did. If they would consent to sell their lands and go West, the Great Father, President Jackson, would make them rich in a new and splendid country, which would never be within the limits of any State. where they could live by hunting! (How fallacious!) If they would sell their reservations in Ohio, the Government would give them 100,000 acres of beautiful land, adjoining the tract of fifty miles square which Gov. Clark, of Missouri, had ceded to their Shawnee brethren in 1825, and upon which they were now living, and for which the Government would make them a general warranty deed, in fee simple, forever; and further proposed that if they would part with their lands, they should have all that they could be sold for, over I and above the cost of surveying and selling them, and the cost of removing and feeding them at their new homes, for one year after their arrival in that country, and as their friends, the Quakers, had erected a grist mill and saw mill for them at Wapakonetta, free of cost, the United States would build. at their own expense, good mills in their new country, in lieu of those they had in Ohio, and pay the Indians in cash the amount of what good men might adjudge their improvements to be worth, to enable them to improve their new homes, and that they should have new guns, and tools of every description, and all their lands would bring over 75 cents per acre the Indians should have, which would be placed in the United States Treasury, and five per cent interest paid them annually until they desired to draw the whole sum."
This address greatly divided the Shawnees; those having improvements desired to remain, while the idle and dissipated, influenced by the bribes and whisky of the traders, desired to sell and remove, and were largely in the majority. After considering the matter a few days, word was conveyed, by a few of the chiefs to the Commissioner at Columbus, to come
on and close the contract. He attended, as requested, and renewed the same offer as before, and urged them to sell, saying they should listen to the white people, because they were wiser than the red people, as they
HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY - 51
were wiser than the blacks. Way-wel-eapy, a noted chief and orator of the Shawnees, replied to Mr. Gardner on the difference of the races in mental capacity, and " denied that the Great Spirit had made any mental distinction between the white, the red and the black people. He thought the Great Spirit had created all men alike, of the same blood; but if he did, as his friend, Mr. Gardner, had said, create them so very different that one race was so much superior to the others, how had he found out that it was his own race that was so much wiser than others ? He thought if there was auy difference, it was very likely that it was the Indians who had the most sense given them." He then said the Shawnees had agreed to sell their lands if he (Gardner) would give the amount offered at the former council, and, in addition, would pay their debts--which was common in Indian treaties. The Commissioner said he would have an additional clause attached to the sale, " binding the Government to pay all their debts," and leave the chiefs to determine the just amount of their in debtedness, and "the Government would pay it out of its own money." The chiefs then formally signed the treaty, without having it read prior to doing so.
In interpreting the new sale, they were terribly deceived. Gardner had refused to employ the old French interpreter, Francis DuChequate, who understood the Shawnee tongue perfectly, and had long been an employe of Col. John Johnston. What motives actuated the new Commissioner it is difficult to determine. When the Indians finally obtained a copy from the department at Washington, they found that they had been grossly deceived and wronged.
While these consultations were being held at Wapakonetta, the Lewistown Shawnees became greatly troubled and confused. They were filled with apprehensions for the future, and sent for their old friend and adopted son, Jonathan Alder. They sent him special word, and desired him to come up immediately. "He rode to the village, and they said they were about to sell their reserve, and, if he wished, they would give him a portion of the land. The Indians thought, perhaps, they could give him about one mile square. They had offered him land a number of times before that, provided he would come and live on it; but, as he had lived a long time with them and thought he would rather live among his white neighbors, and did not wish to raise his family in their midst, he had declined their offers; but now, as they were going to sell, they thought they would give him some land, to which they thought he was justly entitled. They had always contended that he was entitled to a portion of the reserve, as the Government had failed to give him any land. They said that in two weeks they would have a meeting to transact business, and there would be a motion to strike off a part of the reserve for him, and that, to this end, all the male Shawnees would be permitted to vote, and they desired him to be present. He remained a few dais, visiting with his old friends, and then returned home. In the course of a month he again visited the village, and was informed that a motion to strike off a portion of land to him had been put, and failed. The Indians had debated and parleyed over it for two weeks, and the young men who had grown up since he had left the Shawnees, and knew nothing about him, had nearly all voted against the measure, and defeated it. Old Shawnees stated, however, that a resolution to give him land beyond the Missouri had been adopted unanimously, on the condition that he would go with them out, but they did not ask him to settle it until it suited himself and children. He reflected over the matter, and concluded that their reserve was so distant it would never do himself or children any good, and declined to go as proposed."
In this manner, the fall and winter of 1831-32 were spent in fruitless parleys. Gardner, in the spring of 1832, pressed the sale of their lands to a hasty issue. The chiefs hesitated to sign the transfer (desiring to pay all their just debts) until Gardner attached a special provision for that purpose to the treaty. In the meantime, the traders secured a recognition of all their pretended and just debts, and a bond for $20,000 was drawn up and signed, acknowledging the justness of their claims against the nation (?), which bond was indorsed by the Commissioner, and the books containing their claims were publicly burned. Almost as soon as the treaty was closed, it was rumored that they had been badly cheated, and that the bond just given would be paid out of the result of the sales of their reserve, instead of, as they supposed, by the Government. Upon learning the truth concerning the matter, John Perry, an aged and influential chief, wept like a child, and declared that his people " were ruined."
A delegation immediately visited Washington City, to see Gen. Lewis Cass, then at the head of the department, concerning the sale. Upon procuring a copy of the treaty, their fears were fully realized. The debts due the traders, the charge of erecting new mills and other expenses were all to be deducted (?) from the proceeds of the sales of their lands, and the President declined to rescind the treaty and rectify the wrong that had been perpetrated! An estimate of the value of their property was made, and it was shown that Gardner had actually wronged them out of $120,000. Gen. Vance, then a Member of Congress, upon the refusal of the department to grant redress, made application to Congress, stating their
52 - HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY.
losses at $100,000; but finally McDuffy, of South Carolina, reported a bill for $30,000 in fifteen annual payments, for their Ohio lands. The amount of lands ceded about Wapakonetta, 66,000 acres, and 40,300 acres at Lewistown, which, at $2 per acre, would amount to the sum of $212,600; but including their improvements, mills, etc., were probably worth double that amount. Yet, we are gravely told that the United States has fully paid for every foot of land purchased of the Indians in Ohio ! Is there to be no day of retribution'' no day of settlement?
At that time, the Shawnees had large numbers of cattle, horses, hogs and other property, which they could not take with them. They sold most of their cattle, hogs and other property, and purchased clothing, wagons, guns and provisions, and settled their private debts with their neighbors. and got ready to leave; but their annuity of $3,000 was not paid until November, 1831, and the consequence was that they suffered greatly for food during the winter of 1831- 32.
THE FINAL REMOVAL.
The time for their removal arrived, and David Robb and D. M. Workman were appointed Subagents for their removal. For some months before their final departure, the young men of the Shawnees, and the middle-aged who had not abandoned their old customs, were engaged in a round of dissipation brought on by the mean tricks of wicked traders to cheat the Indians out of every dollar's worth of property they could obtain. Whisky, that bane of the Indian, was largely distributed among the Indians by traders; in fact, all decency was violated by the wretches who dealt in fire-water. The better portion of the Shawnees were engaged, for weeks, in religious ceremonies, dances and amusements preparatory to their departure. They carefully leveled the graves of their dead, and removed all traces of the same.
Hon. John McIlvain accompanied the Lewistown Indians, and James B. Gardner those of Wapakonetta. The route was by way of Greenville, Richmond and Indianapolis. The Indians commenced to assemble in September, 1832, and mounted their horses, and such as had wagons seated themselves, while the Government teams hauled their provisions and clothing. Many of them bade a sad adieu to the hunting- grounds and graves of their fathers. It was a country dear to the Shawnee. Their braves had met Harmar, St. Clair and Wayne, and fought bravely to retain it. Now, the pale face was to be the owner, and cared not at their departure. They could only look to the Great Spirit for preservation and future protection. All things being ready, their " High Priest " in front, like the leaders in ancient Israel, "bearing the ark of the covenant," consisting of a large gourd and the bones of a deer's leg tied to his neck, led the way, Just as they started, the priest gave a " blast of his trumpet," again indicative of the origin of the Shawnees, and then moved slowly and solemnly along, while the whole nation followed in like manner until they were ordered to halt aud encamp in the evening; when the priest gave another blast, as a signal to stop, erect tents and cook supper. The same course was observed throughout the entire journey. The Shawnees who emigrated numbered 700 souls, and the Senecas who emigrated at the same time, 350. When they arrived at Greenville, they encamped at Tecumseh's point, and remained a da or two to take a final farewell of that place, so dear to their memories as the home of their fathers and the scene of so many Indian assemblies and heroic exploits. They had before them a journey of over eight hundred miles, across the open prairies, in an uninhabited country.
About one-fifth of the tribe remained at Wapakonetta and among the Wyandots at Upper Sandusky, until the spring of 1833. The Indians arrived at their new home about Christmas, 1832. Gardner accompanied them to the Mississippi and turned back, when Joseph Parks, a half-blood Quaker, who had the job of removing them, conducted them safely to their new home. They at once proceeded to raise cabins, split rails and make fences, but were very short of provisions, and had to depend largely upon such game as they eould find. The buffalo, so glowingly described by Gardner, were not there! What a sad joke to the poor Indian! How faithless have tricky white men always been toward the red man! Is it a matter of surprise that the Indian should resent it ? Their first crops were raised in 1833-34, prior to which they suffered a good deal with cholera and the diseases of the country. New mills were erected, but not, as promised, at the Government expense (!), but out of their money! In these troubles they were greatly relieved by the good Quakers, who again established schools among them, and endeavored to teach them the arts of civilized life; in which they made rapid progress, and soon became surrounded with the comforts resulting from an agricultural life.
Just prior to and at the time of the removal of the Shawnees, a number of very noted chiefs resided at their principal towns —Wapakonetta, Shawneetown and Lewistown—and it will be interesting to give a short sketch of each.
THEIR GREAT CHIEFS.
The most noted chief was the venerable Blackhoef, Cut-the-we-ka-saw, in the raids upon Kentucky sometimes called Blackfoot. He is believed to have been
HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY - 53
born in Florida, and, at the period of the removal of a portion of the Shawnees to Ohio and Pennsylvania, was old enough to recollect having been bathed in the salt water. He was present, with others of, his tribe, at the defeat of Gen. Braddock, near Pittsburgh in 1755, and was engaged in all the wars in Ohio from that time until the treaty of Greenville, in 1795. He was known, far and wide, as the great Shawnee warrior, whose cunning, sagacity and experience were only equaled by the force and desperate bravery with which he carried into operation his military plans. He was the inveterate foe of the white man, and held that no peace should be made, nor negotiation attempted, except on the condition that the whites should repass the mountains, and leave the great plains of the West to the sole occupancy of the red men. He was the orator of the tribe during the greater part of his long life, and is said to have been an excellent speaker. Col. John Johnston says he was probably in more battles than any living man of his day, and was the most graceful Indian he had ever seen, and possessed the mest natural and happy faculty of expressing his ideas. He was well-versed in the traditions of his people, and no one understood better their relations to the whites, whose settlements were gradually pressing them back, and could detail, with minuteness, the wrongs inflicted by the whites on his people. He remembered having talked with some of the aged chiefs who had been present at the treaty with William Penn in 1682. He fought the battles against Harmar, St. Clair and Wayne, hoping to retain their country, but when finally defeated, in 1794, he decided that further resistance was useless, and signed the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, and continued faithful to its stipulations until his decease, whieh occurred in the summer of 1831, at Wapakonetta, at the advanced age of one hundred and twenty years. In an interview with the late Col. George C. Johnston, of Piqua, Ohio, in 1874, he informed the writer that he was in Wapakonetta at the time of his death and attended his burial, which he describes as follows: " The Shawnees never bury their dead until the sun is in the tree-tops, late in the afternoon. On such occasions, they generally select six pall-bearers, who carry the corpse to the grave and place it therein, the grave being two and a half or three feet deep. When the chief Blackhoof was buried, in 1831, it was in the Indian manner. The corpse was wrapped in a clean, new Indian blanket, and a large quantity of new fine goods, consisting of calico, belts and ribbons, were placed about the deceased, who. was laid upon a new, clean slab, prepared for the purpose; his gun, tomahawk, knife and pipe were by his side. All the Indians present were in deep distress, having their cloaks hanging loosely about them, their hair down on their shoulders, and were painted after the ancient manner. The chiefs sat about smoking, looking in solemn silence upon the remains of the great chief, who had led the tribe for nearly one hundred years, had been their faithful counselor in peace and war; had been present at Braddock's defeat, seventy- six years before, and for nearly a century had been in all the expeditions against the ' Long Knives.' In front of his wigwam was a large quantity of meat from wild animals, the result of a two days' chase by the young warriors selected for that purpose. It was in a pile, handsomely stacked and guarded. When the time came to proeeed to the grave, six young warriors stepped forward and arranged the cloths neatly about the body, then placing large straps beneath it, took hold of the ends and started directly to the grave, The family of Blackhoof preceded the remains; then came the chiefs who were to succeed him, and then the warriors and others. The grave was about three feet deep, a puncheen being placed in the bottom and one on each side, twelve or fourteen inches wide, constituting a sort of rude coffin. The body was placed in it, and the clothing which had last heen worn by him was laid upon the body, and his old moccasins, cut into strips, were thrown down also. No arms or implements were placed in the grave. Another puncheon, some three or four inches thick, was placed over him as a lid to the coffin. John Perry, a venerable and leading chief, took some small seeds or vegetable pewder from a cloth, and, beginning at the left shoulder of the corpse and walking carefully around the grave, sprinkled the same as he went until he reached the place of beginning. When this was done, he started on the path leading to the wigwam, and was followed by all present, except those who were left to close the grave. They all moved off in single file, one after another, none looking back. Upon their return, smoking and conversation commenced, after which the feast began. The meats were consumed, and all the warriors returned to the wigwam or cabins. Blackhoof is said to have been opposed to polygamy and the practice of burning prisoners. He lived forty years with one wife, raising a large family of children, who both loved and respected him. He was small in stature—not more than five feet eight inches in height. He was favored with good health and unimpaired eyesight to the period of his death."
Quasky, his eldest son, was the successor to Black- hoof. He possessed many of the qualities of his distinguished father. He went West with his people in 1832, and was living in 1853. He, like his father, was a fine speaker.
Blue Jacket. This chief, it will be remembered,
54 - HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY.
commanded the Indian array at the battle of " Fallen Timber," in 1794, and with much reluctance signed the treaty with Wayne, at Greenville, in 1795. He was very bitter in his feelings toward the " Long Knives," who were rapidly settling upon the lands that formerly belonged to the red man. His feelings were quite as intense as those of Tecumseh, though he did not possess his abilities for organization. As a matter of prudence, he did not join Tecumseh in the war of 1812. He is supposed to have died at the Ottawa village, down the Auglaize, just prior to the treaty of Maumee Rapids iu 1817. It appears that Gens. Cass and McArthur, in that treaty, made provision for his family at Wapakonetta, in which James, George and Charles Blue Jacket received each about one thousand acres in the reservation.
Bock-ong-a-he-las. This noted old Delaware chief mixed much with the Shawnees. He is supposed to have been born near Philadelphia, Penn., a few years after the treaties with Penn, and when he lived on the Auglaize was well advanced in age. In colonial days with Jacobs and other leading Delawares, he resided in Western Pennsylvania, and is believed to have been identified with the " Shingess," who entertained Washington, when a young man, in 1753 Shingess was an active warrior when Fort Du Quesne was taken in 1759. Heckewelder speaks of meeting him at the Tuscarora town on the Muskingum as early as 1760. As early as 1764, King Beaver, who was a brother of Bock-ong-a-he-las, was met by Gen. Gibson, at the mouth of Big Beaver. Just what time he settled in Western Ohio is not known. At the capture of Col. Hardin, Maj. Truman and others, in 1792, as bearers of a flag of truce from Washington, after having treacherously murdered Hardin, the Indians arrived near the Indian town of Auglaize and reported to the old chief, "who was very sorry they had killed the men, and said, instead of so doing they should have brought them along to the Indian towns, and then, if what they had to say had not been liked, it would have been time enough to have killed them. Nothing could justify them for putting them to death, as there was no chance for them to escape." This chief fought against Harmar, St. Clair and Wayne. He .signed the treaty of 1795. He must have been over one hundred years old. He died at the Ottawa village on the Auglaize in 1804.
The next noted chief was Way-wel-ea-py, who was the principal speaker among the Shawnees at the period of their removal. He was an eloquent orator, grave, gay or humorous as occasion required. At times his manner is said to have been quite fascinating, his countenance so full of varied expression, and his voice so musical, that surveyors and other strangers passing through the country listened to him with delight, although the words fell upon their ears in an unknown language. During the negotiation for the sale of their reserve, he addressed his people and Mr. Gardner several times. His refutation of Gardner's assumed superiority over the Indian race was complete, and full of irony. Col. George C. Johnston often met this chief at his trading post in Wapakonetta, and says he was fine-looking and cultivated the friendship of the pioneers, He was the principal speaker of the Shawnees, and delivered the opinions of the tribe at treaties and public assemblies. He removed West with his tribe, where he died in 1843.
Lollaway, John Perry, head chief of the Shawnees, often traded at the station of Co]. Johnston, He signed the treaty of 1831, at Wapakonetta. He could converse fluently in English, He was a man of influence with his tribe, and of good habits. He was much grieved when he learned that the Shawnees had been deceived as to the value of their reservations. He went West in 1832, and died in 1843
Wa the-the-we-la, or Bright Horn, was another noted chief, who was present when Logan was mortally wounded in the contest with Winemac in 1812, and was severely wounded in the thigh in the same fight, but recovered, and lived at Wapakonetta. He was, with Blackhoof, the especial friend of Gen, Harrison in the war of 1812. He was a brave man, and of sound integrity. He fought like a hero for our cause in the war of 1812. He was a large and commanding
Indian in appearance, and was quite shrewd and intelligent. He died in 1826, at Wapakonetta.
La-wa-tu-cheh, John Wolf, was a Shawnee of some note. Col. John Johnston hired of him a trading house at Wapakenetta and he often accompanied the Colonel on his trading trips in the forest, among the different tribes. He died at Wapakonetta.
Henry Clay, son of Capt. Wolf, was educated, under the supervision of Col, John Johnston, at Upper Piqua, at the expense of the Quaker Friends. He afterward became a leading chief, and married the daughter of Hon. Jeremiah McLain, formerly a member of Congress from the Columbus district, in 1835, He was named after the Hon. Henry Clay. of Kentucky, and was a man of considerable talent, and lived many years after his removal to Kansas,
Peter Cornstalk was a chief of some distinction. He is believed to have been a son of the celebrated chief Cornstalk of Chillicothe, who was assassinated at Point Pleasant, Va. His home was down the Auglaize. He was a large, fine-looking Indian, and a man of honor. He often visited the trading post, and became a warm friend of the whites. He was married, and went West with Elsquatawa, the Prophet. in 1828. He had a brother named Neru-pen-es-
HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY - 55
he-quah, who went West in 1832. Died about 1843.
The older stock of Shawnees have nearly all been called to the happy hunting-grounds. They were a hrave race.
It is proper to observe that the Hog Creek, or Ottawa band, did not remove in 1832. They removed in the summer of 1833, and escaped many of the hardships the Wapakonetta and Lewistown bands endured the first winter, in erecting cabins and in preparing fields for erops in the spring ef 1833. Joseph Parks, of Shawneetown, where the old council house yet stands, got the contract for removing this people. The hand is given in Shawnee Township. They arrived in safety, under his lead, in 1833. The Shawnees raised but little in 1833, and suffered much the first winter. The good Quakers were active in their efforts to furnish all necessary aid,
In 1854, the Shawnees numbered about 900 souls; this included the white men who have intermarried with the nation, and are adopted as Indians. The Shawnees own about 1,600,000 acres of land, which gives about 1,700 acres each. They now have good dwelling-houses, provided with good furniture, which is kept in good order by their females. They live in the same manner as the whites, and quite as well. They have stables, corn-cribs, barns and other buildings; horses, cattle, hogs and sheep; wagons and oxen, carriages and buggies; farm implements, plows, harrows and hoes. There is abundance of wheat, corn, oats and hay raised, and all are contented and happy.
Still, the white man craves their lands! In 1841, after much intrigue and cunning, they were asked by the Department to part with 1,000,000 acres of their reserve! " Forever," by the pale faces, means until the white man can again wrong the red man! Treaties last just that long, and no longer.
The home of the Shawnees is in Southern Kansas, along Mill Creek, Bull Creek, Wakarusa and their tributaries. The settlements are along the Blue and Osage Rivers, and are made up of splendid lands, and make very desirable homes. They sow a large amount of grain each year, and spare a large surplus, after supplying their own wants. They raise large numbers of cattle, and are quite successful as farmers. It will be seen, then, that these red men have fully
adopted the white man's ideas of civilization. May they ever prosper.
With these reflections, we conclude the history of the Shawnees and their residence in Ohio. In a few years, there will be no more Shawnees, and, we fear, very few red men left on the continent.
" Did we not own this glorious land,
Each mountain, lake and river ?
Were they not from His sacred hand
Our heritage forever ?
Where tombs arise and harvests wave,
Our children used to stray ;
We cannot find our fathers' graves—
Our fathers ! where are they ?
Like snow before His fiery glance,
Our tribes are swept away."
CHAPTER VI.
BRITISH EXPEDITION UP THE MAUMEE IN 1780.
DURING the Revolutionary war, an expedition was fitted out at Detroit, under command of Col.
Byrd, consisting of 600 men, including Indians and Canadians, with two pieces of artillery, to attack Louisville and drive back the white settlers from Kentucky. The artillery and baggage were transported by water up the Maumee and St. Marys, across the portage, and thence down the Miami to the Ohio. On arriving at the Ohio, the contemplated attack on Louisville was abandoned, and the expedition crossed over into Kentucky, and proceeded up the Licking River, and on the morning of the 22d of June, 1780, appeared before " Ruddle's Station," a stockaded fort, announcing their arrival by discharge of cannon and summons to surrender. The formidable and unexpected force which they presented intimidated the garrison, and it immediately surrendered under the promises of being protected from the Indians. This promise, however, was shamefully violated, and the prisoners were all massacred. A small stockade, twenty miles distant, called " Bryant's Station," was likewise taken by the same force, and the whole region thrown into the utmost consternation. On account of a disagreement between the British and Indians, the force disbanded before the summer was over, and each returned their own way to the lakes —the Indians well laden with spoil.
A similar force under command of Gen. Hamilton, passed up the Maumee, and on down the Wabash, the same season, with the design of preventing the French posts on the Lower Wabash and Southern Illinois from falling into the hands of the Americans. This force was unlucky, having been surrendered to Gen. Clark, of Kentucky, at Vincennes. The British
56 - HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY.
troops were suffered to return to Detroit, but their commander was placed in irons, and sent to Virginia, charged with having instigated the Indians to the greatest barbarities against the whites.
The British retained their posts and command in Michigan and on the Maumee, disregarding the treaty of 1783, until after Wayne's victory, when they withdrew beyond the lakes.
The transportation business on these streams was, even in that early day. an organized calling, possibly after a rude fashion, and we may suppose that these troops, their munitiens and supplies, were passed along the rivers and over portages by contract or arrangement with associations or local tribes much as such transactions are accomplished by the Vanderbilts, Fisks and Garretts of our advanced civilization.
At Defiance was then a stockade in the interest of the British, for protection of their traders and as a relay for messengers and places of rest and refreshment of troops on the march. The expedition above mentioned while passing out and back, doubtless halted at the " Point " to adm ire, to rest and partake of the abundance which tradition ever ascribed to this locality.
EARLY INDIAN COUNCILS.
Au Glaize, and Grand Glaize were names given by the French to this place; and it is known by these names in all written and historical accounts relating to it, prior to the erection of Fort Defiance, by Anthony Wayne, in August, 1794.
One of these early historical accounts speaks of a great council of all the Indian tribes being held at Au Glaize, in October, 1792, and says it was the largest Indian council of the times. That the chiefs of all the tribes of the Northwest were here; and representatives of the Seven Nations of Canada, and of Twenty-seven Nations beyond Canada, That Corn- planter and forty-eight chiefs of the Six Nations of New York repaired thither. That three men of the Gora Nations were in attendance, whom it took a whole season to get there. " Besides these," says Cornplanter, "there were so many nations we cannot tell the names of them."
The question of peace or war was long and earnestly discussed, the chiefs of the Shawnees being for war, and Red Jacket, the Seneca chief, for peace.
This convention represented a larger territory than any convention we have an account of before or since, being held on the Ameriean Continent. It seems to have been a natural intuition that led the red men of the forest to see that this was the strategic center of North America. And when the " Monroe Doctrine" shall extend our National Domain from the Arctic Circle to the Isthmus of Darien, we will expect a like appreciation by the modern white men of that generation. In the year 1782, a remnant of the Moravian Christian Indians took refuge at Defiance after the massacre on the Muskingum. The good seeds sown by these Christians at that early day may in part account for the estimable habits and character of those Delawares, with whom young Brickell made his home, whilst in captivity; as well as for the Christian virtues that afterward distinguished so many living in that vieinity.
Blue Jacket, a noted war chief of the Shawnees, who held a commission as Brigadier General in the English Army, with a village of his people, was living on the east side of the Auglaize, and one mile from its mouth, in 1794. But Wayne's triumphal march • here and victory, on the 20th of August, 1794, gave the knell to all the villages clustered here, and they soon went to ruin. " The one continued village for miles above and below this place," of which Anthony Wayne writes, in a very few years is all gone, not one stone of its habitations remaining upon the other. Its site and its extensively cleared uplands adjacent are all abandoned to grow up again in forest except the few acres immediately at the point needed for the accommodation of the fort. It is dull times now at Defiance; no extensive fields of growing crops surround the town; and the oracles, the feasts, the athletic games, and great continental conventions are gone. Its garrison, like all garrisons in times of peace on our frontier towns, becomes wearied for want of business excitement.
DEFIANCE, THE HEART OF THE INDIAN NATIONS,
In an address delivered by William C. Holgate, at Defiance, before the Pioneer and Historical Association of the Maumee Valley, he gave the following description of Defiance, while yet in the possession of the Indians:
Defiance occupies the site of the ancient Tu-en-da-wie of the Wyandot and En-sa-woc-sa of the Shawnee. It has a history, unwritten though it be, that reaches back of modern ages when other races and peoples dwelt upon its grounds, and possessed all its pleasant places, whose blackened dust and bones are found near the surface of every beautiful spot, Untutored though they may have been, they appreciated natural beauty, and reverenced the hereafter, as is evidenced by their ever selecting the most lovely spot for the burial of their dead. But why was Defiance, though then known by other names, a great center, where these ancient races came together to live, and trade, and counsel?
The topography of the Maumee Valley proper will answer. This valley is the territory drained by the Maumee River, and its tributaries, which consists of about twelve counties in Ohio, and a portion of Mich-
HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY - 57
igan and Indiana-it was the same of old, save county and State lines were then unknown. The Maumee River proper begins in Indiana, and bearing northeasterly becomes lost in Lake Erie. It traverses a country 100 miles in extent, with Defiance as it center, and Toledo and Fort Wayne at its terminal points. The chief tributary streams are the Little St. Joseph, the Tiffin, St. Marys, and the Auglaize Rivers. Whilst the two former have their sources in close proximity in Hillsdale County, Mich., about lift miles north of Defiance, the remaining two have theirs about the same distance to the south; and it seems a strange freak that the waters of the Little St. Joseph should flow southwesterly to Fort Wayne, whilst those of the Tiffin, originating at nearly the same spot, should flow south to Defiance. But more remarkable still is it that the identical peculiarities governing the flow of these northern waters govern also those coming from the south. Whilst the headwaters of St. Mary pass northwesterly to unite with these of the Little St. Joseph at Fort Wayne, and begin the Maumee, those of the Auglaize, close by, flow northerly to Defiance. Again we find the same summit at the north from which come one half of the waters of the Maumee, originating also the Big St. Joseph and the Kalamazoo of Lake Michigan and the River Basin, that goes to Lake Erie—and the summit at the south from which come the other half gives rise also to the Wabash, runniug southwesterly, that forms the boundary line between Illinois and Indiana, to the Great Miami, that goes south, and bounds the southwest corner of our State below Cincinnati, and to the Scioto, that runs southeasterly through Columbus and Chillicothe, and like the other two, feeds the Ohio. Here we have the Maumee Valley extended 100 miles east and west and 100 miles north and south, with Defiance as its center, a rich, productive territory, with the rivers we name, all navigable to a certain extent, and with numerous smaller streams to water and to drain. It is true there is some " black swamp " in the territory, but this now only means a fertility that cannot be beat. It is also true there is much of the most beautiful dry and rolling land, and numerous and extensive ridges. These ridges, it has been found, are in the main ancient beaches of Lake Erie, and they have governed in a great measure the obliquitous courses of the tributary streams. One of the ancient beaches running imperfectly parallel with the shores of Lake Erie, lies but two miles easterly of Defiance. As we view the indications showing the antiquity of this place as a great center of trade in times long past, in imagination we hear as it were the dashing waves of the great lake, and picture a busy city two miles from the mouth of the same old Maumee, possessing as now her old tributary streams. This was a long time ago, but long though it was, as true as we live now, a people lived here then, only two miles away from the shores of a great inland sea. These people ate and drank, had their merry makings, married wives, and died, and were born, and as ages on ages rolled on, this sea receded away, and may be the lights of this people went out; but when they died, others came in with new lights and fires and sounds. We know this as our ancestors discovered them here, and saw the lights, and heard the sounds. The first discoverers were very unwilling ones. Venturing too far from the settlements of friends, they were unexpectedly seized by strong red hands, and forced off and away through dense forests, whither they knew not, for long and weary days. But they came at length to where the smoke of Tu-en-da-wie, and En-sa-woc-sa went up. They saw the beautiful rivers all concentrating here, and in one grand trunk passing on northeasterly. They saw, too, the extensive fields of growing crops and a numerous people of the red race, never yet vanquished in battle, living here in security and power. Prisoners though our first discoverers were, so sure did their masters feel they had them, and could hold them in their remote but powerful home, they were allowed unrestrained to run at large. Out of the long misty past through the eyes of these poor captives we first behold the place now known as Defiance.
JOHN BRICKELL'S CAPTIVITY.
Though numbers were made prisoners and forced to make this place a home for a season, but two have left a written account of their captivity. These two were boys when captured, but nine and eleven years of age, and represent two of the principal cities of the West—Pittsburgh and Cincinnati, then but small frontier settlements—John Brickell was the Pittsburgh, and Oliver M. Spencer the Cincinnati boy. The first was captured February 9, 1791, but it was not till the following May that he reached with his captor the Auglaize and Maumee towns near its mouth, having undergone many and severe trials and hardships. Here he was given to a Delaware Indian into whose family he was adopted, and with whom he lived till 1795. On his return from captivity, Brickell settled at Columbus, Ohio, being one of its old and esteemed citizens. Being the first white person that ever lived at Defiance, who has left any written account of its earlier inhabitants, we will in brief give it, interesting as it ought to be to its present people in exhibiting one of the ancient races here possessing many customs and virtues that reflect honor on any people. In his narrative, he says he was treated very kindly whilst in the family of Whingy
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Pooshies, and every way as one of themselves, and had every opportunity of learning their manners, customs and religion; and thinks he has been influenced to good more from what he learned among these Indians than from what he has learned from amongst people of his own color. Honesty, bravery and hospitality were cardinal virtues with them. When a company of strangers come to a town and encamp, they are not asked if they want anything, but a runner starts out proclaiming " strangers have arrived." On this every family provides of the best they have, and take it to the strangers, for which not a thought is had of anything being received in return, and when they start out they are helped on their journey. Worshiping the Great Spirit, whom they call Manitou, " never " says Brickell, " even on one occasion, did I know of their using that name irreverently," and they had no term in their language by which they could swear profanely. Their young honor the aged; the first corn that is fit to use is male a feast offering; the first game that is taken on a hunting expedition is dressed whole without the breaking of a bone, with the head, ears and hoofs on, and, being cooked whole, all eat of it, and if any is left it is entirely burnt up; and in respect to things clean and unclean, they follow the Jewish customs. They have no public worship except the feasts, but frequently observe family worship, in which they sing and pray. They believe in a resurrection after death, and in future :rewards and punishments. Their cruel treatment of their enemies in war seems but the acting out of the precepts, " an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, and blood for blood."
Young Brickell was trained to hunt. and much of his time was out on hunting expeditions. These were generally to the streams of the Maumee in summer, but in winter extended to the Scioto, the Hocking and Licking Rivers.
During his four years' sojourn here, two very important events occurred--St. Clair's defeat, in 1791, and Wayne's victory, August 20, 1794.
As to St. Clair's defeat, he says: " The first fall after my adoption, there was a great stir in the town about an army of white men coming to fight the Indians; the squaws and boys were moved with the goods down the Maumee, there to await the result of the battle, whilst the men went to war. They met St. Clair, were victorious, and returned loaded with spoils, when we felt we were a rich people."
In reference to Wayne's victory, he says: " In the month of June, 1794, two Indian men, a boy and myself started on a candle-light hunting expedition, to Blanchard's fork of the Auglaize. We had been out two months, when on returning to the towns in August, we found them entirely evacuated; but we gave ourselves little uneasiness, supposing the Indians had gone to the foot of the Maumee Rapids to receive their presents from the British, as they were annually in the habit of doing. We encamped on the lowest island in the middle of a corn-field. Next morning an Indian runner came down the river and gave the alarm whoop, which is a kind of yell they use for no other purpose. The Indians answered, and at once were told the white men were upon us and we must run for our lives. We scattered like a flock of partridges, leaving our breakfast cooking on the fire. The Kentucky riflemen saw our smoke and came to it, and just missed me as I passed them in my flight through the corn. They took all our two months' work, 'breakfast, jerk, skins and all.
Anthony Wayne was then only four miles from us, and the van guard was right among us. I and the boy kept on the trail of the Indians till we overtook them. Two or three days after we arrived at the Rapids, Wayne's spies came right into camp boldly, and fired upon the Indians. Their names were Miller. McClelland, May, Wells, Mahaffy and one other whose name I forgot. Miller got wounded in the shoulder; May was chased by the Indians to the smooth rock in the bed of the river, where his horse fell and he was taken prisoner; the rest escaped. They then took May to camp. He had formerly been a prisoner among them, and ran away. They told him, " We know you. To-morrow we take you to that tree (pointing to a large burr oak near the British fort); we will tie you up and make a mark on your breast, and will try what Indian can shoot the nearest to it." It so turned out. The next day, the very day before the battle, they tied him up, made a mark on his breast, and riddled his body with fifty bullets. On the day of the battle, I was about six miles below with the squaws, and went out hunting. The day being windy, I heard nothing of the firing of the battle, but saw some Indians on the retreat, one of whom told me the Indians were beaten.
Many Delawares were killed and wounded. The Indian who took May was killed. He was much missed, being the only gunsmith among the Delawares. Our crops and every means of support being cut off above, we had to winter at the mouth of Swan Creek, perhaps where Toledo now stands. We were entirely dependent upon the British, and they did not half supply us. The starving and sickly condition of the Indians and their animals made them very impatient, and they became exasperated at the British. It was finally concluded to send a flag to Fort Defiance in order to make a treaty with the Americans. This was successful. Our men found the Americans ready to treat, and they agreed upon an exchange of prisoners. I saw nine white prisoners
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exchanged for nine Indians. I was left, there being no Indian to give for me. Patton, Johnston, Sloan and Mrs. Baker, were four of the nine; the names of the ethers I do not recollect.
On the breaking-up of spring we all went to Fort Defiance, and arriving upon the shore opposite we saluted the fort with a round of rifles, and they shot a cannon thirteen times. We then encamped on the spot. On the same day Whingy Pooshies told me I must go over to the fort. The children hung around me, crying, and asked me if I was going to leave them? I told them I did not know. When we got over to the fort and were seated with the officers, Whingy Pooshies told me to stand up, which I did. He then arose and addressed me in about these words: " My son, these are men the same color with yourself, and some of your kin may be here, or they may be a great way off. You have lived a long time with us, I call on you to say if I have not been a father to you? If I have not used you as a father would a son ?" I said, " You have used me as well as a father could use a son." He said, " I am glad you say so. You have lived long with me; you have hunted for me; but your treaty says you must be free. If you choose to go with the people of your own color I have no right to say a word; but if you choose to stay with me your people have no right to speak. Now reflect on it and take your choice and tell us as soon as you make up your mind."
I was silent for a few minutes, in which time I seemed to think of most everything. I thought of the children I had just left crying, I thought of the Indians I was attached to, and I thought of my people, whom I remembered; and this latter thought predominated, and I said, " I will go with my kin." The old man then said, " I have raised you. I have learned you to hunt; you are a good hunter. You have been better to me than my own sons. I am now getting old and I cannot hunt. I thought you would be a support to my old age. I leaned on you as on a staff. Now it is broken—you are going to leave me and I have no right to say a word, but I am ruined." He then sank back in tears to his seat. I heartily joined him in his tears, parted with him, and have never seen or heard of him since.
SPENCER'S INDIAN LIFE AT DEFIANCE.
O. M. Spencer, a Cincinnati boy of eleven years, was taken whilst a little way from his home on the 7th day of July, 1792, and also having undergone many hardships, reached the mouth of the Grand (Raiz̊, with his two Indian eaptors, in six days, being about fourteen months later than Briekell's arrival. His captor was a Shawnee, but he shortly transferred his rights to his companion, Waw-paw-waw-qua, or White Loon, the son of a Mohawk chief. At their arrival at the confluence of the Auglaize and Maumee, after disposing of their furs to a British Indian trader, they crossed over to a small bark cabin near its banks, and directly opposite the point; and leaving him in charge of its occupant, an old widow, the mother-in-law of Waw-paw-waw-qua, departed for their homes, a Shawnee village, on the river about one mile below.
Cooh-coo-che, the widow in whose charge young Spencer had been left, was a princess of the Iroquois tribe. She was a priestess to whom the Indians ap plied before going on any important war expedition. She was esteemed a great medicine woman. Her husband had been a distinguished war chief of the Mohawks, who after their disastrous defeat by the celonists, 1770, removed from the St. Lawrence, and settled with his family at the Shawnee village one mile below the mouth of the Auglaize. He was killed in battle in 1790, at the time of Hardin's defeat. After his death. his widow chose her residence and erected her cabin immediately opposite the point, on the north bank of the Maumee; and soon thereafter, at the " feast of the dead," with pious affection removed the remains of her late husband from their first resting place and interred them only a few rods above the dwelling near to the war path. Buried in a sitting posture, facing west, by his side had been placed his rifle, tomahawk, knife, blanket, moccasins, and everything necessary for hunter and warrior; and his friends had, besides, thrown many little articles as presents into the grave.
The site of her cabin was truly pleasant. It stood a few rods from the northern bank of the Maumee, with its side fronting that river, on an elevated spot. On the south side of the Maumee, for some distance below its mouth, and extending more than a mile up the Auglaize to an Indian village, the low, rich bottom was one entire field of corn, which being in tassel, presented a beautiful appearance.
And this was young Spencer's home during the eight months of his captivity.
His full narrative in brief exhibits a little frontier opening at Cincinnati; a dense wilderess at the north filled with Indians, with their occasionally along the streams until, coming to the Maumee at its junction with the Auglaize, we find numerous towns of these Indians clustered about. A town of the Shawnees was on the east side of the Auglaize, a mile from its mouth; another on the north side of the Maumee a mile below. And not far away was Snake- town (Florida), and Oc-co-nox-ees village (Charloe), and one at Delaware Bend. On the point where , a few years later, Anthony Wayne erected his Fort Defiance, was, however, the principal village, and here were
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located the Indian traders. The principal of these was George Iron sides, whose wife was the daughter of the Indian widow with whom young Spencer made his home. And here we find the renegade, Simon Girty, and some brothers, and English Indian agents; also other American prisoners running at large. Among these are William Moore, a fellow-townsman of Spencer's, who had been taken a few months earlier, and Henry Ball, a soldier of St. Clair's unfortunate army; also Ball's wife, and Mr. Welsh, a prisoner at large, who gave such information to the commandant of Fort Vincennes of Spencer's condition and whereabouts as led to his redemption and return to his friends and home.
Whilst hunting and war seem to have been the chief employment of these Indians, they had extensive fields of rich bottom lands in cultivation, from which they raised large quantities of corn. They also manufactured maple sugar, and gathered grapes and wild honey. Like the ancient Greeks, they had their " Oracles," and their athletic games and sports, and like the Jews, their " feasts," and rightly may we think they had a common ancestry with these ancient people.
It was on the last day of February, 1793, that young Spencer was redeemed from his captivity by Co]. Elliot, British Indian agent acting under directions of the Governor of Canada, on the solicitation of Gen. Washington, who had been appealed to by his friends. The route ehosen for him to reach his home with the time occupied, and seenes passed through equals in interest, and affords more for thought and reflection than the account of his captivity.
His journey commenced in an open pirogue down the Maumee to the lake; thence he was paddled along the shore to Detroit by two Indian squaws, where he was detained a month waiting for the sailing of a vessel easterly. It was on the 30th of March he succeeded in securing passage on a vessel called the Felicity, for Fort Erie. Arriving the middle of the next day at Put-in-Bay Island, they remained over night, and early Friday morning, the 1st day of April, sailed down the lake; but during the ensuing night were driven by head-winds. that became almost a tempest. back, and again and again, four successive efforts were made, and eaeh time the vessel was driven far back to its Put-in-Bay asylum. In this way two weeks were consumed ere the desired haven was reached. From Erie, some soldiers rowed him to Fort Chippewa, thence to Fort Niagara. He remained here a week, when Governor Simcee sent him over to Newark, where Thomas Morris, Esq., of Canandaigua, kindly proffered to take him along with him on his return home, the ensuing day. They set out early the next morning on horseback. Traveling rapidly, and stopping only an hour at noon, they rested at night at an Indian village, and on the next day arrived at Canandaigua. Here he remained till the middle of June, waiting an opportunity to go to New York, at which time Mr. Chapin, Indian agent for the Senecas, having collected a large quantity of furs, bear and deer skins sufficient to load a pretty large bateau being ready to set out to replenish his stoek of goods, at the request of Mr. Morris, eonsented to take him along.
Mr. Chapin's bateau lay in the outlet, about three miles north of the north end of Canandaigua Lake, to which point there was suffrcient water for navigation. From here, having loaded with peltries conveyed in wagons from the village, they proceeded slowly down the narrow winding outlet, sometimes being obliged to stop and cut away trees that had fallen across it, and sometimes to get out and drag the flat-bottomed boat over the riffles. In this way they proceeded for nearly four days, passing. however, the several outlets of the Seneca, and Cayuga, the Owasca, and other lakes, the streams gradually became larger, and the obstructions fewer. On the fourth day they arrived at the mouth of the Oneida outlet, distant from Canandaigua by land sixty miles, but not less than one hundred by water. Ascending the outlet, they crossed the Oneida Lake, about thirty miles in length to the mouth of Wood Creek, up which small crooked stream with much difficulty they forced their bateau to within a mile of the Mohawk, whence transporting it across the ground where Rome now stands, they proceeded down the river to Schenectady. From this place they rode in wagons to Albany; whence having stayed a day or two, they embarked on a Dutch sloop for New York, where they arrived on the 2d of July. Here young Spencer took leave of Mr. Chapin, and on the next day, taking passage in an open ferry boat across the bay arrived at Elizabethtown, N. J., where he remained with friends until the 14th of September, 1795. At this time, in company with a Mr. Crane and the late Gen. Schenck, he set out on horseback for Pittsburgh, where he arrived in ten days, and there putting their horses on a flat hoat, descended the Ohio, and arrived at his home in Columbia, now Cincinnati, about the middle of October.
To reach Cincinnati, less than 200 miles away, a trip is now made in seven hours, a journey is here undertaken of 2,000 miles, and a period of two years consumed in its accomplishment, though under the protecting auspices of the President of the United States and the Governor of Canada, and the leading Statesmen and Generals of our Nation. And except for this united protecting care the journey probably could not have been made at all,
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CHAPTER VII.
GEN. WAYNE'S EXPEDITION—DAILY JOURNAL OF WAYNE—GEN. WAYNE-
TREATY OF GREENVILLE.
THE destructive expedition of Gene. Scott and Wilkinson into the Lower Wabash region during the summer of 1791, added to the efforts of Gen. Harmar in 1790, had inspired the Northwestern Indians with the belief, stimulated by the British, that the Government policy was to exterminate the race and seize their lands. This belief was fully confirmed by the campaign of St. Clair. Inflamed with jealousy and hatred, and elated by the result of this last fierce victory, Indian depredation and barbarities threatened the terrified frontier settlers. The inhabitants proceeded to provide every possible means of defense, while the Government adopted the earliest practicable measures for recruiting a military force adequate to the successful encounter of any possible combined Indian force, and sufficient for the establishment of the proposed military stronghold at the Miami villages. After deliberately balancing the peculiar military qualifications necessary in such an expedition, and the abilities of Gen. Wayne, Washington assigned him the command,
In June, 1792, Gen. Wayne proceeded to Pittsburgh to organize his army; and in December, the "Legion of the United States" was assembled at Legionsville, about twenty miles below Pittsburgh. Here they encamped till April, 1793, when, passing down the Ohio, it landed at "Hobson's Choice" (the only point passable in consequence of high waters), near Ft. Washington, where, remaining until the 7th of Octeber, the legion left Cincinnati.
Below is given, with the editor's comments a journal of the march, taken from (list's Cincinnati Miscellany.
Aside from the freshness of this species of narration, written down on the spur of the moment, which, in the hands of au intelligent writer, is sure to interest, there are some points worthy of notice.
The first is, that distances are described by the "five mile spring," "seventeen mile" and "twenty-nine mile tree," which serves to point out the little improvement which the Miami country at that period afforded, as waymarks on the march. But the latter is especially valuable, as a testimony from beginning to end ef the untiring vigilance, and press-forward spirit of Anthony Wayne, which afforded a presage frem the first day's march of his peculiar fitness for
the hazardous and responsible service on which he was detached by government.
CAMP, SOUTHWEST BRANCH MIAMI, October 22, 1793.
DEAR SIR: Agreeably to Promise, I have seized the first opportunity of writing you, and to be methodical in the business, I shall give it to you by way of journal.
October 7.—Our first dayls march was great, considering that the army had.not got properly in their gears. I think it was about ten miles. Our second, the 8th, was greater—it reached Fort Hamilton. Many of the men were 'exceedingly fatigued, and it was pretty generally believed hard marching, though the General thought otherwise, and it must be so.
October 9.—Our third day's march was to the Five-mile Spring, advance of Hamilton. Observe, we fortified our camp every night, and were very vigilant, or ought to be so.
October 10.—Our fourth day's march we encamped about the Seventeen-mile Tree, and nothing extraordinary happened, excepting that our line of march extended for near five miles, owing to the rapidity of the marching and the badness of the roads for our transportation, superadding the straggling soldiers, worn down with fatigue and sickness, brought up by the rear guard, whom they retarded considerably.
October 11.—We proceeded on to the Twenty-nine-mile Tree, fortified as usual, and occupied a fine commanding ground, and nothing of consequence happened here.
October 12.—The roads were very bad and some of our wagons broke down; but as the General's orders declared there should be no interstices, the line of march was not impeded, and we made, say, ten miles this day.
October 13.—We advanced by tolerably quick movements until we came within a mile or so of Fort Jefferson, and this day furnished a good deal of sport, for as the devil would have it, Col. Hamtramck was maneuvering his troops, and had a sham fight, which was construed by the whole army as an attack upon our advance guards or flankers. It really frightened a good many; but we all said let them come, for we are ready for them. We had marched hard this day, and, I think, not so well prepared. However, it was at length discovered to be a sham fight, and everybody knew it then. Oh, it was Hamtramck's usual practice, said they. But it was all in my eye, they never thought of Hamtramck.
October 14.—We marched past Fort Jefferson without even desiring to look at it ; indeed, some of us turned our heads the other way with disdain, and it has been threatened (as report says) to be demolished entirely. This day's march brought us to where I am now sitting, writing to my friend. We fortified our encampment very strong and feel very secure.
October 15.—The wagons were sent back to Fort St. Clair for stores, provisions, etc., with an escort of two subalterns and between eighty and ninety men. And nothing happened extra this day.
October 16.—The devil's to pay; Col. Blue, with near twenty of the cavalry, went out to graze the horses of the troops, and after some time Blue discovered something crawling in the grass, which he at first thought was turkeys, but
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immediately found them to be two Indians, and ordered a charge; himself, two Sergeants and a private charged, the rest ran away; the consequence was, the two Indians killed the two Sergeants --Blue and the prrvate escaped. The leader of the rascals who behaved so cowardly was immediately tried and condemned, but pardoned the next day.
October 17.—Lieut. Lowry, Ensign, formerly Dr. Boyd, with the escort of ninety men guarding the wagons, were attacked by a party of thirty or forty Indians, who rushed on with savage fury and yells, which panic-struck the whole party (excepting the two officers and fifteen or twenty men, who fell a sacrifice to savage barbarity), and they all fled, and have been coming into Fort St. Clair, by twos and threes, ever since. The Indians plundered the wagons and carried off with them sixty-four of the best wagon horses in the army, killing six horses at the wagons in the defeat. Mr. Hunt has been a considerable loser, his wagon was plundered also. Col. Adair pursued the Indians and found several horses dead, which he supposed had been tired and they killed them, a proof that their flight was very rapid. In this attack we have lost two promising, worthy and brave officers and about twenty men, mostly of Capt. Shaylor's company, for his and Capt. Prior's formed the escort and are both now rather in disgrace.
We have been led to believe that this place would have been made the grand deposit until this day. We now learn that there will be a forward move in the course of ten days, nine miles further into the Indian country, to a place called Still Water; the reason I can't surmise, but they say they are very cogent ones. I have no business to pry, but if I should accidentally find it out, you shall be informed. In the mean time believe me to be, very sincerely,
Your friend,
JOHN M. SCOTT.
Late in October, Gen. Wayne established his winter headquarters about six miles north of Ft. Jefferson, and there erected Ft. Greenville, the present site of the town of that name in Darke County.
On Christmas Day, 1793, a detachment re-occupied the ground whieh had been rendered memorable by the disastrous defeat of St. Clair three years before, and there built a stockade work, which was significantly called Ft. Recovery. During the progress of this work, he offered a reward for every human skull found on the battle ground. Six hundred of these relics of carnage were collected and entombed beneath one of the block-houses.
Providing an adequate garrison, Gen. Wayne placed the fort in charge of Capt. Alexander Gibson, and during the early months of 1794 actively engaged in preparations for the anticipated blow. He had already been admonished by incidents of the march, and the vigilance of his numerous spies, that an ac tive, dexterous and powerful enemy were in the wilderness surrounding him.
The Government, always anxious to avoid the carnage of war, had exhausted every means to obtain an amicable adjustment of the difficulties. although the fact that five different embassies were sent, offering most generous terms of peace to the hostile tribes attests the sincerity of the expressed design on the part of the United States authorities to render full justice to the aborigines. But the Indian successes, with promised British and French Canadian assistance, rendered them insensible to pacific overtures—all of which were more or less directly rejected, and three of the ambassadors—Freemen, Truman and Col. Hardin—were murdered.
On the morning of the 30th day of June, 1794, an escort consisting of ninety riflemen and fifty dragoons, commanded by Maj. McMahon, was attacked by a "numerous body of Indians under the walls of Ft. Recovery.* The Indians, who were probably assisted by a small number of British agents and French Canadian volunteers, made several attacks on the fort within the space of about twenty-four hours, when they retired. In these attacks, the Americans lost twenty-two men killed, thirty wounded, and three missing. They also lost 225 horses, killed wounded and missing. Among the officer killed, were Maj. McMahon, Capt. Hartshorne, Lieut. Craig and Cornet Torry. Capt. Alexander Gibson (who was commandant at Ft. Recovery), Capt. Taylor, of the dragoons, and Lieut. Drake of the infantry, were distinguished for their gallant conduct. The Indians left eight or ten warriors dead on the field; although they were employed during the night, which was dark and foggy, in carrying off their dead and wounded by torchlight. "t
It would also appear that the British and savages expected to find the artillery that was lost on the 4th of November, 1791, and hid by the Indians in the beds of old fallen timber, or logs which they turned ever and laid the cannon in, and then turned the logs back, in their former berth. It was in this artful manner that we found them generally deposited. The hostile Indians turned over a great number of logs during the assault, in search of these cannon, and other plunder, which they had probably hid in this manner, after the aetion of November 4, 1791. I therefore have reason to believe that the British and Indians depended much upon this artillery to assist in the reduction of the fort; fortunately, they served in its defense."
On the 26th of July, 1794, Maj. Gen. Scott, with about sixteen hundred mounted volunteers from Kentucky, arrived at Ft. Greenville and joined the regular troops under the command of Wayne; and on the 28th of July the united forces commenced their march fer the Indian towns on the Maumee River. On the banks of St. Mary's River, at a point about twenty- four miles northward of Ft. Recovery, Wayne erected and garrisoned a small post which he named Ft, Adams. The army moved for this position on the
*American State Papers—Indian Affairs, I, 487. The number of Indians who were engaged in this attack on Fort Recovery has been variously estimated at from 700 to 1,500 men.
t Letter from Wayne to the Secretary of War, dated Greenville, July 7 1794.
HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY - 63
4th of August, and arrived on the 8th of the same month, at the confluence of Maumee and Auglaize Rivers. Early on the morning of the 9th, work was commenced. On the 17th the fort was finished, and after surveying its block house, pickets, ditches and fagots, the General exclaimed: "I defy the English, Indians, and all the devils in hell to take it." Gen. Scott, who had joined him on the 28th of July, and who at that instant happened to be standing at his side, remarked: "Then call it Ft. Defiance!" and it was so.
Though constructed in eight days, and with such rude implements and materials as were at hand, engineers have pronounced it by far the strongest fort built during the many years of Indian warfare. The annexed description is found in the memoranda ef Benjamin Van Cleve, having been communicated to the American pioneer by his son, John W. Van Cleve, of Dayton. "At each angle of the fort was a block-house. The one next the Maumee had portholes on the three exterior sides, and a door and chimney en the side facing to the interior. There was a line ef pickets on each side of the fort, connecting the block-houses by their nearest angles. Outside the pickets, and around the block-houses was a glacis, a wall of earth eight feet thick, sloping upward from the foot of the pickets, supported by a log wall on the side of the ditch, and by fascines, a wall of fagots, on the side next the Auglaize. The ditch, fifteen feet wide and eight feet deep, surrounded the whole work, except on the side toward the Auglaize; and diagonal pickets, eleven feet long and one foot apart, were secured to the log wall, and projected over the ditch. There were two gateways; there was a falling gate er draw bridge, across the ditch, which was raised and lowered by pulleys. Two lines of pickets converged toward a ditch eight feet deep, by which water was procured from the river without exposing the carrier to the enemy. Within the fort were officers' quarters and store-houses." In a letter dated a t this place on the 14th of August. 1794, and addressed to the Secretary of War, Gen. Wayne said: " I have the honor to inform you that the army under my command took possession of this very important post on the morning of the 8th instant—the enemy on the preceding evening having abandoned all their settlements, towns and villages with such apparent marks of surprise and precipitation as to amount to a positive preof that our approach was not discovered by them until the arrival of a Mr. Newman, of the Quarter-master General's Department, who deserted from the army near St. Mary's. * * * I had made such demonstrations for a length of time previously to taking up our line of march, as to induce the savages to expect our advance by the route of the Miami Villages, to the left, or toward Roche de Bout by the right —which feints appear to have produced the desired effect by drawing the attention of the enemy to those points, and gave an opening for the enemy to approach undiscovered by a devious, i. e., in a central direction. Thus, sir, we have gained possession of the grand emporium of the hostile Indians of the West, without loss of blood. The very extensive and highly cultivated fields and gardens, show the work of many hands. The margin of those beautiful rivers, the Miamis of the lake (or Maumee) and Auglaize, appear like one continued village for a number of miles both above and below this place; nor have I ever before beheld such fields of corn, in any part of America, from Canada to Florida. We are now employed in completing a strong stockade fort, with four good block-houses, by way of bastions, at the confluence of Auglaize and the (Maumee), which I have called Defiance. * * Everything is now prepared for a forward move to-morrow morning toward Roehe de Bout, or foot of the rapids. * * * Yet I have thought proper to offer the enemy a last overture of peace; and as they have everything that is dear and interesting now at stake, I have reason to expect that they will listen to the proposition mentioned in the inclosed copy of an address* dispatched yesterday by a special flag (Christopher Miller), whom I sent under circumstances that will insure his safe return, and which may eventually spare the effusion of much human blood. But should war be their choice, that blood be upon their own heads, America shall no longer be insulted with impunity. To an all-powerful and just God I therefore commit myself and gallant army."
Gen. Wayne moved with his forces from Ft. Defiance on the 15th of August, 1794, and directed his march toward the British fort at the foot of the rapids of the River Maumee. On the 20th of August, he gained a decisive victory over the army of the Indians. The battle was fought on the left bank of the Maumee, almost within the reach of the guns of the British fort. The following account of this engagement was transmitted by Gen. Wayne to the Secretary of War:
*This letter was addressed to the Delawares, Shawnees, Miamis and Wyatt- dots, and to each and every one of them; and to all other nations of Indians northwest of the ohio, whom it may concern, It contained the following passage : "BROTHERS: Be no longer deceived or led astray by the false promises and language of the bad white men at the foot of the rapids; they have neither the power nor inclination to protect you. No longer shut your eyes to your true interest and happiness, nor your ears to this rast overture of peace. But, in pity to your innocent women and children, come and prevent the further effusion of your blood. Let them experience the kindness and friendship of the United States of America, and the invaluable blessings of peace and tranquillity." The retter also invited "each and every hostile tribe of Indians to appoint deputies" to meet Wayne without delay between the mouth of Auglaize and the foot of the rapids of the Manatee, "in order to settle the preliminaries of a lasting peace." Miller, the bearer of the letter, left Fort Defiance at 4 o'clock P. M. on the 13th of August. on the 16th, he brought an answer from some of the hostile Indians to Gen. Wayne. in which they said "that if he waited where he was ten days, and then sent Miller for them, they would treat with him ; but that if he advanced they would give him battle."
64 - HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY.
HEADQUARTERS (FORT DEFIANCE),
GRAND GLAIZE, AUGUST 28, 1794.
SIR—It is with infinite pleasure that I now announce to you the brilliant success of the Federal army under my command in a general action with the combined force of the hostile Indians, and a considerable number of the volunteers and militia of Detroit, on the 20th instant, on the banks of the Maumee, in the vicinity of the British post and garrison at the foot of the rapids. The army advanced from this place (Fort Defiance) on the 15th, and arrived at Roche de Bout on the 18th. The 19th was employed in making a temporary post for the reception of our stores and baggage, and in reconnoitering the position of the enemy, who were encamped behind a thick, brushy wood and the British fort.
At 8 o'clock, on the morning of the 20th, the army again advanced in columns, agreeably to the standing order of march, the legion on the right, its flank covered by the Maumee ; one brigade of mounted volunteers on the left, under Brig. Gen. Todd, and the other in the rear, under Brig. Gen. Barbee. A select battalion of mounted volunteers moved in front of the legion, commanded by Maj. Price, who was directed to keep sufficiently advanced, so as to give timely notice for the troops to form in case of action, it being yet undetermined whether the Indians would decide for peace or war.
After advancing about five miles, Maj. Price's corps received so severe a fire from the enemy, who were secreted in the woods and high grass, as to compel them to retreat. The legion was immediately formed in two lines, principally in a close, thick wood, which extended for miles on our left, and for a considerable distance in front, the ground being covered with old fallen timber, probably occasioned by a tornado, which rendered it impracticable for cavalry to act with effect, and afforded the enemy the most favorable covert for their mode of warfare. The savages were formed in three lines, within supporting distance of each other, and extending for near two miles at right angles with the river. I soon discovered from the weight of the fire and extent of their lines, that the enemy were in full force in front, in possession of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn our left flank. I therefore gave orders for the second line to advance and support the first, and directed Maj. Gen. Scott to gain and turn the right flank of the savages, with the whole of the mounted volunteers, by a circuitous route ; at the same time, I ordered the front line to advance and charge with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their coverts at the point of the bayonet, and when up. to deliver a close and well-directed fire on their backs, followed by a brisk charge, so as not to give them time to load again.
I also ordered Captain Campbell, who commanded the legion cavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next the river, and which afforded a favorable field for that corps to act in. All these orders were obeyed with spirit and promptitude ; but, such was the impetuosity of the charge by the first line of infantry, that the Indians and Canadian militia and volunteers were driven from all their coverts in so short a time, that, although every possible exertion was used by the officers of the second line of the legion, and by Gens. Scott. Todd and Barbee, of the mounted volunteers, to gain their proper positions, but part of each could get up in season to participate in the action ; the enemy being driven, in the course of one hour, more than two miles through the thick woods already mentioned, by less than one-half their numbers. From every account, the enemy amounted to 2,000 combatants. The troops actually engaged against them were short of 900.* This horde of savages, with their allies, abandoned
*The exact number of Indians engaged in this action against Wayne's army has never been ascertained, There were, however, about 4511 Delawares, 175 Miamis, 275 Shawnees, 225 ̊Rawls, 275 Wyandots, and a small number of
themselves to flight and dispersed with terror and dismay, leaving our victorious army in full and quiet possession of the field of battle, which terminated under the influence of the guns of the British garrison, as you will observe by the inclosed correspondence between Maj. Campbell, the commandant, and myself, upon the occasion.
The bravery and conduct of every officer belonging to the army, from the Generals down to the Ensigns, merit my highest approbation. There were, however, some, whose rank and situation placed their conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and which I observed with pleasure and the most lively gratitude. Among whom, I must beg leave to mention Brig. Gen. Wilkinson and Col. Hamtramck, the commandants of the right and left wings of the legion, whose brave example inspired the troops. To those, I must add the names of my faithful and gallant Aids-de-camp, Capts. De Butt and T. Lewis and Lieut. Harrison, whip, with the Adjutant General, Maj. Mills, rendered the most essential service by communicating my orders in every direction, and by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops to press for victory, Lieut. Covington, upon whom the command of the cavalry now devolved, cut down two savages with his own hand, and Lieut. Webb one, in turning the enemy's left flank. The wounds received by Capts. Slough and Prior, and Lieut. Campbell Smith, an extra aid-de-camp to Gen. Wilkinson, of the legionary infantry, and Capt. Van Rensselaer, of the dragoons, Capt. Rawlins, Lieut. McKenny and Ensign Duncan, of the mounted volunteers, bear honorable testimony of their bravery and conduct.
Capts. H. Lewis and Brock, with their companies of light infantry, had to sustain an unequal fire for some time. which they supported with fortitude. In fact, every officer and soldier who had an opportunity to come into action, displayed that true bravery which will always insure success. And here permit me to declare, that I never discovered more true spirit and anxiety for action than appeared to pervade the whole of the mounted volunteers ; and I am well per_ suaded that, had the enemy maintained their favorite ground for one-half hour longer, they would have most severely felt the prowess of that corps. But, while I pay this tribute to the living, I must "not neglect the gallant dead. among whom we have to lament the early death of those worthy and brave officers, Capt. Mis Campbell, of the dragoons, and Lieut. Towles, of the light infantry of the legion, who fell in the first charge..
Enclosed is a particular return of the killed and wounded. t The loss of the enemy was more than double to that of the Federal army. The woods were strewed for a considerable distance with the dead bodies of Indians ++ and their white-auxiliaries--the latter armed with British muskets and bayonets.
We remained three days and nights on the banks of the Maumee, in front of the field of battle, during which time all the houses and corn-fields were consumed and destroyed for a considerable distance, both above and below Fort Miami, as well as within pistol shot of the garrison, who were compelled to remain tacit spectators to this general devastation and conflagration, among which were the houses, stores and property of Col. McKee, the British Indian agent, and principal stimulator of the war now existing between the United States and the savages.§
Senecas, Pottawatomies and Chippewas. The number of white men who fought in defense of the Indians in this engagement was about seventy, including a corps of volunteers from Detroit, under the command of Capt. Caldwell.
t According to this return, the regular troops lost twenty-six killed, and eighty-seven wounded. The loss of the Kentucky Volunteers was seven killed and thirteen wounded. Nine regulars and two volunteers died of their wounds before the 28th of August, 1794.
++ See "Daily Journal of Wayne's Campaign."
* It is said that Wayne's party overheard one of the British subordinate
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The army returned to this place (Fort Defiance) on the 27th, by easy marches, laying waste the villages and cornfields for about fifty miles on each side of the Maumee. There remain yet a great number of villages, and a great quantity of corn, to be consumed or destroyed, upon Auglaize and the Maumee above this place, which will be effected in the course of a few days. In the interim, we shall improve Fort Defiance ; and, as soon as the escort returns with the necessary supplies from Greenville and Fort Recovery, the army will proceed to the Miami villages, in order to accomplish the object of the campaign. It is, however, not improbable that the enemy may make one desperate effort against the army, as it is said that a re-enforcement was hourly expected at Fort Miami* from Niagara, as well as .numerous tribes of Indians living on the margin and islands of the lakes. This is a business rather to be. wished for than dreaded while the army remains in force. Their numbers will only tend to confuse the savages, and the victory will be the more complete and decisive, and which may eventually insure a permanent and happy peace.
Under these impressions, I have the honor to be your most obedient and very humble servant,
ANTHONY WAYNE.
The Hon. Major-General H. KNOX, Secretary of War.
Immediately after the action of the 20th of August, the American troops continued their march down the northwestern banks of the Maumee, and encamped within view of the British fort. t While the American Army occupied this position (from the afternoon of the 20th to the forenoon of the 23d) five letters passed between Gen. Wayne and Maj. Camp bell, the Commandant of Ft. Miami, as follows:
(NUMBER I.)
MIAMI (MAUMEE) RIVER, August 21st, 1794.
SIR—An army of the United States of America, said to be under your command, having taken post on the banks of the Miami (Maumee) for upward of the last twenty-four hours, almost within the reach of the guns of this fort, being a post belonging to his majesty the king of Great Britain, occupied by his majesty's troops, and which I have the honor to command, it becomes my duty to inform myself, as speedily as possible, in what light I am o view your making such near approaches to this garrison. I have no hesitation, on my part, to say, that I know of no war existing between Great Britain and America.
I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your most obedient and very humble servant,
WILLIAM CAMPBELL,
Major Twenty-fourth Regiment, commanding a British post on the banks of the Miami.
To Major-General WAYNE, etc.
(NUMBER II.)
CAMP ON THE BANK OF THE MIAMI (MAUMEE),
August 21, 1794.
SIR—I have received your letter of this date, requiring from me the motives which have moved the army under my command to the position they at present occupy, far within the
officers appeal to Major Campberl for permission to fire upon the cavalcade, and avenge such an insulting parade under his majesty's guns; but that officer chided him with the abrupt exclamation, " Be a gentleman ! be a gentleman !"
*At the time of the action of the 20th of August, the garrison of this fort consisted of about 250 regulars and 200 militia. There were "four nine- pounders, two large howitzers, and six six-pounders mounted in the fort, and two swivels."—Am. State Papers.
t This fort was called "Fort Miami," and stood on the northwestern bank of the Maumee River, at or near the site on which Maumee City (Lucas County, Ohio) now stands.
acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States of America. Without questioning the authority or propriety, sir, of your interrogatory, I think I may, without breach of decorum, observe to you, that, were you entitled to an answer, the most full and satisfactory one was announced to you from the muzzles of my small arms yesterday morning, in the action against the horde of savages in the vicinity of your post, which terminated gloriously to the American arms ; but, had it continued until the Indians, etc., were driven under the influence of the post and guns you mention, they would not have much impeded the progress of the victorious army under my command, as no such post was established at the commencement of the present war between the Indians and the United States.
I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, your obedient and very humble servant,
ANTHONY WAYNE,
Major-General and Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Army.
To Major WILLIAM CAMPBELL, etc.
(NUMBER III.)
FORT MIAMI, August 22d, 1794.
SIR—Although your letter of yesterday's date fully authorizes me to any act of hostility against the army of the United States of America in this neighborhood, under your command, yet, still anxious to prevent that dreadful decision, which, perhaps, is not intended to be appealed to by either of our countries, I have forborne, for these two days past, to resent those insults you have offered to the British flag flying at this fort, by approaching it within pistol shot of my works, not only singly, but in numbers, with arms in their hands. Neither is it my wish to wage war with individuals but, should you, after this, continue to approach my post in the threatening manner you are at this moment doing, my indispensable duty to my king and country, and the honor of my profession, will oblige me to have recourse to those measures, which thousands of either nation may hereafter have cause to regret, and which, I solemnly appeal to God I have used my utmost endeavors to arrest.
I have the honor to be, sir, with much respect, your most obedient and very humble servant,
WILLIAM CAMPBELL,
Major 24th Regiment, Commanding at Fort Miami. Major-General WAYNE, etc.
(NUMBER IV.)
CAMP, BANKS OF THE MIAMI, 22d August, 1794.
SIR—In your letter 21st instant you declare. "I have no hesitation on my part, to say, that I know of no war existing between Great Britain and America." I, on my part, declare the same, and that the only cause I have to entertain a contrary idea at present, is the hostile act you are now in commission of, i. e., by recently taking post far withiu the well- known and acknowledged limits of the United States, and erecting a fortification in the heart of the settlements of the Indian tribes now at war with the United States. This, sir, appears to be an act of the highest aggression, and destructive of the peace and interest of the Union. Hence, it becomes my duty to desire, and I do hereby desire and demand, in the name of the President of the United States, that you immediately desist from any further act of hostility or aggression, by forbearing to fortify, and by withdrawing the troops, artillery and stores, under your orders and direction, forthwith, and removing to the nearest post occupied by his Britannic majesty's troops at the peace of 1783, and which you will be permitted to do unmolested by the troops under my command.
66 - HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY.
I am, with great respect, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,
ANTHONY WAYNE.
Major WILLIAM CAMPBELL, etc.
(NUMBER V.)
FORT MIAMI, 22d August, 1794.
SIR—I have this moment the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date; in answer to which I have only to say, that, being placed here in command of a British post, and acting in a military capacity only, I cannot enter into any discussion, either on the right or impropriety of my occupying my present position. These are matters that I conceive will be best left to the ambassadors of our different nations. Having said thus much, permit me to inform you that I certainly will not abandon this post at the summons of any power whatever, until I receive orders to that purpose from those I have the honor to serve under, or the fortune of war should oblige me. I must still adhere. sir, to the purport of my letter this morning, to desire that your army, or individuals belonging to it, will not approach within reach of my cannon, without expecting the consequences attending it. Although I have said, in the former part of my letter, that my situation here is totally military, yet, let me add, sir, that I am much deceived, if his majesty, the king of Great Britain, had not a post on this river at and prior to the period you mention.
I have the honor to be, sir, with the greatest respect, your most obedient and very humble servant,
WILLIAM CAMPBELL,
Major 24th Regiment, Commanding at Fort Miami. To Major-General WAYNE, etc.
McDonald, in his sketches, thus describes some ef the daring exploits of Wayne's faithful spies:
Gen. Wayne, having a bold, vigilant and dexterous enemy to contend with, found it indispensably necessary to use the utmost caution in his movements to guard against. To secure his army against the possibility of being ambuscaded, he employed a number of the best woodsmen the frontier afforded to act as spies. Capt. Ephraim Kibby, one of the first settlers at Columbia, who had distinguished himself as a bold and intrepid soldier, commanded the principal part of this corps.
A very effective division of the spies was commanded by Capt, William Wells. Attached to Wells' command were the following men: Robert McClellan, one of the most active men on foot that ever lived. Next to him was Henry Miller, who deserves here a passing notice. He and a younger brother named Christopher, had been made captives by the Indians while quite young, and adopted into an Indian family. He lived with them until about twenty- four years of age, when, although he had adopted all their customs, he began to think of returning to his relatives among the whites. His resolution continually gaining strength by reflection, he determined to make the attempt, and endeavored to induce his brother to accompany him in his flight, but to no purpose. Christopher was young when captured, he was now a good hunter, an expert woodsman . and a free and independent Indian. Henry Miller, however, escaped through the woods and arrived safe among his friends in Kentucky. Capt, Wells was familiar with Miller during his captivity, and knew that he possessed that firm intrepidity which would render •him a valuable companion in time of need. To these were added Hickman, May and Thorp, all men of tried worth in Indian warfare.
Capt. Wells and his four companions were confidential and privileged gentlemen in camp, who were only called upon to do duty upon very particular and interesting occasions. They were permitted a carte blanche among the horses of the dragoons, and when on duty always went well mounted; while the spies commanded hy Capt. Kibby went on foot, and were kept constantly on the alert, scouring the country in every direction.
In June, 1794, while the headquarters of the army were at Greenville, Wayne dispatched Wells, with his corps, with orders to bring an Indian into eamp as prisoner. Accordingly, he proceeded cautiously with his party through the Indian country. They crossed the St. Marysis and thence to the Auglaize, without meeting with any straggling party of Indians. In passing up the latter, they discovered a smoke, dismounted, tied their horses and cautiously reconnoitered. They found three Indians encamped on a high, open piece of ground, clear of brush or any undergrowth, rendering it difficult to approach them without being discovered. While reconnoitering, they saw not very far distant from the camp, a fallen tree. They returned and went- round, so as to get i between them and the Indians. The tree top being full of leaves would serve to screen them from observation. They crept forward on their hands and knees with the caution of a cat, until they reached it, when they were within seventy or eighty yards of the camp. The Indians were sitting or standing around the fire, roasting their venison, laughing and making merry anties, little dreaming that death was about stealing a march upon them. Arrived at the fallen tree, their plans were settled. McClellan, who was almost as swift of foot as a deer, was to catch the center Indian, while Wells and Miller were to kill the other two, one shooting to the right and the other to the left. Resting the muzzles of their rifles on a log ef the fallen tree, they aimed for the Indians' hearts. Whiz went the balls, and both Indians fell. Before the smoke had risen two feet, McClellan was running with uplifted tomahawk for the remaining Indian, who bounded down the river, but finding himself likely to be headed if he continued in that direction, he turned and made for the river, which at that place had a bluff bank about twenty feet high. Oh reaching it he sprang off into the stream and sunk to his
HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY - 67
middle in the soft mud at its bottom. McClellan came after and instantly sprang upon him as he was wallowing and endeavoring to extricate himself from the mire. The Indian drew his knife; the other raised his tomahawk and bade him throw down his knife or he would kill him instantly. He did so, and surrendered without further opposition.
By this time, Wells and his companion came to the bank and discovered the two quietly sticking in the mud. Their prisoner being secure, they selected a place where the bank was less precipitous, went down, dragged the captive out and tied him. He was sulky and refused to speak either Indian or English. Some of the party went back for the horses,while the ethers washed the mud and paint from the prisoner. When cleaned, he turned out to be a white man, but still refused to speak or give any account of himself. The party scalped the two Indians whom they had shot, and then set off for headquarters. Henry Miller having some suspicions that their prisoner might possibly be his brother, Christopher, whom he had left with the Indians years previous, rode up alongside of him and called him by his Indian name. At the sound he started, stared around, and eagerly inquired how he came to know his name. The mystery was soon explained Their prisoner was indeed Christopher Miller! A mysterious providence appeared to have placed him in a situation in the camp by which his life was preserved. Had he been standing either to the right or to the left, he would inevitably have been killed, and an even chance if not by his own brother. But that fate which appears to have doomed the Indian race to extinction, permitted the white man to live.
When they arrived at Greenville their prisoner was placed in the guard house. Wayne often interrogated him as to what he knew of the future inten tions of the Indians. Capt. Wells and his brother Henry were almost constantly with him, urging him to abandon the idea of ever again joining the In dians, and to unite with the whites. For some time he was reserved and sulky, but at length became more cheerful, and agreed that if they would release him from his confinement, he would remain among them. Capt. Wells and Henry Miller urged Wayne to release him, who did so, with the observation that should he deceive them and return to the enemy they would be one the stronger. He appeared pleased with his change of situation and was mounted on a fine horse, and otherwise equipped for war. He joined the company of Wells and continued through the war a brave and intrepid soldier.
As soon as Wells and his company had rested themselves, they were anxious for another bout with the red men. Time without action was irksome to such stirring spirits. Accordingly, in July, they left Greenville, their number strengthened by the addition of Christopher Miller, with orders to bring in prisoners. When on these excursions, they were always mounted on elegant horses and dressed and painted in Indian style, They arrived in the country near the Auglaize, when they met a single Indian, and called upon him to surrender. Notwithstanding there were six against him, he refused, levelled his rifle, and as they approached him on horseback, fired. missed his mark and then ran. The thick underbrush enabling him to gain upon them. Christopher Miller and McClellan dismounted and pursued and the latter soon overtook him. Upon this he turned and made a blow at McClellan with his rifle, which was parried. As it was McClellan's intention not to kill he kept him at bay until Christopher came up, when they closed in, and made him prisoner without receiving injury. They then turned about and arrived with him at Greenville. He was reported to be a Pottawatomie chief of scarcely equaled courage and prowess. As Christopher Miller had performed his part on this occasion to the entire satisfaction of the brave spirits with whom he acted, he had, as he merited, their entire confidence.
On one of Capt. Wells' peregrinations through the Indian country, as he came to the bank or, St. Mary's, he discovered a family of Indians coming up the river in a canoe. He dismounted from his horse and concealed his men, while he went to the bank of the river, in opeu view, and called to the Indians to come over. As he was dressed in Indian costume and spoke in that language, they crossed to him, unsuspicious of danger. The moment the canoe, struck the shore, Wells heard the nicking of the cocks of his comrades' rifles, as they prepared to shoot the Indians; but who should be in the canoe but his In, dian father and mother, with their children. The others were not coming forward with their rifles cocked and ready to pour in a deadly fire upon his family, Wells shouted to them to desist, informing them who the Indians were, solemnly declaring that the first man who attempted to injure one of them should receive a ball in his head. " That family," said he to his men, "had fed him when hungry, clothed him when naked, and nursed him when sick, and had treated him as affectionately as their own children." The short speech moved the sympathetic hearts of his leather-hunting-shirt comrades, who entered at once into his feelings and approved of his lenity. Dropping their tomahawks and rifles, they went to the canoe and shook hands with the trembling Indians in the most friendly manner. Wells assured them they had nothing to fear; and after talking with them some time, to dispel their anxiety, he told them that
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" Gen. Wayne was approaching with an overwhelming force; that the best thing the Indians could do was to make peace, and that the whites did not wish to continue the war. He urged his Indian father to keep, for the future, out of danger;" he then bade them farewell. They appeared grateful for his clemency, pushed off their canoe and paddled with their utmost rapidity down the stream. Capt. Wells and his comrades, though perfect desperadoes in fight, upon this occasion proved that they largely possessed that gratitude and benevolence which does honor to human kind.
While Wayne's army laid at the Indian village at the confluence of the Auglaize and Maumee, building Ft. Defiance, the General, wishing to be informed of the intentions of the enemy, dispatched Capt. Wells' party to bring in another prisoner. They consisted of Wells, McClellan, the Millers, May and Mahaffy. They proceeded cautiously down the Maumee until opposite the site of Ft. Meigs, where was an Indian village. This was on the 1 1 th of August, nine days before the battle. Wells and his party boldly rode into this town, as if they had came from the British fort, and occasionally stopped and talked with the Indians in their language. The savages belreved them to be Indians from a distance, who had come to take part in the expected battle. After passing through the village, they met, some distance from it, an Indian man and woman on horseback, who were returning to town from hunting. They made them captives without resistance, and set off for Defiance.
A little after dark, they came near a large encampment of Indians, merrily amusing themselves around their camp fires. Ordering their prisoners to be silent, under pain of instant death, they went around the camp until they got about half a mile above it. They then held a consultation, tied and gagged their prisoners, and rode into the Indian camp with their rifles lying across the pommels of their saddles. They inquired when they had heard last of Gen. Wayne and the movements of his army, and how soon and where the expected battle would be fought. The Indians standing about Wells and his party were very communicative, and answered the questions without any suspicions of deceit in their visitors. At length, an Indian who was sitting at some distance, said in an undertone in another tongue to some who were near him. that he suspected these strangers had some mischief in their heads. Wells overheard it, gave the preconcerted signal and each fired his rifle into the body of an Indian, at not more than six feet distance. The moment the Indian had made the remark, he and his companions rose up with their rifles in hand, but not before each of the others had shot their man. The moment after Wells and party had fired, they put spurs to their horses, lying with their breasts on their animal's necks, so as to lessen the mark to fire at, and before they had got out of the light of the camp fires, the Indians had fired upon them. As McClellan lay in this position, a ball entered beneath his shoulder blade, and came out at the top of his shoulder; Wells' arm was broken by a ball, and his rifle dropped to the ground; May was chased to the smooth rock in the Maumee, where, his horse falling, he was taken prisoner.
The rest of the party escaped without injury and rode full speed to where their prisoners were confined, and mounting them upon horses continued their route. Wells and McClellan being severely wounded, and their march slow and painful to Defiance, a distance of about thirty miles, ere they could receive surgical aid, a messenger was dispatched to hasten to that post for a surgeon and a guard. As soon as he arrived with the tidings of the wounds and perilous situation of those heroic and faithful spies, very great sympathy was manifested. Wayne's feeling for the suffering soldier was at all times quick and sensitive. We can, then, imagine the intensity of his solicitude when informed of the sufferings and perils of his confidential and chosen band. He instantly dispatched a surgeon and a company of the swiftest dragoons to meet, assist and guard these brave fellows to headquarters, where they arrived safe, and the wounded in due time recovered.
May, who was taken prisoner, having formerly lived with and ran away from the Indians, was recognized. They told him the second day before the battle, "We know you—you speak Indian language— you not content to live with us; to morrow we take you to that tree"—pointing to a large burr oak at the edge of the clearing near the British fort--" we will tie you up and make a mark on your breast, and we will try what Indian can shoot nearest it." Accordingly, next day he was tied to that tree, a mark made on his breast, and his body riddled with at least fifty bullets. Thus ended poor May!
This little band of spies, during the campaign, performed more real service than any other corps of equal number belonging to the army. They brought in. at different times, not less than twenty prisoners, and killed more than an equal number. As they had no rivals in the army, they aimed in each excursion to outdo their former exploits. What confidence! what self possession was displayed by these men in their terrific encounters! To ride boldly into the enemy's camp, in full view of their blazing camp-fires, and enter into conversation with them without betraying the least appearance of trepidation or confusion, and openly commence the work of death, proves how well their souls were steeled against fear. They had
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come off unscathed in so many desperate conflicts that they became callous to danger.
The following anecdotes of the battle are taken from a reliable source:
At the time Capt. Campbell was endeavoring to . turn the left flank of the enemy, three Indians, being hemmed in by the cavalry and infantry, plunged into the river and endeavored to swim to the opposite side. Two negroes of the army, on the opposite bank, concealed themselves behind a log to intercept them, When within shooting distance, one of them shot the foremost through the head. The other two took hold of him to drag him to shore, when the second negro fired and killed another. The remaining Indian being now in shoal water, endeavored to tow the dead bodies to the bank. In the meantime the first negro had reloaded, and firing upon the survivor, mortally wounded him. On approaching them, the negroes judged from their striking resemblance and devotion, that they were brothers. After scalping them they let their bodies float down stream,
Another circumstance goes to show with what obstinacy the conflict was maintained by individuals in both armies. A soldier who had got detached a short distance from the army met a single Indian in the woods, when they attacked each other---the soldier with his bayonet, the Indian with his tomahawk. Two days after, they were found dead; the soldier with his bayonet in the body of the Indian the Indian with his tomahawk in the head of the soldier.
Several months after the battle of Fallen Timbers, a number of Pottawatomie Indians at Ft. Wayne, where they expressed a desire to see "The Wind," as they called Gen. Wayne. On being asked for an explanation of the name, they replied that at the battle ef the 20th of August, he was exactly like a hurricane, which drives and tears everything before it.
Gen. Wayne was a man of most ardent impulses, and in the heat of action apt to forget that he was the General—not the soldier. When the attack on the Indians who were concealed behind the fallen timbers, was commencing by ordering the regulars up, the late Gen. Harrison, then aid to Wayne, being Lieutenant with the title of Major, addressed his superior--"Gen. Wayne, I am afraid you will get into the fight yourself, and forget to give me the necessary field orders." "Perhaps I may," replied Wayne, "and if I do, recollect the standing order of the day is, charge the d—d rascals with the bayonets."
To show that this Indian war was in a great measure sustained by British influence, and that they lent their aid in this campaign and battle, we give an extract from a letter from Gen, Harrison, to Hon. Thomas Chilton, dated North Bend, February 17, • 1834.
" That the Northwestern and Indian war was a continuation of the Revolutionary contest is susceptible of proof. The Indians in that quarter had been engaged in the first seven years of the war, as allies of Great Britain, and they had no inclination to continue it after the peace of 1783. It is to British influence that their subsequent hostilities are to be attributed. The agents of that Government never ceased to stimulate their enmity against the Government of the United States, and to represent the peace which had been made as a temporary truce, at the expiration- of which " their fathers would unite with them in the war, and drive the long knives from the land which they had so unjustly usurped from his red children." This was the cause of the detention of the posts of Detroit, Mackinaw and Niagara, so long after the treaty of 1783.. The reasons assigned for so doing deceived nobody, after the failure of the negotiation attempted by Gen. Lincoln, Gov. Randolph and Col. Pickering, under British mediation voluntarily tendered,
The bare suggestion of a wish by the British authorities, would have been sufficient to induce the Indians to accept the terms proposed by the American Commissioners. But at any rate, the withholding the supplies with which the Indians had been previously furnished, would have left no other alternative but to make peace. From that period, however, the war was no longer carried on "in disguise." Acts of open hostility were committed, In June, 1794, the Indians assembled at the Miami of the Lake, and were completely equipped out of the King's store, from the fort (a large and regularly fortified work) which had been built there in the preceding spring, for the purpose of supporting the operations of the Indians against Gen. Wayne. Nor was the assistance limited to the supply of provisions and munitions of war. On the advance of the Indians, they are attended by a captain of the British Army, a Sergeant aud six mattresses, provided with fixed ammunition, suited to the caliber of two field pieces, which had been taken from St. Clair and deposited in a creek near the scene of his defeat in 1791. Thus attended, they appeared before Ft. Recovery (the advanced post of our army), on the 4th of July, 1794, and having defeated a large detachment of our troops, encamped under its walls, would probably have succeeded in taking the fort if the guns which they expected to find had not been previously discovered and removed. In this action, Capt, Hartshorn, of the First sub-legion, was wounded by the Indians and afterward killed in a struggle with Capt. McKee of the British Army.*
Upon the advance of the American Army in the fol-
* It is proper to state that Capt. McKee asserted that he interfered to save Hartshorn, but that he refused quarter and attempted to kill him (McKee), and would have succeeded if he had not been anticipated by his (McKee's) servant.
70 - HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY.
lowing month, the British fort at the rapids was again the point of rendezvous for the Indians. There the deficiencies in arms, ammunition and equipments were again supplied; and there they were fed with regular rations from the King's stores, consisting of flour and Irish beef, until the arrival of Gen. Wayne with his army on the 20th of August. In the general action of that day, there were two militia companies fro, Amherstburg and Detroit. The Captain of the cutter
_(who was also the clerk of the court at that place), was found among the killed, and one of his privates taken prisoner. These unequivocal acts of hostility on the part of Great Britain did not pass unnoticed by our Government, and although anxious to avoid a general war, the President determined that the aggression on our territory, by the erection of a fortress so far within our acknowledged limits, required some decisive measure. Authority was therefore given to Gen. Wayne to dispossess the intruders, if in his opinion it was necessary to the success of his operations against the Indians. Although the qualification of this order, in its literal sense, might be opposed to its execution after the entire defeat of the Indians—the daring violation of neutrality which was professed, by the supply of food, arms and ammunition to the enemy on the very morning of the action, afforded, in the opinion of Gen. Wayne, a suffrcient justification for its being carried into effect. An accurate examination, however, of the defenses of the
--fort, made by the General at great personal hazard, showed but too clearly that our small howitzers, which had been transported on the backs of horses, our only artillery, could make no impression upon its massive earthen parapet, while the deep fosse and fascine by which it was surrounded, afforded no prospect of the success of an escalade, but at an expense of valuable lives, which the occasion did not seem to call for.
"From my situation as aid-de-camp to the General in-chief, I mention these things from personal knowledge. If, then, the relation I have given is correct, it must be admitted that the war of the Revolution continued in the Western country until the peace of Greenville, in 1795."
DAILY JOURNAL OF WAYNE,
Fort Greenville. Where Gen, Wayne arrived with his army late in October, 1793.
Henry House, of Greenville, who was in Wayne's campaign, said that the soldiers proceeded to build log huts, arranged in rows, each regiment occupying one row, and each hut—of which there were many hundred—occupied by six soldiers.
In December, Wayne erected his fort, which he called Ft. Greenville, where he remained until the 28th day of July, 1794, when he took up the line of march for the Maumee rapids.
The following is a daily journal kept by him from the time he left until his return on the 2d day of November, after an absence of three months and six days:
Camp at Stillwater, 28th July, 1794.– -Agreeable to the general order of yesterday, the legion took up their line of march at 8 o'clock, and encamped at half-past 3 on the bank of Stillwater, twelve miles from Greenville. The weather extremely warm— water very bad. Nothing occurred worth noticing.
Camp one mile in advance of Fort Recovery, 29th July, 1794.--At 5 o'clock left the camp; arrived on this ground at 1 o'clock, being fifteen miles. Nothing took place worth reciting.
I am now informed that tracks were perceived on our right flank, supposed to be runners from the Oglaize.
Camp Beaver Swamp, eleven miles in advance of Fort Recovery, 30th July, 1794.-This morning the legion took up the line of march and arrived here at 3 o'clock. The road was to cut, as will be the case on every new route we take in this country. The weather still warm; no water except in ponds, which nothing but excessive thirst would induce us to drink. The mosquitoes are very troublesome, and larger than I ever saw. The most of this country is covered with (beech, the land of a wet soil intermixed with rich tracts, but no running water to be found. A bridge to be built over this swamp to-morrow, which prevents the march of the legion till the day after. We are informed there is no water for twelve miles.
July 31, 1794.--Commenced building the bridge, being seventy yards in length, which will require infinite labor; it will be five feet deep, with loose mud and water.
One hundred pioneers set out this morning, strongly escorted, to cut a road to the St. Mary's River, twelve miles. I expect the bridge will be completed so as to march early in the morning.
Camp St. Mary's River, 1st August, 1794.—Proceed on our way before sunrise, and arrived at this place at 3 o'clock, being twelve miles, as aforesaid. Our encampment is on the largest and most beautiful prairie I ever beheld, the land rich and well timbered; the water plenty but very bad--the river is from forty-five to fifty yards wide, in which I bathed. I am told there is plenty of fish in it.
August 2, 1794.—The legion detained here for the purpose of erecting a garrison, which will take up three days. This day one of the Deputy Quartermasters was taken up by the Indians. Our spies discovered where four of the enemy had retreated precipitately with a horse, and supposed to be the party the
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above person had been taken by. It is hoped he will not give accurate information of our strength,
August 3, 1794. - -An accident took place this day by a tree falling on the Commander-in-chief and nearly putting an end to his existence; we expected to be detained here some time in consequence of it, but fortunately he is not so much hurt as to prevent him from riding at a slow pace.
No appearance of the enemy to-day, and think they are preparing for a warm attack. The weather very hot and dry, without any appearance of rain.
Camp thirty-one miles in advance of Fort Recovery, 4th August, 1794. —The aforesaid garrison being completed, Lieut. Underhill, with 100 men, left to pretect it; departed at 6 o'clock and arrived here at 3 o'clock, being ten miles. The land we marched through is rich and well timbered, but the water scarce and bad; obliged to dig holes in boggy places and let it settle.
Camp forty-four miles in advance of Fort Recovery, 5th August, 1794.--We arrived at this place at 4 o'clock, nothing particular occurring. The land and water as above described; had some rain to-day.
Camp fifty-six miles from Fort Recovery, 6th August, 1794.—Encamped on this ground at 2 o'clock. In the course of our march, perceived the track of twenty Indians. I am informed we are within six miles of one of their towns on the Oglaize River, supposed to be the Upper Delaware town. If so, I expect te eat green corn to-morrow.
Our march this day has been through an exceeding fine country; the water still bad; the day cooler than heretofore.
Camp sixty-eight miles from Fort Recovery, 7th August, 1794.—This day passed the upper town on the Oglaize, which the Indians evacuated some time ago. I expect to see one of their new towns, where I am told there are all sorts of vegetables, which will be very acceptable to the troops. We have had no appearance of Indians to-day.
Camp Grand Oglaize 8th August, 1794.—Proceeded on our march to this place at 5 o'clock this morning, and arrived here at the confluence of the Miami and Oglaize Rivers at half-past 10, being seventy-seven miles from Fort Recovery. This place far excels in beauty any of the Western country, and believed equaled by none in the Atlantic States. Here are vegetables of every kind in abundance, and we have marched four or five miles in corn-fields down the Oglaize, and there is not less than one thousand acres of corn around the town. The land in general of the fir nature.
This country appears well adapted for the enjoyment of industrious people, who cannot avoid living in as great luxury as in any other place throughout the States, nature having lent a most bountiful hand in the arrangement of the position, that a man can send the produce to market in his own boat. The land level and river navigable not more than sixty miles from the lake. The British have built a large garrison about fifty miles from this place, and our spies inform us that the enemy are enbamped about two miles above it on the river,
Grand Oglaize, 9th August, 1794.—We remain here. The Commander-in-Chief has ordered a garrison to be erected at the confluence of the Miami and Oglaize Rivers, whieh was begun this morning, and will take up some time; by this means the troops will be much refreshed, as well as the horses and cattle, the latter being much wearied and in need of a recess of labor. No appearance of an enemy.
Grand Oglaize, 10th August, 1794.—The troops in good spirits. No interruption from, or account of, the enemy. We have plenty of vegetables. One of our militia officers wounded by his own sentinel by mistake.
Grand Oglaize, 11th August, 1794. —Nothing occurs to prevent the completion of our work.
[Here were a few leave's lost out of the manuscript.]
On the 13th of August, true to the spirit of peace advised by Washington, Gen. Wayne sent Christian Miller, who had been naturalized among the Shaw nees, as a special messenger to offer terms of friendship.
Took up their line of march and at once arrived on this ground without any occurrence. Our camp is situated in sight of Snaketown, of the Miami of the Lake. Vegetables in abundance.
Camp nineteen miles from Oglaize, 16th August, 1794.—Our march this day was through a bushy ground, and the road generally bad. Miller (the flag) returned this day from the enemy with information from the tribes, that if the Commander-in-Chief would remain at Grand Oglaize ten days they would let him know whether they would be for peace or war.
Camp thirty-one miles from Camp Oglaize, 17th August, 1794. —This day a small party of the enemy's spies fell in with ours; both parties being for discoveries, they retreated, at which time the enemy fired and wounded one of our horses. Our camp, head of the rapids.
Camp forty-one miles from Grand Oglaize, 18th August, 1794.—The legion arrived on this ground, nothing particular taking place. Five of our spies were sent out at 3 o'clock; they fell in with an advanced body of the enemy, and obliged to retreat; but May, one of our spies, fell under the enemy's hold. What his fate may be must be left to future z success.
72 - HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY.
Camp Deposit, 19th August, 1794.—The legion still continued in encampment and are throwing up works to secure and deposit the heavy baggage of the troops, so that the men may be light for action, providing the enemy have presumption to favor us with an interview, which if they should think proper to do, the troops are in such high spirits that we will make an easy victory of them.
By this morning's order the legion is to march at 5 o'clock.
Camp in sight of a British garrison, on the Miami of the Lake, August 20, 1794.----One hundred and fifty miles from Greenville. This day, the legion, after depositing every kind of baggage, took up the line of march at 7 o'clock, and continued their route down the margin of the river without making any discovery, until 11 o'clock, when the front guard, which was composed of mounted volunteers, were fired on by the enemy. The guard retreated in the utmost confusion through the front guard of the regulars, commanded by Capt. Cook and Lieut. Steele, who, in spite of their utmost exertion, made a retreat. These fell in with the left of Capt. Howell Lewis' company of light infantry and threw that part of the men into confusion, which Capt. Lewis observing, he ordered the left of his company to retreat about forty yards, where he formed them and joined the right, which had stood their ground. They continued in this position until they were joined by part of Capt. Springer's battalion of riflemen, which was nearly fifteen minutes after the firing commenced, who drove the enemy that had attempted to flank us on the right. Nearly at the same time, the right column came up, and the charge was sounded—the enemy gave way and fired scattering shots as they ran off.
About the time the right column came up, a heavy firing took place on the left, which lasted but a short time, the enemy giving way in all quarters, which left us in possession of their dead to the number of forty. Our loss was thirty killed and 100 wounded. Among the former we have to lament the loss of Capt. MisCampbell of the dragoons, and Lieut. Henry B. Fowles of the Fourth sub-legion; and of the latter, Capts. Prior of the First, Slough of the Fourth, and Van Rensselaer of the dragoons, also Lieut. Campbell Smith of the Fourth sub-legion. The whole loss of the enemy cannot at present be ascertained, but it is more than probable it must have been considerable, for we pursued them with rapidity for nearly two miles. As to the number of the enemy engaged in this action, opinions are so various that I am at a loss to know what to say. The most general opinion is 1,500, one-third of which are supposed to be Canadians; I am led to believe this number is not over the mark. After the troops had taken some refreshment, the legion continued their route down the river and encamped in sight of the British garrison. One Canadian fell into our hands whom we loaded with irons.
Camp, Foot of the Rapids, 21st August, 1794.—We are now lying within half a mile of a British garrison. A flag came to the Commander-in•Chief, the purport of which was that he, the commanding officer of the British fort, was surprised to see an American army so far advanced in this country; and why they had the assurance to encamp under the mouths of His Majesty’s cannons! The Commander-in-Chief answered, that the affair of yesterday might well inform him why this army was encamped in its present position, and had the flying savages taken shelter under the walls of the fort, his Majesty's cannons should not have protected them.
Camp, Foot of the Rapids, 22d August, 1794.—We have destroyed all the property within 100 yards of the garrison. The volunteers were sent down eight miles below the fort, and have destroyed and burnt all the possessions belonging to the Canadians and savages. The Commander-in-Chief led his light infantry withiu pistol shot of the garrison to find out the strength and situation of the place. and in hopes of bringing a shot from our inveterate but silent enemies. They were too cowardly to come up to our expectations, and all we got by insulting the colors of Britain was a flag, the amount of which was, that the commanding officer of the fort felt himself as a soldier much injured by seeing His Majesty's colors insulted, and if such conduct was continued he would be under the necessity of making a proper resentment; upon which the Commander-in-Chief demanded the post, it being the right of the United States, which he was refused. A small party of dragoons were sent over the river, to burn and destroy all the houses, corn, etc., that were under cover of the fort, which was effected.
Camp Deposit, 23d August,1794.—Having burned and destroyed everything contiguous to the fort without any opposition, the legion took up the line of march, and in the evening encamped on this ground, being the same they marched from the 20th. It may be proper to remark that we have heard nothing from the savages, or their allies, the Canadians, since the action. The honors of war have been paid to the remains of those brave fellows who fell on the 20th, by a discharge of three rounds from sixteen pieces of ordnance, charged with shells. The ceremony was performed with the greatest ceremony.
Camp Thirty-two Mile Tree, 24th August, 1794. —The wounded being well provided for with carriages, etc., the legion took up the line of march and halted in their old camp about 2 o'clock in the even-
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ing without any accident. In this day's march„ we destroyed all the corn and burnt all the houses we met with, which were very considerable.
Camp Fifteen Mile Tree, 25th August, 1794.—The legion continued their march and encamped on this ground at 3 o'clock P. M. This morning a few ef the volunteers remained in the rear of the army; and soon after the legion took up the line of march they saw eight Indians coming into our camp; they fell in with them, killed one and wounded two.
Camp Nine Mile Creek, 26th August, 1794.—The legion continued their march, and after burning and destroying all the houses and corn on their route, arrived on this ground at 2 o'clock, being one of our encamping places when on our advance.
All the wounded that were carried on litters and horseback were sent forward to Ft. Defiance. Dr. Carmichael, through neglect, had the wounded men of the artillery and cavalry thrown into wagons, among spades, axes, picks, etc., in consequence of which the wounded are now lying in extreme pain, besides the frequent shocks of a wagon on the worst of roads. The weunded of the Third sub-legion are under obligations te Dr. Haywood for his attention and humanity to them in their distress.
Camp Ft. Defiance, 27th August, 1794.—The legion continued their route, and at 3 o'clock were encamped on the Miami, one mile above the garrison. On this day's march, we destroyed all the corn and burnt all the houses on our route; the wounded are happily fixed in the garrison, and the doctors say there is no great danger of any of them dying.
Fort Defiance, 28th August, 1794.—The Commander-in-Chief thinks proper to continue on this ground for some time to refresh the troops and send for supplies. There is corn, beans, pumpkins, etc., within four miles of this place, to furnish the troops_ three weeks.
General Orders.—The Quartermaster General will issue one gill of whisky to every than belonging to the Federal army this morning, as a small compensation for the fatigues they have undergone for several days past. Maj. General Scott will direct his Quartermasters to attend accordingly with their respective returns. The Commander-in-Chief wishes it to be fairly understood that when he mentioned or may mention the Federal army in general orders, that term comprehends and includes the legion and mounted volunteers as one compound army, and that the term legion comprehends the regular troops, agreeable to the organization by the President of the United States, and by which appellation they are known and recognized on all occasions, when acting by themselves, and separate from the mounted volunteers. As the army will probably remain on this ground for some time; vaults must be dug and every precaution taken to keep the encampment clean and healthy. The Legion will be reviewed the day after tomorrow at 10 o'clock, In the interim, the arms must be clean and varnished and the clothing of the soldier repaired and washed, to appear in the most military condition possible; but in these necessary preparations for a review, great caution must be used by the commanding officers of wings, not to permit too many men at one time to take their locks off, or to be engaged in washing.
All the horses belonging to the Quartermaster and contractor's department, in possession of the legion, must be returned this afternoon.
This is the first fair day that we have had since we began to return to this place, it having rained nearly constantly for five days, which was the occasion of fatiguing the troops very much.
Ft. Defiance, 29th August, 1794.—We are as yet encamped on this ground; all the pack-horses belonging to the Quartermaster and contractor's department moved this morning for Ft. Recovery, escorted by Brig. Gen. Todd's brigade of mounted volunteers, for the purpose of bringing supplies to this place. It is said the legion will continue in their present camp until the return of this escort. Our spies were yesterday twelve miles up this river, and they bring information that the corn-fields continue as far as they were up the river.
Ft. Defiance, 30th August, 1794.-This day at 10 o'clock the Commander-in-Chief began to review the troops at the posts occupied by the different corps, and I am led to believe that he was well pleased at their appearance. Maj. Hughes, Capt. Slough, Capt. Van Rensselaer and Lieut. Younghusband, obtained a furlough to go home to repair their health, being, as they pretended, very much injured by the service.
I believe the two first and the last mentioned, if they never return will not be lamented by the majority of the army. The out-guards were much alarmed this morning at the mounted volunteers firing off all their arms without our having any notice.
Headquarters, 31st August, 1794, general orders —A general court martial to consist of five members, will set to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock for the trial of such prisoners as may be brought before them. Maj. Shaylor, President, Lieut. Wade, Judge Advocate.
The disorderly and dangerous practice of permitting the soldiery to pass the chain of sentinels, on pretext of going after vegetables, can no longer be suffered. In future, on issuing day, only one man from each mess, properly armed, and commanded by the respective sub-legionary quartermasters, will be sent as a detachment for vegetables, to march at 7 o'clock in the morning.
74 - HISTORY OF DEFIANCE COUNTY.
The pack-horses shall forage daily under the protection of a squadron of dragoons ; every precaution must he taken to guard against surprise: Any noncommissioned officer or soldier found half a mile without the chain of sentinels, without a pass signed by the commanding officer of wings or sub-legion, or from headquarters, shall be deemed a deserter, and punished accordingly. Every sentinel suffering a non-commissioned officer or private to pass without such written permit, except a party or command, shall receive fifty lashes for each and every violation of this order. A fatigue party of 300 non-commissioned officers and privates, with a proportion of commissioned officers, will parade at 7 o'clock to-morrow morning, furnished with 100 axes, 100 picks and 100 spades and shovels, with arms, commanded by Maj. Burbeck.
A part of this order was in consequence of three men of the first sub-legion being either killed or taken by the enemy when out a foraging, which was done some time since in a very disorderly manner, at the same time liable to attacks of the enemy, without having it in their power to make the smallest resistance.
Fort Defiance, 1st September, 1794.—This morning the fatigue party ordered yesterday began to fortify and strengthen the fort and make it of sufficient strength to be proof against heavy metal; the work now on hand is a glacis with fascines, and a ditch twelve feet wide and eight feet deep; the blockhouses are to be made bomb proof.
Fort Defiance, 2d September,1794,—Every effective man of the light troops in the redoubts round the camp were ordered this morning to make three fascines.
The foraging party that went out this day brought in as much corn, dry enough to grate, as will suffice the troops three days. The soldiery gets sick very fast with the fever and ague, and have it severely.
Fort Defiance, 3d September, 1794.—Nothing but hard fatigues going forward in all quarters. The garrison begins to put on the appearance of strength, and will in a few days be able to stand the shock of heavy cannon; the troops are very sickly, and I believe the longer we continue in this place the worse it will be.
Fort Defiance, 4th September. 1794.--The number of our sick increases daily, provision is nearly exhausted; the whisky has been out for some time, which makes the hours pass heavily to the time of Roslin Castle, when in our present situation they ought to go to the quickstep of " the merry man down to his grave." Hard duty and scanty allowance will cause an army to be low spirited, particularly the want of a little of the wet.
If it was not for the forage we get from the enemy's fields, the rations would not suffice to keep soul and body together.
Fort Defiance, 5th September, 1794.—No news of the escort; this day the troops drew no flour; and I fear will shortly draw no beef; however, as long as the issuing of beef continues the troops will not suffer, as there is still corn in abundance on the river.
Fort Defiance, 6th September, 1794.—The work on the garrison goes on with life, and will be completed in a few days. The weather very wet and cold; this morning there is a small frost.
Fort Defiance, 7th September, 1794.-Nothing of consequence took place this day. Our sick are getting better.
Fort Defiance, 8th September, 1794.—This day brings us information of the escort; by express we learn that it will be with us to-morrow. It will be fortunate for us should provisions arrive, as we have not drawn any flour since the 7th inst.; nevertheless, we have the greatest abundance of vegetables.
Fort Defiance, 9th September, 1794.—The escort has not yet arrived, but will be in to-morrow. Gen. Scott,, with the residue, is ordered to march to-morrow morning at reveille. The Commander-in-Chief engaged with the volunteers to bring on the flour from Greenville on their own horses, for which they are to receive $3 per hundred, delivered at the Miami villages.
Fort Defiance, 10th September, 1794.—The escort arrived this day about 3 o'clock and brought with them 200 kegs of flour and nearly 200 head of cattle.
Capt. Preston and Ensigns Strother, Bowyer and Lewis, joined us this day with the escort, We received no liquor by this command, and I fancy we shall not receive any until we get into winter quarters, which will make the fatigues of the campaign appear double, as I am persuaded the troops would much rather live on half rations of beef and bread, provided they could get their full rations of whisky. The vegetables are as yet in the greatest abundance. The soldiers of Capt. William Lewis' company are in perfect health, the wounded excepted.
Fort Defiance, 11th September, 1794.--This day Gen. Barber's brigade of mounted volunteers marched for Ft. Recovery for provisions, to meet us at the Miami villages by the 20th.
Fort Defiance, 12th September, 1794.—This day the pioneers were ordered to cut the road up the Miami under the direction of the sub-legionary Quartermaster; they are to commence at 7 o'clock to-morrow morning.
Fort Defiance, 13th September, 1794.—This day a general order was issued, setting forth that the legion would march to-morrow morning precisely at 7