CHAPTER II.
THE WAR OF 1812 WITH ENGLAND. HULL'S SURRENDER.-THE RIVER RAISIN MASSACRE. SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS.-DEFENSE OF FORT STEPHENSON.-THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. THE BATTLE OF THE THAMES.-THE END IN THE NORTHWEST.
NO section of the country was made the scene or was called to suffer more severely the unfortunate incidents and consequences of the War of 1812-15 between the United States and Great Britain, than was the Maumee Valley. This fact, no doubt, was largely due to the geographical proximity of this region to the British possessions in Canada ; but was even more a result of long-existing and bitter feeling engendered by conflicting interests of trade, and the presence of Indian tribes cunningly employed by the British authorities in resisting the advance of civilization and law under the Government of the United States. The profit of traffic with these savages, so long contended for, had lost little of its temptation to the shameful policy of British traders, backed by British power. Considerations of military strategy also operated to the same end. The possession of the Lakes, and especially of Lake Erie and the country about it, was an end too important to be overlooked. Hence, the first object of the British Government, upon the declaration of War, would be to seize these positions of advantage; and in doing so, the ways and means were matters of subordinate consideration. Lacking the Military and Naval forces requisite for that purpose, they would not hesitate to supplement such limited means, by employing the services of the Indian tribes and bands within the reach of their unscrupulous machinations. All this was too well understood by the United States Government, and by the settlers specially concerned, to be overlooked. For several months previous to the declaration of War by Congress, the matter of preparation for that event, was seriously discussed and strongly urged. Such provision would" have included the means requisite for seizing full command of the Lakes, the conquest of Upper Canada (now Ontario), and securing the favor-at least, the neutrality-of' the Indian tribes most likely to become allies of the British. Such steps were repeatedly recommended by Governor Hull of Michigan Territory, in March, and again in April, 1812; and by Gen. Armstrong, in January, 1812. These recommendations included both Naval and Military means. The War Department, however, in its provisions, limited itself to 2,000 soldiers, and refused to increase its force to 3,000 men, when urged so to do by General Hull. No definite movement was made toward the highly important strategic ends named, until June 1st, 1812. At this date, General Hull, at the head of a force which he well knew to be inadequate for the objects sought, left Dayton, for the Maumee River, as his first stopping place. The force was known as the "Northwestern Army." From Cincinnati marched a Regiment under Col. James Findlay. Two other Regiments of Ohio Volunteers, under Cols. Duncan McArthur and Lewis Cass, joined the command at Urbana. The march occupied the entire month, and was attended by a degree of toil and privation rarely experienced by military commands. He had roads to cut and bridges to make through an unbroken forest of unsurpassed denseness, and block-houses to build at different points. A communication to General Hull from the War Department of date of May 18th, which reached him on the 24th, gave no indication that war was likely to be declared, or that there was special urgency for haste in the movement of his forces. And this, while Senator Thomas Worthington was writing from Washington warnings of the approaching declaration of hostility by Congress; which caution, at the time, is said to have been communicated to General Hull by Colonel Duncan McArthur. So thoroughly was the latter officer impressed with such information, that he refused to trust his baggage in the vessel employed for sending stores and sick soldiers from the Maumee to Detroit. General Hull treated all reports of impending War, as unworthy of credence, assuming, with some
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HULL'S SURRENDER - 53
justice, that were such event immediately probable, the War Department would not have failed to advise him of the fact in time for proper action on his part.
On the day General Hull left Dayton for his march North, President Madison sent to the Senate his message recommending a declaration of War with Great Britain. Two days later, Senator Calhoun, from the proper Committee, made a report approving such step ; and on the 19th the important declaration was made by Congress in secret session. It was on the day previous to this final action, and 17 days after the President recommended the same, that the Secretary of War forwarded to General Hull the letter received by that officer on the 24th, in which no reference was made to even a probability of early hostilities. It seems that dispatches were forwarded for General Hull on the 19th of June, by ordinary course of mail, to Cleveland, reaching there on the 29th.. By direction, the Cleveland Postmaster dispatched a messenger with this letter to General Hull, who received it July 2d, making the time of its passage 13 days. The British commander at Malden received information on the 1st of July, of the declaration of War. It thus reached him one day ahead of General Hull's intelligence, coming via Fort Brie and the Northern shore of Lake Brie, by express, the distance being 100 miles greater than was traveled by that officer's advices. It was stated, that so certain was the British commander at Fort Malden that the Americans were first informed of the declaration of War, that he delayed his movement for the capture of Detroit. While General Hull was thus left to the delay of uncertain transmission of intelligence on which the success of his important campaign rested, letters franked by the Secretary of the Treasury and containing notice of what had taken place, were sent to the British post at St. Joseph, near the Northwestern shore of Lake Huron, and to Malden, reaching the latter place June 28th, or four days before the War Department's notice was received by General Hull.
The American forces made their way, unopposed, to Detroit, crossed the River to Sandwich, July 12th, preparatory to movements for the capture of Malden and the conquest of Upper Canada. General Hull's lack of fitness for his position was here manifested in the irresolution and hesitation in his action, due chiefly to a sense of the weakness of his forces. To such source of embarrassment was added the impatience of his command for an advance. For the space of 26 days-from July 12th to August 7th-he remained practically idle, awaiting intelligence of a contemplated movement on the Niagara frontier, which did not take place, the result of such non-action at that point being the rapid transfer of British troops from the Niagara to the Detroit River. The cause of such failure, was found in the failure of General Dearborn to make a diversion at Niagara and Kingston, in Hull's favor, the former having, instead, made an armistice with the British commander, thereby permitting the diversion of a portion of the latter's forces for the support of Colonel Proctor at Malden. The result was, that on the 16th of August, without a serious attempt to accomplish the great purpose and end of his commission, General Hull disgracefully surrendered Detroit, the chief strategic point on the boundary of the two countries, together with 1,400 brave and true men, long eager for battle, to a force consisting of 300 British troops, 400 Canadian Militia (disguised in red coats, the uniform of British soldiers), and less than 100 Indians; or about one-half the number of his own command. Whatever the prevailing cause of his fatal inaction, there can be no possible justification or excuse therefor. It matters little, whether he was possessed by absolute cowardice -by fears that his own troops would be unfair with him-by apprehension for the personal safety of his daughter and grandchildren as captives of the Indians-or by a weakness the result of habits of intemperance- whether either or all of these led to his fatal imbecility in action, his grave offense against his country remained the same. That he was not duly forearmed for his campaign, in either proper force or timely information of the exigency of the crisis, could properly have been pleaded in justification of failure in any earnest movement he might have made toward the execution of his charge. But no possible excuse could be found for his failure to undertake anything in that direction. He could have been in no sense responsible for results; but he was in the highest degree responsible for proper effort toward desirable results. Other commanders, throughout the history of wars, have, like him,
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56 - HISTORY OF TOLEDO AND LUCAS COUNTY.
left. The Indian that first took me, by this time came up, and manifested a hostile disposition towards me, by raising his tomahawk as if to give me the fatal blow, which was prevented by my very good friend McCarty. On my reaching the house which I had first started from, I saw the Indians take off several prisoners, which I afterwards saw in the road, in a most mangled condition, and entirely stripped of their clothing.
Messrs. Bradford, Searls, Turner and Blythe, were collected round a carryall, which contained articles taken by the Indians from the citizens. We had all been placed there, by our respective captors, except Blythe, who came where we were entreating an Indian to convey him to Malden, promising to give him forty or fifty dollars, and whilst in the act of pleading for mercy, an Indian more savage than the other, stepped up behind, tomahawked, stripped and scalped him. The next that attracted my attention, was the houses on fire that contained several wounded, whom I knew were not able to get out. After the houses were nearly consumed, we received marching orders, and after arriving at Sandy Creek, the Indians called a halt and commenced cooking; after preparing and eating a little sweetened gruel, Messrs. Bradford, Searls, Turner and myself, received some, and were eating, when an Indian came up and proposed exchanging his moccasins for Mr. Searls's shoes, which he readily complied with. They then exchanged bats, after which the Indian inquired how many men Harrison had with him, and, at the same time, calling Searls a Washington or Madison, then raised his tomahawk and struck him on the shoulder, which cut into the cavity of the body. Searls then caught hold of the tomahawk and appeared to resist, and upon my telling him his fate was inevitable, he closed his eyes and received the savage blow which terminated his existence. I was near enough to him to receive the brains and blood, after the fatal blow, on my blanket. A short time after the death of Searls, I saw three others share a similar fate. We then set out for Brownstown, which place we reached about 12 or 1 o'clock at night. After being exposed to several hours' incessant rain in reaching that place, we were put into the Council-house, the floor of which was partly covered with water, at which place we remained until next morning, when we again received marching orders for their village on the river Rouge, which place we made that day, where I was kept six days, then taken to Detroit and sold. For a more detailed account of the proceedings, I take the liberty of referring you to a publication which appeared in the public prints, signed by Ensign J. L. Baker, and to the publication of Judge Woodward, both of which I have particularly examined, and find them to be literally correct, so far as came under my notice.
There can be no reasonable ground for doubt, as to where lay the real responsibility for this atrocious scene, to wit: With the British commander. The actual perpetrators might plead the barbarous dispositions and practice of their race, in partial extenuation of their savagery ; General Proctor, in shamefully consenting thereto, had no such mitigation. The bloody work was done by his own command, without even protest. The only pretext put forth in his behalf, was, that he believed to be true a report set afloat by American prisoners, for the purpose of intimidating their captors and staying their lives, that General Harrison, with a large force, was at Otter Creek. This report-known to the Indians as incorrect-was sufficient to frighten the British to flight to Malden.
Harrison, on the night of the 16th, started from Upper Sandusky for Lower Sandusky (Fremont), and on the 18th dispatched a Battalion to Winchester; and learning the situation, he hastened to the Maumee Rapids, arriving there on the morning of the 20th, and waited there until the evening of the 21st, for a Regiment, which fell behind in crossing the Black Swamp. On the 22d this Regiment was dispatched to Frenchtown, other troops following. The movement was in vain, since the fatal engagement occurred on that day, and Harrison met a few survivors before reaching the ground. It was not deemed best to proceed, and the forces returned to the Rapids ; whence, as a matter of precaution against being cut off from convoys of stores and artillery yet in the Black Swamp, Harrison proceeded to " Carrying " (Portage) River, to await reinforcements daily expected, but which, in consequence of rains, did not arrive until the 30th. Now reinforced by two Regiments, Gen. Harrison, on the 1st February, advanced toward the Rapids, where he set about the construction of a fortification, which, in honor of the Governor of Ohio, he named Fort Meigs, where his entire force was concentrated. At the same time fortifications were constructed at Upper Sandusky.
The situation in the Northwest, at this time, was far from satisfactory -the chief military results there, since the opening of the War, having been the capture of Mackinaw, the surrender of Hull, the massacre at Chicago, and the massacre on the River Raisin. Harrison found an entire change in his plans necessary, as a result of Winchester's
SIEGE OF FORT MEIGS. - 57
sad failure. For this purpose, he returned to Ohio, but soon hastened back to Fort Meigs that he might more closely watch the progress of matters.
It had now become the accepted policy of the Government, to employ regular troop only and secure the command of the Lakes which was expected to be accomplished by the 1st of June, 1813. General Harrison considered the exclusive use of regulars impracticable, for lack of sufficient force of such. Hence, militia continued to be a dependence for troops.
It was expected that the British, on the opening of Spring, would proceed for the conquest of Fort Meigs, and Harrison directed his efforts accordingly. The investment of that post began April 28th, and by May 1st the British had their batteries in position. Such was the structure of the Fort, that five days of cannonading proved ineffective. On the 5th General Clay of Kentucky, with 1,200 additional troops, on flat boats, came down the Maumee. Of these, 800 were detached under Col. Dudley, to attack the batteries on the left bank of the .River, while the balance of Clay's troops landed on the South shore and forced their way into the Fort. Dudley captured the batteries, but neglecting to spike the guns and hasten to the Fort, he wasted time until Proctor cut him off from retreat, and killed and captured all but 150 of his command. Col. Miller succeeded in capturing and rendering useless the British batteries on the South side of the River. This day's operations constituted a sad record for the Americans, although the British saw little encouragement for the future. The Indians found it "hard to fight people who lived like ground-hogs." Meantime additional troops for Harrison were approaching from he South. Such was the situation, that Proctor determined to retreat, and on the 9th left for Malden.
A private soldier of the Petersburg (Va.) Volunteers, writing from Zanesville, 0., March 28, 1813, to a friend at Petersburg, gave an account of the experience of his Company and other troops of Harrison's Army, in a passage from Upper Sandusky to Fort Meigs, not long before that date. Major Orr was in command. The writer says : "We had with us 20 pieces of Artillery, and a quantity of military stores of every description. We at this time knew nothing of the unfortunate events on the Raisin. On the second day of our march, a courier arrived from General Harrison, ordering the Artillery to advance with all possible speed. This was rendered totally impossible by the snow which took place, it being a complete swamp nearly all the way. On the evening of the same day, news arrived that General Harrison had retreated to Portage River, 18 miles in rear of the camp at the Rapids. As many men as could be spared, determined to proceed immediately to reinforce him. It is unnecessary to state, that we were among the first who wished to advance. At two o'clock the next morning our tents were struck, and in half an hour we were on the road. I will candidly confess that on that day I regretted being a soldier. On that day we marched 30 miles, under an incessant rain; and I am afraid you will doubt my veracity, when I tell you, that in eight miles of the best road, it took us over the knees, and often to the middle. The Black Swamp (four miles from Portage River, and four miles in extent) would have been considered impassable by all but men determined to surmount every difficulty to accomplish the object of their march. In this Swamp you lose sight of terra firma altogether. The water was about six inches deep on the ice, which was very rotten, often breaking through to the depth of four or five feet. The same night we encamped on very wet ground, but the driest that could be found, the rain still continuing. It was with difficulty we could raise fires. We had no tents; our clothes were wet; no axes; nothing to cook in, and very little to eat. A brigade of pack-horses being near us, we procured from them some flour; killed a hog (there being a plenty of them along the road). Our bread was baked in the ashes, and the pork we broiled on the coals. A sweeter meal I never partook of. When we went to sleep, it was on two logs laid close to each other, to keep our bodies from the damp ground. Good God ! what a pliant being is man in adversity ! The loftiest spirit that ever inhabited the human breast, would have been tamed amid the difficulties that surrounded us. The next morning we arrived at Portage River (the headquarters of the North western Army)." The writer says of the view obtained from Fort Meigs: "Along this river is the handsomest country I ever saw. There had been several
58 - HISTORY OF TOLEDO AND LUCAS COUNTY.
fine plantations in the vicinity, but all is now a scene of desolation. After Hull's surrender, the whole country was laid waste by the Indians. Every half-mile had been a house. The only indications of habitations that now remain, are the ruins that cover the grounds where they once stood." He wrote of a march after British troops to within five miles of River Raisin, and return, a distance of 60 miles, made in 21 hours, with but two hours of sleep.
About this time, Proctor's forces again gathered about Fort Meigs, remaining there for a week, their object seeming to be the diversion of Harrison's attention from Erie, and giving employment to the immense bands of Indians gathered at Malden, rather than any active work against the Fort. Proctor then moved toward Sandusky. Harrison's principal stores were at that point, while he was at Fort Seneca, on the Sandusky River, and about 10 miles South of Lower Sandusky. Major George Croghan was at Fort Stephenson, Lower Sandusky (Fremont). This post was regarded as indefensible from heavy cannon, such as Proctor was expected to bring, and Harrison after a council of war, concluded it best, as a matter of prudence, to abandon it, and July 31st dispatched an order to Croghan, accordingly; but before this could be done, the enemy appeared ascending the Sandusky River in open boats, and soon invested the Fort, while bands of Indians ranged through the woods, ready to intercept Croghan's men, should they leave the Fort.
The garrison of Fort Stephenson consisted of 150 men only, with a commander just past his 21st year ; while the investing force, including Tecumseh's Indians, was said to be 3,300 strong. Croghan had a single piece of cannon, to the six of the enemy (the latter, fortunately, not being heavy). Proctor demanded a surrender, repeating the old story of the danger that resistance might provoke his Indian allies to acts of savage barbarity. To all this, the intrepid Croghan replied, that when Proctor got possession of the Fort there would be found therein no men to massacre. Whereupon, fire was opened on the Northwest angle of the Fort. Apprehending Proctor's design to be to effect a breach and enter there, Croghan strengthened that point with bags of flour and sand ; while under cover of night, he so located his six-pounder as to rake the angle, loading his piece with slugs, when he awaited the enemy's approach. Throughout the night of August 1st, and until the evening of the 2d, the fire continued on the angle of the Fort. At last, assuming that the requisite breach had been effected, and under cover of smoke and gathering darkness, Proctor directed a column of 350 men to advance. When within 20 paces of the walls, they were seen by Croghan, who at once ordered a fire of musketry upon them, but with little effect, the advance of the enemy not being stayed. The ditch being filled with Proctor's troops, the gun was suddenly unmasked and fired, the first discharge killing 27 men. This seemed to be decisive. The column in the ditch recoiled and withdrew. The Fort was saved without the loss of a single man. The next morning the British and allies concluded not to continue their movement toward Harrison at Fort Seneca, but, leaving guns, stores and clothing, and some wounded, withdrew, abandoning the field. A British account of this affair, placed Proctor's force at 400 regular and 300 Indians, with two six-pound guns. Their loss was 90 killed at the Fort, about 100 men being lost in all.
Few military events of the West have commanded more attention, than has this brilliant defense of Fort Stephenson. This fact is due, first, to the real merits of the case; and second, to the connection subsequently given it with General Harrison's candidacy for President, in 1836 and 1840. On both these occasions, determined and persistent effort was made by that gentleman's political opponents, to prejudice voters against him, by charging to cowardice his order to Croghan for the evacuation of Fort Stephenson. Suffice it here to state, that neither Major Croghan nor any other officer of Harrison's Army for one moment countenanced such view ; but one and all fully approved the course taken by their commander. In fact, Croghan would have promptly withdrawn his force, when directed, had not the presence of the enemy rendered capture certain. By fortuitous circumstances then unknown to him, lie was enabled to make a defense for which he had not reason to hope.
The brilliant victory at Lower Sandusky substantially closed the military movements in Northwestern Ohio, and attention was
THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE. - 59
next directed toward Erie and Perry's preparations for Naval operations. It so happened, that that commander, on the very day of Croghan's victory (August 2d), had completed the equipment of his fleet at Erie, but, owing to a lack of water, he did not cross the bar in the harbor until the 4th, when he set sail in search of the enemy. Not finding them, he returned on the 8th to Erie, to take in reinforcements. August 12th, he again left, and anchored in Sandusky Bay on the 15th, whence he soon departed in quest of the enemy. Cruising off Malden, but not finding the object of his search, he retired to Put-in Bay. His fleet consisted of the Brig Lawrence (the flag ship), of 20 guns; the Niagara, of 20; the Caledonia, of 3; the Schooner Ariel, of 4; the Sloop Trippe, and Schooners Tigress and Porcupine, of 1 gun each-nine vessels with 54 guns and two swivels. The British had six vessels, but they were superior in size, with a greater number of guns.
On the morning of the memorable 10th of September, Commodore Perry discovered the enemy bearing down upon him, when heat once made preparation for the conflict, which was accepted on both sides as probably decisive of supremacy on the Lake, and as certain to have most important bearing on the general contest. The report made by Perry constitutes the most compact and interesting account of the engagement to be had. It is as follows
UNITED STATES SCHOONER ARIEL,
Put-in Bay, 13th Sept., 1813.
At sunrise on the morning of the 10th, the enemy's vessels were discovered from Put-in Bay, where I lay at anchor with the Squadron under my command.
We got under way, the wind light S. W., and stood for them. At 10:00 A. A. the wind hauled to S. E., and brought us to windward ; formed the line and brought up. At 15 minutes before 12, the enemy commenced firing. At five minutes before 12, the action commenced on our part. Finding their fire very destructive, owing to their long guns, and it being most directed to the Lawrence, I made sail and directed the other vessels to follow, for the purpose of closing with the enemy. Every brace and bow being shot away, she became unmanageable, notwithstanding the great exertions of the sailing master. In this situation she sustained the action upwards of two hours, within canister-shot distance, until every gun was rendered useless, and a greater part of the crew either killed or wounded. Finding she could no longer annoy the enemy, I left her in charge of Lieutenant Yarnall, who, as I was convinced, from the bravery already displayed by him, would do what would comport with the honor of the flag.
At half-past two, the wind springing up, Captain Elliott was enabled to bring his vessel, the Niagara, gallantly into close action. I immediately went on board her, when he anticipated my wish by volunteering to bring the Schooner, which had been kept astern by the lightness of the wind, into close action.
It was with unspeakable pain, that I saw, soon after I got on board the Niagara, the flag of the Lawrence come down, although I was perfectly sensible that she had been defended to the last, and that to have continued to make a show of resistance, would have been a wanton sacrifice of the remaining of her brave crew. But the enemy was not able to take possession of her, and circumstances soon permitted her flag to be hoisted.
At 45 minutes past two, the signal was made for close action. The Niagara being very little injured, I determined to pass through the enemy's line, bore up and passed ahead of their two Ships and a Brig, giving a raking fire to them from the starboard guns, and to a small Schooner and Sloop, from the larboard side, at half-pistol shot distance. The smaller vessels at this time having got within grape and canister distance, under the direction of Captain Elliott, and keeping up a well-directed fire, the two Ships, a Brig and a Schooner surrendered, a Schooner and Sloop making vain attempt to escape.
Those officers and men, who were immediately under my observation, evinced the greatest gallantry, and I have no doubt that all others conducted themselves as became American Officers and Seamen.
In the days of this battle, war history was largely recorded in ballads. This was specially true of events appealing to the popular sentiment. A fair sample of such record is furnished in the following production, in connection with the Naval engagement of September 10th, which at the time and for many years thereafter was familiar to old and young
JAMES BIRD.
Sons of Pleasure, listen to me;
And ye daughters too give ear.
You a sad and mournful story
As was ever told shall hear.
Hull, you know, our troops surrendered,
And defenseless left the West;
Then our fleet was quick assembled,
The invader to resist.
'Mong the troops that marched to Erie,
Were the Kingstown volunteers ;
Captain Thomas then commanded,
To protect our West frontiers.
Tender were the scenes of parting;
Mothers wrung their hands and cried;
Maidens wept their loves in secret;
Fathers strove their tears to hide.
60 - HISTORY OF TOLEDO AND LUCAS COUNTY.
But there's one among the number,
Tall and graceful in his mien;
Firm his step, his look undaunted;
Ne'er a nobler youth was seen,
One sweet kiss he snatched from Mary,
Craved his mother's prayers once more,
Pressed his father's hand and left them
For Lake Erie's distant shore.
Mary tried to say "Farewell, James,"
Waved her hand but nothing spoke;
"Farewell, Bird, may Heaven protect you,"
From the rest at parting broke.
Soon he came where noble Perry
Had assembled all his fleet;
There the gallant Bird enlisted,
Hoping soon the foe to meet.
Where is Bird? The battle rages,
Is he in the strife, or no?
Now the cannons roar tremendous,
Dare he boldly meet the foe?
Yes, behold him-see!-with Perry,
In the self-same ship they fight
Though his mess mates fall around him,
Nothing can his soul affright.
But behold a ball has struck him,
See the crimson current flow ;
" Leave the deck," exclaimed brave Perry ;
"No," cried Bird, "I will not go.
Here on deck I'll take my station,
Ne'er will Bird his colors fly,
I'll stand by you, gallant Captain,
Till we conquer, or we die."
And he fought, though faint and bleeding,
Till our stars and stripes arose,
Victory having crowned our efforts,
All triumphant o'er our foes.
But did Bird receive a pension?
Was he to his home restored?
No, nor ever to his bosom
Clasped the maid his heart adored.
But there came most dismal tidings
From Lake Erie's distant shore;
Better, far, poor Bird had perished
'Midst the battle's awful roar.
" Dearest Parents," read the letter,
"This will bring sad news to you,
Do not mourn, my best beloved.
Though this brings my last adieu.
" Brothers, sisters, read this letter,
'Tis the last you'll have from me ;
I must suffer for deserting
From the brig Niagara."
Though he fought so brave at Erie,
Freely bled, and nobly daredLet his courage plead for mercy,
Let his noble life be spared.
Sad and gloomy was the morning,
Bird was ordered out to die ;
Where's the breast so dead to pity
But for him must heave a sigh?
See him march, and hear his fetters,
Harsh they clank upon the ear;
Yet his step is firm and manly,
For his breast ne'er harbored fear.
See! he kneels upon his coffin
Sure his death can do no good.
Save him !-Hark, O God ! they've shot him !
Now his bosom streams with blood.
Farewell, Bird! farewell, forever;
Friends and home he'll see no more;
For his mangled corpse lies buried
On Lake Erie's distant shore.
James Bird was born in Lucerne County, Penn., and was a young man when the war commenced. He early enlisted in the Army, joining a Company raised by Henry Buckingham, whose son Henry was a pioneer Merchant at Norwalk, Ohio, and whose grandson Henry now (1887) resides at Lawrence, Kansas. At the Battle of Lake Erie, Captain Thomas was his commander. Bird was employed by Captain Buckingham in his mill at Kingston, and " Mary," spoken of in the song, was a member of the Captain's family. The two were recognized as lovers, and parted as such. The " Annals of Lucerne County," written by Stewart Pearce, has this mention of Bird's case
He was from Pittston, and was descended from a most respectable family. He was a man of great bodily strength and activity, and was full of patriotic devotion to the cause of his country, but unfortunately his proud spirit boldly rejected many of the restraints imposed by the stern rules of military discipline. He fought like a tiger and when wounded refused to be carried below. News of the intended attack of the enemy on New Orleans had reached the fleet on Lake Erie, and Bird, ambitious to be in the midst of the smoke and fire of battle, one night, when in command of the guard, marched away with several of his men to join General Jackson. He was pursued and arrested at Pittsburg, from which place he was about to embark with a company of volunteers for the Crescent City. Being arraigned before and tried by a Court Martial, lie was sentenced, in accordance with the rules of war, to be shot. Had Commodore Perry received intelligence of the proceedings in time, Bird's life would have been spared.
Bird's remains probably now rest with those of his comrades on Gibraltar Island, Put-in Bay, and said to be under a large willow tree fronting the Bay, enclosed by a chain fence. The ballad, according to the best information at hand, was written by Charles Miner, who published the Gleaner, at Wilkesbarre, Penn., from 1801 to 1818, and afterwards was a member of Congress from that State.
Harrison's Army had been patiently, yet anxiously waiting the outcome of Naval operations; meantime receiving reinforcements and organizing, with reference to following up Perry's signal success, by an advance upon Canada. September 27th, Harrison set sail, and soon reached Malden, from which Proctor had retreated to Sandwich, on his way, as rapidly as possible, for a safe point in the interior, via the Thames River. Harrison reached Sandwich on the 29th, and on the
THE BATTLE OP THE THAMES. - 61
same day McArthur took possession of Detroit and Michigan. October 2d, the Americans began their pursuit of the retreating British force, which was overtaken on the 5th. Finding an engagement unavoidable, Proctor was led to post his Army, its left wing resting on the Thames, while the right was defended by a marsh. Without here going into details of the engagement, it will suffice to state, that Harrison's troops consisted of about 120 Regulars of the 27th Regiment; five Brigades of Kentucky Militia Infantry, averaging less than 500 men, under Governor Isaac Shelby, of that State; and Colonel Richard M. Johnson's Regiment of Mounted Infantry; making in all about 3,000 men. The force of the British is not definitely stated, but it was supposed to be something less than that of Harrison's, constituted of British and Indians. The battle was of short duration. The enemy being seriously demoralized, they fought chiefly on the defensive, and retreated as fast as the way therefor opened. The most notable incident of the engagement, was the killing of the renowned Indian leader, Tecumseh, at the hands, as since pretty well determined, of Colonel Johnson of Kentucky, subsequently (1837-41) Vice President of the United States. This fact was for a time in dispute; but it finally became the generally accepted belief, that the credit of Tecumseh's death is due to Colonel Johnson.*
* Johnson was severely wounded during the engagement, and was borne from the field by Captain James Knaggs, of Monroe, and Menard Labadie. In 1853, when the act of killing Tecumseh was yet in dispute, Captain Knaggs, in an affidavit, made the following statement;
"I was attached to a Company of mounted men, called Rangers, at the battle of the Thames, in 1813. During the battle, we charged into the swamp, where several of our horses mired down, and an order was given to retire to the hard ground in our rear, which we did. The Indians in front, believing that we were retreating, immediately advanced upon us, with Tecumseh at their head. I distinctly heard his voice, with which I was perfectly familiar. He yelled like a tiger, and urged on his braves to the attack. We were then but a few yards apart. We halted on the hard ground, and continued our fire. After a few minutes of very severe fighting, I discovered Colonel Johnson lying near, on the ground, with one leg confined by the body of his white mare, which had been killed, and had fallen upon him. My friend Menard Labadie was with me. We went up to the Colonel, with whom we were previously acquainted, and found him badly wounded,
In this connection the testimony of as intelligent and well-informed witness to the true character of Tecumseh, as was General Leslie Combs, of Kentucky, will not be out of place. In a letter to the editor of the Historical Record, under date of Lexington, Ky., October, 1871, that gentleman wrote as follows
You ask me for a description of the celebrated Indian warrior, Tecumseh, from my personal observation. I answer that I never saw the great chief but once, and then under rather exciting circumstances, but I have a vivid recollection of him from his appearance, and by intercourse with his personal friends I am possessed of accurate knowledge of his character.
I was, as you know, one of the prisoners taken at what is known as Dudley's defeat on the banks of the Maumee River, opposite Fort Meigs, early in May, 1813. Tecumseh had fallen upon our rear, and we were compelled to surrender. We were marched down to the old Fort Miami or Maumee, in squads, where a terrible scene awaited us. The Indians, fully armed with gums, war clubs and tomahawks - to say nothing of scalping knives, had formed themselves into two lines in front of the gateway between which all of us were bound to pass. Many were killed or wounded in running the gauntlet. Shortly after the prisoners had entered, the Indians rushed over the walls and again surrounded us, and raised the war-whoop, at the same time making unmistakable demonstrations of violence. We all expected to be massacred, and the small British guard around us were utterly unable to afford protection. They called lying on his side, with one of his pistols in his hand. I saw Tecumseh at the same time, lying on his face, dead, and about fifteen or twenty feet from the Colonel. He was stretched at full length, and was shot through the body, I think near the heart. The ball went out through his back. He held his tomahawk in his right hand (it had a brass pipe on the head of it), his arm was extended as if striking, and the edge of the tomahawk was stuck in the ground. Tecumseh was dressed in red speckled leggings, and a fringed hunting shirt; he lay stretched directly towards Colonel Johnson. When we went up to the Colonel we offered to help him. He replied with great animation, `Knaggs, let me lie here, and push on and take Proctor.' However, we liberated him from his dead horse, took his blanket from his saddle, placed him in it, and bore him off the field. I had known Tecumseh from my boyhood; we were boys together. There was no other Indian killed immediately around where Colonel Johnson or Tecumseh lay, although there were many near the Creek, a few rods back of where Tecumseh fell.
" I had no doubt then, and have none now, that Tecumseh fell by the hand of Colonel Johnson."
Captain Knaggs was a gentleman much esteemed at Monroe, and was an active and valuable friend of the American cause throughout the War.
62 - HISTORY OF TOLEDO AND LUCAS COUNTY,
loudly for General Proctor and Colonel Elliott to come to our relief. At this critical moment Tecumseh came rushing in, deeply excited, and denounced the murderers of prisoners as cowards. Thus our lives were spared and we were sent down to the fleet at the mouth of Swan Creek (now Toledo), and from that place across the end of the Lake to Huron and paroled.
I shall never forget the noble countenance, gallant bearing and sonorous voice of that remarkable man, while addressing his warriors in our behalf. He was then between forty and forty-five years of age. His frame was vigorous and robust, but he was not fat, weighing about one hundred and seventy pounds. Five feet 10 inches was his height; he had a high projecting forehead, and broad, open countenance ; and there was something noble and commanding in all his actions. He was brave, humane and generous, and never allowed a prisoner to be massacred if he could prevent it. At Fort Miami he saved the lives of all of us who had survived running the gauntlet. He afterwards released seven Shawanese belonging to my command, and sent them home on parole. Tecumseh was a Shawanese. His name signified in their language, Shooting Star. At the time when I saw him he held the commission of a Brigadier General in the British Army. I am satisfied that he deserved all that was said of him by General Cass and Governor Harrison, previous to his death.
The battle of the Thames substantially closed hostilities in the West. Their successive failures at Fort Meigs, at Fort Stephenson, on the Lake and at the Thames, satisfied the British that further attempts in this section would be useless, and none such were made. This series of important victories by the American forces, accomplished all that skill and heroism could do toward retrieving the loss of . position and honor in Hull's surrender and Winchester's sad defeat.
The purpose here has been simply to note the more important events of the War occurring in this section, and those having a local interest.
The following is a succinct statement of events following the victory of Commodore Perry:
September 10th.-The victory. " We have met the enemy, and they are ours!" September 11th.-The American and British officers killed in the action of the 10th, were buried at Put-in Bay, but the bodies of those holding no official rank in the fleet, were "in the deep bosom of Ocean buried." This discrimination is not a grateful reminiscence. September 17th.-Governor Shelby of Kentucky, at the head of 4,000 mounted volunteers arrived at the mouth of Portage River (Port Clinton), flushed with exultation at the events of the week before, and destined to invade Canada. " What shall be done with the horses?" was the first question. A fence was thrown from Sandusky Bay to the nearest point on the Portage River, and thus enclosed in a luxuriant pasture of 10,000 acres, the 5,000 horses were left to range under guard of 500 Kentucky volunteers. September 20th.-General McArthur's Brigade reached the mouth of the Portage, after a toilsome march from Fort Meigs- the grass often so high and dense, that one man was compelled to mount upon the shoulders of another, to determine their line of march. September 21st.-The Army of Canada embarked under command of General Wm. H. Harrison. Put-in Bay was their first stage, which was 16 miles from Portage River. Commodore Perry's vessels were engaged in transporting baggage. Great enthusiasm among the troops. September 22d. - The whole Army gained the Island, and were encamped on the margin of the semi-circular Bay (South Bass). The St. Lawrence and the six prize-ships were at anchor within Put-in Bay, and were visited by parties from the shore. September 23d.Unfavorable winds-the Army at rest at Putin Bay. September 24th.-A deserter shot. He had deserted three times, and been twice pardoned. Two platoons fired on him at a distance of five paces. The poor fellow fell, riddled like a sieve. September 25th.-Reached East Sister, an Island of only three acres, with hardly room for the men to sit down. September 26th.-Violent storm-fears of inundation. Canadian shore reconnoitered by General Harrison and Commodore Perry. September 27th.-Sixteen ships of war and 100 boats, landed in Canada, three miles below Malden. September 28th.-Marched to Aux Canads. September 29th.-Marched to Sandwich. September 30th.-Joined by Colonel R. M. Johnson's regiment, which had marched from Fort Meigs to Detroit, and thence to the junction with the main body. October 6th.-Battle of the Thames--British Army routed-Tecumseh killed-the War in the Northwest virtually ended.
Following is a statement of the locations and characters of the several Military Stations of the United States in Northwestern Ohio,
EARLY FORTS. - 63
erected previous to and during the War of 1812-15; together with their condition in 1819, as given by Col. James Kilbourne's Gazetteer, of that date
Fort Amanda-some 20 miles Northeast from Fort St. Mary's-on route from Loramie's to Fort Defiance.
Fort Brown-on Auglaize River, about 20 miles South of Defiance.
Fort Defiance-an important Military Fortification, situated on the point of land formed by the junction of Auglaize with Maumee River. During the late War the name was partially changed to that of Winchester; but it seems now very properly resuming its original inal appellation.
Fort Ferres -a Station so called, at Upper Sandusky, 40 miles South or up the River from Fort Stephenson.
Fort Finley-a small Post, on the Military Road from Urbana to Fort Meigs.
Fort Greenville-a Military Post, erected during the early settlement of the territory now the State of Ohio. Here was concluded the celebrated Indian Treaty in the year 1795, commonly called the Treaty of Greenville, by which the present East and West boundary line between the Ohio people and the Indians was established. A Village has since gradually grown up in its vicinity, called by its name, which is the seat of justice for Darke County.
Fort Jennings-a minor Post, on the Auglaize Road, 18 miles Southerly from Fort Amanda, and 22 miles from Fort Brown.
Fort Loramie-a Post so called from a trading station formerly made by a man of that name, on one of the head waters of the great Miami River, now in Shelby County.
Fort McArthur-a small Post, 24 miles Northerly from Urbana on the Road thence to Fort Meigs.
Fort .Manary-a Block-house, situated near the Indian boundary line, North of Urbana, on the Military route to Fort Meigs.
Fort Meigs-a noted Military Fortification, erected in the Winter of 1812-13, on the Southeastern bank of the Maumee River, at the lower Rapids of that River, a few miles from its mouth. Distance, Southerly from Detroit, 70 miles and Northwesterly 36 miles from Fort Stephenson. It is of an oblong figure, and when first completed enclosed an area of 11 acres. The wall consisted of palisades 14 feet high, sunk four feet into the ground, with embankments of earth on each side, taken from a broad ditch, and a deep exterior moat. At suitable distances are regular bastions, mounted with artillery. This Post is remarkable for a siege which it sustained from the British and Indians, in April, 1813, and until the 5th of May, following, when the garrison, together with a reinforcement from Kentucky, made a gallant sortie, driving their enemy in every direction, and compelling them to raise the siege. Since the siege, it has been considerably reduced from its former dimensions, and is now (1816) going to decay.
Fort Necessity-on route from Urbana to Fort Meigs, now in Hardin County.
Fort Portage-a Block-house, sometimes denominated a Fort, on Portage or Carrying River, on the route from Fort Finley to Fort Meigs; 18 miles from the latter, and 29 from the former.
Fort Seneca-a Military Post, occupied during the late War, on the West side of Sandusky River, 10 miles South of Fort Stephenson.
Fort Stephenson-an important Military Post, on the Western bank of Sandusky River, 18 miles from its mouth and 67 North from the Indian boundary [now the North line of Union County]. It stands on a tract of land ceded by the Indians at the Greenville Treaty to the United States. It is rendered famous by the bravery with which it was successfully defended, by an inconsiderable number of American troops, against a furious assault made upon it by the British, with vastly superior numbers, in July [August], 1813. This place, together with the settlements in its vicinity, is frequently, and perhaps, most generally, called Lower Sandusky, it being situated adjacent to the lower Rapids of Sandusky River.
Fort St. Mary's-a Military Station near the source of St. Mary's River, on the route from Greenville to Fort Defiance, 12 miles from Loramie's Station and 12 from Fort Amanda.
Fort Industry.-A question having been raised as to the name of the fortification erected by the United States Government at the mouth of Swan Creek about the beginning of the present century-whether it was Fort Industry or Fort Lawrence-the writer made inquiry of the War Department as to the fact, when
64 - HISTORY OF TOLEDO AND LUCAS COUNTY.
Adjutant General L. C. Drumm replied as follows:
A stockade Fort was erected about the year 1800, near the mouth of Swan Creek, on the Maumee River, and, as near as can be determined, upon what is now Summit Street, in the City of Toledo, to which was given the name of Fort Industry. It was at this Fort that a treaty was held with the Indians, July 4th, 1805, by which the Indian title to the Fire Lands, [Huron and Erie Counties] was extinguished, and at which were present Mr. Charles Jouett, United States Commissioner, and Chiefs of Ottawa, Chippewa, Pottawatomie, Shawnee, Muncie and Delaware Indian tribes.
This office has no record of a Fort Lawrence within the limits of the State of Ohio. Fort Laurens-named in honor of the President of the Continental Congress -was built by Gen. McIntosh, in 1778, on the West bank of the Tuscarawas River, now in Tuscarawas County, and near the Town of Bolivar. This Fort is by some writers spelled Lawrence, but improperly so.
In June, 1870, it having been ascertained by the citizens of Perrysburg and Maumee City, that a party of Veterans of the War of 1812, serving in the Army in this section, proposed to make a visit to the scenes of their service 57 years before that time, preparations were at once begun for a reception worthy of the proposed visitors. Meetings of citizens of both Towns were held, and steps taken which resulted in very suitable provision for an occasion so interesting to the people of all this region.
June 23d, a committee of citizens of the two places, with Hon. M. R. Waite, at Columbus Grove, met the party, who came in a special car furnished by the Dayton & Michigan Railroad, which reached Perrysburg at 5 P. M. The following is a list of the Veterans, to wit
Colonel Charles S. Todd, Aide to General Harrison in the War of 1812, a Minister to Russia from 1841 to 1846. Lived at Owensboro, Ky., and was 79 years old.
Major Jere Duncan, Bourbon Co., Ky., aged 78.
General E. Pendleton, Clark Co., Ky., aged 81.
Colonel William Hamilton, Nicholas Co., Ky., aged 78.
A. B. Crawford, Clark Co., Ky., aged 80.
Peter Bonta, Bourbon Co., Ky., aged 78.
W. T. Foster, Grant Co., Ky., aged 73.
Francis McLeer, Fayette Co., Ky., aged 81.
Seward Beall, Clark Co., Ky., aged 74.
Nelson Bush, Clark Co., Ky., aged 80.
William C. Berry, Clark Co., Ky., aged 80.
Thomas Jones, Bourbon Co., Ky., aged 81.
Elisha Sturgeon, Grant Co., Ky., aged 84.
Henry Gaither, Cincinnati, O., aged 80.
Sanford Branham, Scott Co., Ky., aged 78.
Thomas Lindsey, Fayette Co., Ky., aged 81.
William C. Keas, Mt. Sterling, Ky., aged 75.
Dr. Alva Curtis, Cincinnati, 0., aged 73.
Joseph Quinn, Grant Co., Ky., aged 74.
R. P. Menifee, Kenton Co., Ky., aged 81.
George Williams, Grant Co., Ky., aged 80.
John Jolley, Campbell Co., Ky., aged 82.
T. A. Grimes, Bourbon Co., Ky., aged 73.
William B. Davis, McArthur, O., aged 79.
H. W. Davis, McConnellsville, O., aged 77.
William Shaffer, Middletown, O., aged 87.
Samuel Bownell, Middletown, O., aged 74.
Joseph Barnett, Middletown, O., aged 76.
David McChessney, Middletown, O., aged 77.
John Stine, Pendleton Co., Ky., aged 74.
Samuel Dewese, Wood Co., O., aged 78.
David Lamb, Toledo, O., aged 83.
Michael Morgan, Wood Co., O., aged 89.
Peter Navarre, Toledo, O., aged 85.
John Moore, Wood Co., O., aged 75.
J. L. Jolly, Napoleon, O., aged 80.
David Deal, Fremont, O., aged 86.
John Ross, Wood Co., O., aged 77.
David Johnson, Wood Co, O., aged 83.
Samuel Kuder, Wood Co., O., aged 81.
John Noel, Wood Co., O., aged 79.
Horace Thacher, Toledo, O., aged 69.
The Kentucky Veterans had for some years held annual re-unions, and at their meeting, at Paris, in that State, June 22d, with 80 present, it was decided that as many as could undertake the trip, join in the visit to the Maumee, when it was found that about one-half of those present joined the movement. On the morning of the 24th, Mayor William Kraus, the City Council, a delegation from the Police force and many citizens of Toledo, went to Perrysburg by the Steamer Cora Locke, to participate in the exercises. At that place a procession was formed, which marched to Fort Meigs, where the Veterans and citizens spent some time in passing around the premises, the former seeking points specially reminding them of the events of 1813. The assemblage was called to order by Mayor J. R. Tyler of Perrysburg. Rev. George A. Adams of that place offered prayer; and the Veterans and citizens were entertained by Mayor Tyler. The spokesman of the old soldiers in response was Colonel Todd. He said, that though not present at the time of the siege by the British and Indians, he yet helped to build the Fort, and was with General Harrison before the siege and throughout the war after that event. Previous to that, he bore dispatches from Harrison to General Winchester. He was Acting Quartermaster.
REUNIONS OF VETERANS OF 1812. - 65
He had no wagons for transportation through the Black Swamp, but carried provisions and other supplies on horseback. In the winter they might have used sleds, but had no harness, except what he constructed of green hides, which answered while it remained dry. At times the horses would give out, when the men took their places and drew the loads, sometimes for 30 miles. Colonel Todd referred to the battle of the Thames, and stated that after the capture of General Proctor's forces, they found the General was missing ; when he (Col. T.) and Major Wood, with a Company of men, started in pursuit. The men giving out, these two officers pushed on and finally overtook Proctor's carriage, but found its occupant had escaped on the back of one of the horses. In the carriage they found all of Proctor's papers, including the speech of Tecumseh, the great Indian leader, in which he severely rebuked his British associate commanders for allowing the Indians to murder helpless prisoners, saying among other things : " I conquer to save ; but you to murder." Again, he said, "Father, listen ! In the Revolutionary War, we tried to assist you ; but our Great Father was thrown on his back. In the last War we could not think of defending men who lived like groundhogs." Colonel Todd regarded the War of 1812, as but the continuation of the War of the Revolution-the British made peace; but their Indian allies did not. The defeat of Dudley was due to inconsiderate valor. General Harrison had said, the misfortune of Kentuckians was, that "they were too brave." Colonel Todd in strong terms thanked the people of the Maumee Valley for the grand reception given the Veterans, concluding with the words "We thank you, and thank you, and thank you ! " At the conclusion of his remarks, he exhibited the flag which was carried at Fort Meigs, and which bore the rents made in it by British balls. From the Fort, the Veterans crossed the River to Maumee City, where preparations had been made for them. A dinner was served at the American House, after which the visitors and citizens assembled in a grove, where Mr. George W. Reynolds presided ; prayer was offered by Rev. Mr. Swan; and an address delivered by Rev. Mr. Richardson, responded to by Colonel Todd. Remarks were made by Dr. Gaither of Cincinnati, Lieutenant-Governor J. C. Lee and M. R. Waite, the latter stating that Mrs. Harriet O. Hall, daughter of Major William Oliver, one of Harrison's trusted subordinates, had deputed him to invite her father's comrades to accept her hospitality at the Oliver House, Toledo, which they did, Mrs. Hall receiving them in the hotel parlors, and invited them to a dinner prepared for them. Mr. Menifee was at Winchester's defeat on the River Raisin; was made prisoner and as such lay in the water at night, and through a change of weather, his clothes were fastened by ice thus formed. He had been crippled ever since by a wound then received at River Raisin. Peter Navarre, of Toledo, one of Harrison's best scouts, was at the Oliver House, as was also Captain David Wilkison, who, though not a soldier or a sailor, in 1815 assisted in removing the cannon and other stores from Fort Meigs to Detroit.
June 15, 1871, 19 survivors of the River Raisin Massacre of 1512, met at Monroe, Mich., where a banquet was provided for them, at which Mayor Redfield presided, and General Custer and others made addresses. The names and ages of the Veterans present were as follows: Joseph B. Nadeau, 77 years ; Peter Navarre, 82; Robert F. Navarre, 80; Joseph Guyer, 88; George Younglover, 77; Bronson French, 82; Francis Lazane, 82; David Van Pelt, 89; William Walters, 88; Joseph Foulke, 80; Fred. Bouroff, 100 years, 7 months; Jean DeChovin, 77; John Clappen, 76; Charles Hixon, 76; Henry Mason, 79; Hall DeLand, 75; Thomas Whelpley, 73; Louis Jacobs, 96; John Beseau, 80. Peter and Robert F. Navarre continued to reside in this section until their deaths. Frank Bouroff, the centenarian, was born in Pennsylvania, 1770. The united ages of the group were 1,158 years, the average being nearly 90.
July 4th, 1872, was celebrated at Monroe, Mich., the chief incident of the occasion being the presence of 117 Veterans of Harrison's Army, serving at Fort Meigs and elsewhere in this section, during the war of 1812. A large gathering of people were present. General George Spaulding was Marshal of the day. Among the prominent officials and civilians present, were Governor Baldwin; Judges Christiancy, Campbell, Cooley, and Patchin, of Michigan ; General Leslie Combs of Kentucky, General G. A. Custer, and General S. L. Williams, then nearly 91 years old, himself
66 - HISTORY OF TOLEDO AND LUCAS COUNTY.
a Veteran. Mayor Redfield presided, and Hon. Warner Wing delivered an address. General Custer called the roll of Veterans present (each of whom answered to his name), as follows John B. McLean, aged 77; George Younglover, 79; Brown French, 83: Joseph Foulke, 83; John Clapper, 77; Charles Avon, 77; Thomas Whelpley, 97; Louis Jacobs, 96; Henry Gaither, 82; Alvah Curtis, 76; John Mulholland, 75; Francis Santour, 76; Simon Van Aiken, 82; James Vanderwalker, 82; William Hamilton, 80; Edward Warring, 79; Peter Bants, 81; Alex. Crawford, 81; James Penwick, 78; Joseph C. Barrett, 78; Aaron Eddelman, 81; Roger Quinsberry, 79: Michael Goodright, 78; Thos. Bolivar, 76; J. W. Kolfuss, 77; James Y. Love, 74; Robert S. Goatney, 72; J. C. Reid, 75; John Jameson, 79; James Carrey, 75; Robert Carrick, 77; Thomas Lindsley, 83; James Clusin, 85; Edward Pendleton, 84; James R. Armstrong, 85; Solomon McVay, 76; J. C. Parker, 77; A. B. Crawford, 82; Leonard Beall, 75; J. K. Goodwin, 80; Joseph Vance, 84; Isaac C. Rossenet, 79 ; James Kirke, 84; Oliver Talbot, 79; Moore Johnson, 77; William Shaffer, 89; Thomas Mount, 68; Larken Webster, 80; John Gebhart, 78; Jesse Holly, 82; V. B. Davis, 80; E. B. Hudnut, 78; Lewis Ball, 70; Elisha Williams, 86; W. R. Locke, 79; B. J. Puller, 81 ; J. R. Rogers, 80 ; J. C. Craddock, 84; Samuel L. Williams, 91; Judge S. Blanchard, 77; E. W. Benson, 75; Daniel Helwig, 82; S. J. Armstrong, 84; Thomas B. Davis, 83; W. D. Hixson, 91; W. Dayor, 82; Andrew Burns, 72; Francis McLock, 78; John Martin, 76j; John B. Lafrige, 77 ; Joseph Gunn, 85; Frederick Bouroff, 101k; Samuel Dowese, 80; Louis Souans, 88; Nap. Navarre, 81; Peter Navarre, 86; Alex. Navarre, 82; Daniel Van Pelt, 91; Joseph Besnett, 79; John Clappen, 76; Henry Mason, 80; James Harvey, 80; John Raot, 78; A. C. Couseign, 82; Joseph Verkies, 82; L. Y. Grant, 77; A. A. Pasko, 78; Joseph Ewalt, 87 ; John B. Ressau, 81 ; N. Moyer, 77; W. Walters, 78; Shubal Lewis, 70; Hall DeLand, 76 ; Robert McNeill, 77; Lewis Beach, 79; Benon L. Bortine, 79; C. H. McNain, 84; Joseph Hall, 85; Isaac G. Futzna, 74; Mathew Gibson, 83 ; Lewis Jacobs, 97; John Root, 78; W. Waters, 79; Dr. Curtis, 78; Henry Davis, 82; C. Hall, 71; Simeon Ganarke, 82; Jona Sheam, 76; Charles McNain, 85; Andrew Burns, 78; Perry Nedmore, 82; George Shapine, 84; H. M. Davis, 79; W. B. Davis, 81. The oldest in the list was Frederick Boroff, whose age was 101 years and six months, having been born six years before the declaration of independence, 1776. Edward Willets read the declaration of independence. Judge H. V. Campbell delivered an oration ; a dinner was served to the Veterans and pioneers present; following which came toasts and responses. Complete amnesty was then informally declared for all " Toledo Rebels of 1835 against the sovereignty of the Territory of Michigan." Several citizens of Toledo were present.
As successors in possession of the soil, it is desirable that the white race have a correct understanding of the nature and true character of the Red Man whom they have dispossessed. The prevailing sentiment now is that of depreciation and contempt for those who not many years ago held this entire region in undisputed control and use. Wherever the facts of the case are known, however, this estimate of the aborigines does not prevail. The main ground for it, is found in the greatly changed habits and character of these people, which followed and are attributable to their association with the Whites. It is the testimony of nearly all intelligent persons familiar with their condition on the advent of the obtruding race, that they bore very little of the spirit and traits which followed such advent. It is a most suggestive fact in this connection, that among the first steps taken in their work by the Moravian Missionaries at Gnadenhutten, Shoenbrun and Salem, in Eastern Ohio, was to petition the Territorial Legislature to prohibit the introduction of intoxicating liquors among the people whom they had come to civilize and christianize. For a time, this plan was successful ; but as the Whites increased in numbers, and the Indians in resources, the law became inoperative, and the result, as in all other cases of unrestrained traffic of that sort, was intemperance, idleness and debauchery ; the outcome directly traceable to that one cause-being the loss of influence by the Missionaries over the natives and the abandonment of the settlements and of efforts for their improvement. The work of demoralization thus begun by the heartless cupidity of the alleged "superior race," continued, with increasing results, as long as Indians were permitted to remain on the soil
INDIAN CHARACTER, AND INDIAN WRONGS. - 67
of their fathers. When the degraded remnants of a truly "noble race"-the handiwork of professed Christian civilization-finally left the scenes of their ancestors, the contrast of their condition with that of their fathers on the advent of the Whites, could hardly have been more marked. Nothing could be more unjust, than to judge of the Indians, as a race, by the degraded samples produced by contact with Europeans. Much better might the latter, as a class, be judged by the specimens seen hovering about and produced by the dens of pollution and crime which infest most of the larger Cities of the United States. These wretched creatures, like the debauched Red Men, are the work of alcoholic ruin, but with the greater crime of better knowledge of the practice which degraded them. Those only who knew the Indians in their " best estate "-untaught and unpolished, as they were-and who also knew the sad remnants of the race, in the state to which association with the Whites had brought them, can appreciate the contrast of the two conditions. It is the testimony of all having knowledge in the case, that the Indians at first met the Whites as friends, and continued to treat them as such until encroachments and the evident design of hostility aroused their suspicion and resentment, which feeling, as to those in the Northwest, was materially promoted by British traders and the policy of British authorities.*
In his " Notes on the Northwestern Territory," published in 1847, Judge Jacob Burnet, one of the most prominent and intelligent of the early settlers of this region, who was active and influential in its affairs for many years, having been a leading member of the Territorial Legislature and subsequently a Senator
* On this point Monett's History of the Mississippi Valley has the following: "At length it was perceived that these continued aggressions were prompted and instigated by British traders and agents at Detroit and on the Maumee. The fur trade in the Northwestern Territory was almost wholly controlled by British traders, who were interested in checking the advance of American population across the Ohio, which would sound the knell of approaching dissolution of their monopoly. A state of active hostilities renewed by the savages might yet defer for many years the advance of the white settlements north of the Ohio, and thus prolong the monopoly of the free trade. Such were the views and conclusions of the British traders and agents at Detroit and other points south of Lake Erie."
in Congress-makes the following reference to the Indians of the Maumee Valley: "In journeying more recently through the State, the writer has occasionally passed over the ground on which, many years before, he had seen Indian Towns filled with that devoted race, contented and happy; but he could not perceive the slightest trace of those Villages, or of the people who had occupied them. All settlements through which he passed on the Maumee and the Auglaize, from Fort Wayne to Defiance, and from thence to the foot of the Rapids, had been broken up and deserted. The battleground of General Wayne, which he had often seen in the rude state in which it was when the action of 1794 was fought, was so changed in its appearance, that he could not recognize it, and not an indication remained of the populous Indian Villages he had formerly seen, extending many miles on either side of the River. Flourishing Towns and fields, cultivated by white men, covered the ground, which 30 years before, was the property and the home of the natives of the forest. The contrast was striking, and excited a train of unpleasant recollections. It was a natural inquiry: ' Where are the multitudes of red people, who were formerly seen here, amusing themselves at the Rapids, taking the swift muskelunge with their bows and arrows?' They were then independent and undisturbed owners of the country which had descended to them through a long line of heroic ancestors, and which they expected their children would continue to possess when they should be gone. * * * * The final catastrophe of that noble race, was witnessed by the people of Cincinnati a few years since, when the remnant of the Wyandots-the last of the braves of the Ohio tribes-' reliquias Danaum atque immitis Achillei'-arrived at the landing, and ascended the steamships that were to convey them from the places of their nativity into hopeless banishment. To the eye of the humane observer, they seemed to linger, and to turn to the North, as if to bid a last farewell to the tombs in which they had deposited the remains of their deceased children, and in which the bones of their fathers had been accumulating and mouldering for untold ages."
Two chief subterfuges are employed to justify the gross abuse to which that unfortunate race is subjected, (1) that they are by nature the
68 - HISTORY OF TOLEDO AND LUCAS COUNTY.
enemy of civilization; and (2) that they are incapable of such degree of improvement, in morals or habits, as would warrant effort to that end. Both these assumptions are disproved by well established facts, which show that both races are susceptible to the same influences for good or for evil, and that under like conditions, each may be made better or made worse. This is shown in the fact, that in every known case in which Whites have been taken in childhood and subjected to the care and habits of the Indians, they have in after life manifested all the peculiarities of the native Indian; while Indian children, separated from their own race and trained among civilized people, have shown the moral sense, taste, and habits of their captors. It is safe to say, that the American Indians, when first brought in contact with the Whites, were more hopeful subjects for civilization and Christianity, than were the natives of Britain, when efforts for their improvement were first put forth by Saxon invaders. The truth is, that they have never been treated as if designed for anything better than plunder and extermination. It is a fact, most potent here, that throughout the years in which the Government made no claim either of ownership or occupancy of the soil in this region, there was little trouble with them -no Indian wars, whose bloody record mainly now give character to that race-but all was friendly and peaceful. It was only as, step by step, the advance of White aggression excited suspicion and aroused resistance, that enmity toward the aggressor was manifested. No people capable of substantial improvement or fitted for usefulness, would have done less for beating back their avowed enemy, than did they. Not to have resisted such aggression, would have shown them without the manhood essential to the respect of the world. As already remarked, it is only those who have seen that race, both in their original state and after years of contact with the Whites, who can intelligently judge them. In the " Conspiracy of Pontiac," Parkman most justly says of the treatment to which the Indians were subjected by traders, whom he characterizes as "ruffians of the coarsest stamp": "They cheated, plundered, and cursed the Indians and outraged their families, offering, when compared with the French, who were under better regulation, a most unfavorable example of their nation." The chief agency employed in giving effect to such brutal policy, consisted of intoxicating liquors, often in their worse possible forms. The Indians of the Maumee Valley and Michigan were subjected to greater wrong in this respect, in consequence of the bitter competition for their trade existing for many years between the French and British traders, each class receiving from its home Government whatever support promised to aid in their shameless struggle for Indian traffic. The inevitable result was the rapid and extreme demoralization of a once comparatively moral people. Some idea of the extent of this degradation, may be had from the statement of a white man, adopted into an Indian tribe when young. Of a particular debauch, he said : " A trader came to the Town with French brandy. We purchased a keg of it and held a council about who was to get drunk and who was to keep sober. I was invited to get drunk, but I refused the proposal. Then they told me I must be one of those who were to take care of the drunken people. I did not like this, but of the two evils I chose that which I thought was the least, and fell in with those who were to conceal the arms and keep every dangerous weapon we could out of their way; and endeavor, if possible, to keep the drinking club from killing each other, which was a very hard task. Several times we hazarded our own lives, and got ourselves hurt, in preventing them from slaying each other."
This state of things would continue as long as the Indians had a merchantable skin to traffic for liquor, when it stopped, and the degraded Sons of the Forest, for very lack of means for further debauch, were compelled slowly and wretchedly to recover from the sad condition to which merciless traders had brought them. For such treatment of an unhappy race, there was no relief. Enactment of laws and promulgation of orders, however restrictive in terms, were ineffective with the remorseless and lawless trader, whose crimes were generally committed beyond the reach of executive power, even when, in exceptional cases, there was a will to employ such power in defense of the plundered and debauched Indians. It is entirely safe to say, that no Nation in history-considering all the conditions of the case-has a record of more inexcusable wrong toward defenseless subjects of its power,
INDIAN CHARACTER AND INDIAN WRONGS. - 69
than have those who have for 260 years permitted the rapacity of their own people to pursue, with every form of demoralization and wrong, the defenseless Indians of the Western Hemisphere. This is strong language, but it is believed to be just. It would be a privilege, could it be truthfully said that such long-continued and inexcusable wrong is a thing of the past only. While in a great degree modified in extent, it continues to blemish the otherwise fair fame of the American people.
The Black Hawk War (between the United States and the Sac and Fox Indians of Rock River), was largely due to the sale of whiskey by licensed traders to those Indians, in violation of law. Black Hawk, with other Chiefs, remonstrated against such traffic with their tribes, and appealed to the Government to enforce its prohibition. This they did, because of the debasing effects of that traffic upon the morals of those people, and the danger of provocation of aggression upon the Whites by the Indians while in a state of intoxication. A memorial directed to Governor Reynolds, in 1831, by the white settlers on Rock River, upon which paper, that officer declared the State of Illinois to be hostilely invaded by the Sac and Fox Indians, and ordered out the Militia to repel them, was based largely on the fact that the Indians had destroyed a barrel of whiskey which the owner was retailing to them in defiance of the laws of Congress. Such disregard of regulations intended to protect the morals of the Indians and preserve peace, was habitually winked at by the authorities, and thus was influential in provoking war.* In a letter of date of July 25th, 1832, addressed to General Joseph M. Steel, Indian Agent at Prairie du Chien, Henry R. Sehoolcraft protested against the practice of traders licensed by General Steel, who sold liquors to the Indians in violation of law. Mr. Schoolcraft said : " I am fully persuaded that ardent spirits are not necessary to the successful prosecution of trade; that they are deeply pernicious to the Indians; and that both their use and abuse is derogatory to the character of a wise and sober Government. Their exclusion, in every shape and every quantity, is an object of primary importance." An agent of a Temperance Society, in a journal of a tour to the Upper Mississippi,
* "The Black Hawk War," by Benjamin Drake, 1848.
about 1847, pictured the sad results of the liquor traffic among the Winnebago Indians, neighbors of the Sacs and Foxes. Twenty years previous to such visit, at which time the settlement by the Whites had begun, those Indians raised more of corn, beans and other vegetables than were required for their consumption. In 1847, they had become wholly dependent on the Whites for even the scanty subsistence by which they were dragging out the remnant of a miserable existence. "And what was the cause of so great a change in a few years in the habits and circumstances of a whole people? The answer is plain to every one at all acquainted with Indian history. It is the avarice and perfidy of the Whites; and Whiskey, WHISKEY has been the all-potent agent by which it has been effected. By selling and giving them whiskey till they become drunk, they were soon filched of the little annuities received from the Government, and then, for the rest of the year, treated like so many dogs."
A writer, familiar with the subject, says "Humanity shudders at the recital of the nefarious acts practiced by white traders upon the Indians. Yet, not half of them are known or dreamed of by the American people. Sometimes the traders were found taking, by force, from an Indian, the produce of a year's hunt, without making any return, sometimes pilfering a portion while buying the remainder; and still oftener wresting from the poor wretches, while in a state of intoxication, a valuable property for an inadequate remuneration." The case is given, in which an Indian woman, in the course of a single day, sold 120 Beaver skins, with a large quanty of Buffalo robes, &c., for rung. "Of a large load of peltries-the produce of so many days of toil, so many long and difficult journeys-one blanket and three kegs of rum only remained, beside the poor and almost worn-out clothes on their bodies." Rev. Timothy Flint, in his "Indian Wars of the West," says: " We affirm an undoubting belief, from no unfrequent nor inconsiderable means of observation, that aggression has commenced in the account current of mutual crime, as a hundred to one on the part of the Indians."
At the head of Second street, Defiance, and
* St. Louis Bulletin, 1847.
70 - HISTORY OF TOLEDO AND LUCAS COUNTY.
on the bank of the Auglaize River, lie buried the remains of many soldiers of the American Army of 1812-15. Among these are those of the Indian Chief, Logan.* He was not the Mingo Chief, celebrated in earlier history and made memorable by Jefferson, but a namesake of Benjamin Logan, from whom Logan County derived its name. In the Autumn of 1786, General Clarke raised a force that captured Kaskaskia, on the Mississippi, and Vincennes, on the Wabash. General Logan was then detached from General Clarke's force on the Falls of the Ohio, to march against the Indian towns at the head of the Mad River and the Great Miami. The first encounter he had with the Indians, was in Clarke County, on the Mad River. General Lytle, then a boy of 16, was one of the party in the contest that captured Moluntha, the great Chief of the Shawanese, and Spemica Laub, the subject of this notice. The latter was of the age of Lytle. General Logan took the Indian boy to Kentucky and adopted him in his family and kept him for several years, when he returned to his tribe. Then he became known by the name of Logan, and rose to the rank of Civil Chief, on account of his intellectual and moral qualities. His personal appearance was commanding, he being six feet high and weighing 200 pounds. He continued the unwavering friend of the Whites. In the War of 1812 he was with General Harrison, who directed Logan with a small party to reconnoiter in the direction of the head of the Rapids of the Maumee. The party consisted of Logan, Bright-Horn and Captain Johnny. When near this point, they were met by a superior force of the enemy, and compelled to retreat. They made their escape to the left wing of the Army under General Winchester, then in a picket fort on the bank of the Auglaize, near the east end of First street, Defiance, to whom they related their adventure. Logan's party, while here, was accused of infidelity to our cause by an officer of the Kentucky troops. Indignant at such charge, Logan called on Major Oliver, saying he would leave the Fort in the morning, and either leave his body bleaching in the woods, or return with such trophies from the enemy as would relieve his character from the sus-
* " Pioneer," a correspondent of the Defiance Democrat, June, 1874.
picion that had been cast upon it. On the 22d of November, 1812, in company with Bright Horn and Captain Johnny, he set out on his perilous adventure. At noon, having stopped to rest, they were surprised by the approach of seven of the enemy, among whom was young Elliott, a half-breed, and the celebrated Pottawatomie Chief, Winnemac. Resistance against such odds was useless, and they resorted to strategy. Logan extended his hand to Winnemac, with whom he was acquainted, and told him that he and his two companions were tired of American service, and were leaving Winchester's Army to join the British. This did not satisfy Winnemac, who was well versed in Indian strategy. Logan and his party were disarmed and marched down the river under guard. The British troops at this time were at the head of the Rapids, which was to be their destination. Logan and party were so much at ease in their new position, that Winnemac became so satisfied that his story was true, that their arms were restored before evening. Logan then resolved to attack the enemy on the first favorable opportunity, and so informed Bright-Horn and Captain Johnny. Their guns were loaded, and they put some bullets in their mouths to facilitate re-loading. Logan, fearing detection while doing this, remarked to an Indian by his side " Me thaw heap tobacco." In the evening they arrived at the mouth of Turkeyfoot Creek (now in Henry County), with the intention of camping for the night. Winnemac's party strolled off to gather black haws, a wild berry. Logan now gave the signal for attack, when the three fired, killing two and wounding one, who required a second shot, leaving the parties four to three. They treed, and for a while Logan's party were safe. One of the enemy reached a position that uncovered Logan, when lie was shot through the body. Meanwhile, two more of the enemy were mortally wounded, when the remaining two of Winnemac's party fell back. Taking advantage of this state of things, Captain Johnny mounted Logan, now suffering from a mortal wound, and Bright-Horn, also wounded, on the enemy's horses, and started them for Defiance. Captain Johnny, having scalped Winnemac, followed on foot. The wounded men arrived at Defiance about midnight, and Captain Johnny the next morning. This desperate
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conflict resulted in the death of Logan, who, with such fearful odds, deliberately dared to vindicate himself against a false charge by one high in Winchester's Army. The case caused a deep feeling of sympathy and admiration for the dying Chief, and none more deeply regretted his sad fate, than did the officer who made the charge. Logan lived two or three days after reaching Defiance. He suffered great pain, and while writhing in agony, related to his friend, Major Wm. Oliver, the particulars of the fight, saying that he prized his honor higher than his life, and died satisfied. In the course of this interview he was noticed to smile, and being questioned as to the cause, he replied, that when he recalled to mind the manner in which Captain Johnny took off the scalp of Winnemac, while at the same time watching the enemy, he could not refrain from laughing. He was buried by the officers with the honors of war.
General John E. Hunt's estimate of the character of the great Indian Chief Tecumseh, whose name is so intimately allied with the history of this region, will be of interest here. He says of that noted warrior : " Tecumseh was not a large man, but strong and well made. He usually dressed very plainly, in buckskin Indian costume, for a long time wearing three feathers-one given him by Mrs. Proctor and the others by wives of other British officers. These were plain ostrich plumes-red, white and black, respectively. They were tied to his queue, hanging down his back. He was generally armed with his tomahawk, scalpingknife and pipe in his belt, with his rifle on his arm. He very much resembled Otusso, an Ottawa War Chief, who died at the mouth of the Maumee River before those Indians were removed to the West."
What is known as the "Brownstown Treaty," was made at Brownstown, within the Territory of Michigan, and was concluded November 25, 1808. Governor William Hull of Michigan Territory, represented the Government on the one side, while the Chippewa, Ottawa, Pottawatomie, Wyandot and Shawnee Indians were represented by sachems, chiefs and warriors of their respective tribes. The chief object of this treaty, on the part of the United States, was to secure the right to locate and construct a public road through lands of the Indians, which was obtained. The road was subsequently constructed by the State of Ohio, and is known as the Western Reserve and Maumee Road. The route of the same was fixed by the treaty as follows: For a "road of 120 feet in width, from the foot of the Rapids of the River Miami of Lake Erie, to the Western line of the Connecticut Reserve;" and "all lands within one mile of the road, on each side, for the purpose of establishing settlements along the same." By the same treaty was granted " a tract of land, for a road only, of 120 feet in width, to run Southwardly from what is called Lower Sandusky (Fremont) to boundary line established by the treaty of Greenville." This road never was constructed, although for many years the people at Lower Sandusky urged upon the State the execution of the project contemplated in the treaty of Brownstown.
Most of the remnant of the Ottawas which remained in this section after the departure of the body of the tribe for their location West of the Mississippi in 1833, took their departure August 31, 1837, for the same region. They left on the steamboat "Commodore Perry" for Cleveland, to go thence by Canal to Portsmouth, and thence by the Ohio and the Mississippi. They were under the care of Colonel John Mcllvaine of Columbus, Superintendent, with Captain W. E. Cruger of Rochester, N. Y., as Assistant and Disbursing Agent. Messrs. John Mack-, D. H. Forsyth and C. Roby of Maumee City, were attached to the expedition-the former as Commissary, and the others as interpreters. Several in the tribe yet remained in this section, not being willing to join their fellows in the removal. They numbered about 150, the Chief Otteka being with them. The causes leading to such separation of this fragment, are indicated by notice published in Maumee, August 19, 1837, by Superintendent Mcllvaine. He therein, by appeals to alleged creditors of members of the tribe not to obstruct their departure, intimated that efforts would be made to do that. He said: "They have now no country or home here. May the Removing Agent not ask, in the name of humanity,-in the name of justice-in the sacred name of mercy-that if any are secretly working to discourage the emigration of these unfortunate creatures, they will pause and consider the impropriety of their course?" He also made this significant appeal: "In
72 - HISTORY OF TOLEDO AND LUCAS COUNTY.
conclusion, it is requested, that those who have been in the habit of selling liquors to these Indians, do so no more; as it will be impossible to remove the dissipated, if it be continued, and they must, to their ruin and to the annoyance of good citizens, remain." The remnant still remaining continued here about two years, and their departure was thus stated by the Ohio (Perrysburg) Whig of July 30, 1839: "The remaining few of the once powerful tribe of Indians (the Ottawas), who have been lingering about this section for the past few years, dragging out a miserable and precarious existence, took their departure for the country West of the Mississippi July 25th, on board the Steamer Commodore Perry, under the superintendence of Judge Forsyth of Maumee City, the Indian Agent. Their course was directed to Cleveland, and thence by Canal to the Ohio River. They were about 100 in number, including both sexes. They hated to go; and we learn that it was with much persuasion, that Judge Forsyth prevailed upon them for their removal."
A treaty between the United States and Wyandot, Ottawa, Chippewa and Munsee, Delaware, Shawnee and Pottawatomie tribes of Indians was held at Fort Industry (now within Toledo), July 4, 1805. By, this treaty, the Indians relinquished their title to all lands in Ohio as far West as the Western boundary of the Connecticut Western Reserve (the Western line of Huron County). Included in this grant, were what have been known as the " Fire Lands," embracing all of present Huron County, and nearly the whole of Erie County. They were so named, because they had been set apart by the State of Connecticut from its Western Reserve, as consideration for damages sustained by citizens of that State by the destruction of property by fire at the hands of the British during the Revolutionary War. The quantity of such lands was 500,040 acres.
November 7, 1807, at Detroit, Governor William Hull made treaty with the Ottawa, Chippewa, Wyandot and Pottawatomie Indians, whereby lands described as follows were ceded to the United States: Beginning at the mouth of the Miami River of the Lakes (the Maumee), and running up the middle thereof to the mouth of the Great Au Glaize River ; thence running North until it intersects a parallel of latitude, to be drawn from the outlet of Lake Huron, which forms the River St. Clair; thence Northeast in a direct line to White Rock, in Lake Huron ; thence due East to the boundary line between the United States and Canada in said Lake; thence Southerly on said line through River and Lake St. Clair and Detroit River into Lake Erie to a point due East of the Maumee River; and thence West, to the place of beginning. The Indians reserved one tract of land six miles square on the Maumee River, above Roche de Boeuf, "to include the Village where Tondanie" (the Dog), then lived, being a short distance above the present site of the Town of Waterville. Also, was reserved to them a tract three miles square on the same River, and above the 12 miles square ceded to the United States by the treaty of Greenville. The Reserve referred to included what is known as Presque Isle, about half way between Waterville and Maumee City. Another Reserve, four miles square, on the Maumee Bay, including the Village where Meshkemau and Waugau then lived.
In 1873, a variety of Indian trinkets were plowed up, as the Ten-Mile Creek road was being worked, then in Manhattan Township. Among them was a large silver cross, found in the breast of an Indian's skeleton, he probably being a man of note with his tribe, and that article placed there as a special mark of respect. The cross is thirteen and one-half inches long and eight and five-eighths wide; its weight, eight ounces, pure silver. It bore on a smooth, polished surface, light representations of boughs of trees. With this was found a silver chain, five feet long, bearing six charms. There was a double cross-one upright and two transverse pieces, the latter two and one half inches in length ; also marked with light, small circles. Another relic was a silver wheel or circle, with small, egg-shaped figures, which might have been used as a pin and for ornament. There were six small and one larger silver pendants the former probably designed for the ears and the latter for the nose. Also, four silver brooches; a silver head-band, one inch wide and two feet long; and a silver bracelet, about two and one-half inches broad. There were beside these, a stone pipe; a scalping-knife, of pure steel ; and a stone image of a bird. The knife was found sticking down beside an Indian's skull. The image of a bird was found in a copper vessel or bucket about
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eight inches high and four across. It is of thick, heavy copper, with cover (of copper) fitting closely. On the bottom of this vessel is the inscription, ""J. C. D., 1737," indicating it to be 150 years old. In it were found small images similar to the one above named, and representing fishes, birds and Indians, the latter sometimes on horseback, and some with bows and arrows drawn for shooting. These, however, upon exposure to the atmosphere, soon crumbled to fine dust, leaving but the one. The skull, apparently of an Indian Princess, was found with hair in good state of preservation, coiled on the top, which soon crumbled to dust. The presence of the articles of ornament in the graves of Indians, is explained by the impression which formerly so fully obtained with that race, that death is but a transfer from one scene of material existence to another, but which has been more or less modified by association with the Whites and the teaching of Christian Missionaries. The first thing with them, was to secure a safe journey to the "happy hunting-ground," to which they believed they were to go. With this is the ambition to bear to the new scene of activity ornaments and marks of their distinction in this life. Another common thought with them was, that their position in the next existence would depend largely on the number of enemies which they had here slain in battle, while such could be commanded as servants to help them on their journey to the new grounds. At another time in the neighborhood of the same locality, were. plowed up two solid silver crosses. They were about six inches in length, and covered with exquisite designs in engraving. One of them was marked, "R. C. Montreal," indicating it to have been a heraldic device, connected with the Jesuit Missionary work. With the crosses, were found a large number of human bones, several cooking utensils and a pair of silver ear-rings. It so happened that the finder of one of the crosses, was one of two Chippewa Indians, who had just begun work on the road then being repaired. Their excitement at such discovery was intense.