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350 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. privates of our company agreed upon some by-laws, to be in force among ourselves, particularly with regard to pilfering and uncleanliness about the camp. If any one, on being accused and tried by a court-martial consisting of the sergeants of the company, was found guilty, he was fined or whipped at the discretion of the court. These by-laws were strictly enforced. A soldier was brought before the court for some misdemeanor, tried, found guilty, and sentenced to be whipped. He was immediately taken into an orchard, tied to an apple-tree, and smartly whipped with rods. Another was caught on a pear-tree stealing fruit, and he was tried and severely punished. EXPEDITION TO CANADA. "About this time, by direction of General Washington, Colonel Benedict Arnold had succeeded in raising one thousand volunteers for an expedition against Canada. Captain Jonas Hubbard, of Worcester, a stout athletic man, and much esteemed and beloved by all his acquaintances, was one of the volunteers. A number of our company, including myself, were enrolled in his company, when we were marched to Cambridge, and quartered on the inhabitants of the town while preparing for our contemplated expedition. Some time about the middle of September, the necessary preparations having been completed, we took our baggage, and marched by land to Newbury- port, thirty-three miles north north-east from Boston. We lay in Newburyport over the Sabbath, and attended public worship in military order. Monday we shipped aboard some dirty coasters and fish boats, and sailed into the mouth of the Kennebec. During this short voyage I became very seasick; and such a sickness, making me feel so lifeless, so indifferent whether I lived or died! It seemed to me that had I been thrown into the sea. I should hardly have made an effort to have saved myself. We sailed up the Kennebec about fifty miles to a place called Fort Weston, where we left our shipping, went ashore, and encamped. While we were shifting our baggage to some bateaux, one of the men, in a passion, fired into a room full of soldiers, and killed one of their number. He was taken and tried by a court-martial, and found guilty of murder. He was sent back under guard to headquarters at Cambridge. "When baggage and boats were ready we moved up the river, some proceeding by land, some in boats. We were frequently obliged to haul our boats against a rapid current, and being heavily loaded, our progress was slow. At Fort Halifax, there was a short fall that was impassable and we were compelled to take our baggage and MAHONING VALLEY - 351 boat out of the river and carry them around the falls. Here we passed Norridgewock, formerly an old Indian village, finely situated on both sides of the river, about two hundred miles north north-east from Boston. This was the last English settlement on our route. \Toy commenced our march into the wilderness. Following up the stream we soon came to another fall, where we were obliged to unload and pass around as before. We proceeded slowly by hauling and pushing, using ropes in one case and settling poles in the other. At night we went ashore, struck up a fire, and camped down, as we called it; next morning we proceeded on. "About twenty miles from the last carrying place, we came to what are called High Falls, where we had to take our boats out of the river again and carry them around. We then proceeded on, as before, about twenty miles further, when we came to what was called the Great Carrying Place, or Long Falls. Our boats and baggage were now to be carried five or six miles over hills and through a swamp to a pond which was one mile across. This was a wearisome work. The boats were turned bottom up, and four men would take one on their shoulders and march along, the edge of the boat, being somewhat sharp, pressing very painfully on the flesh. Each barrel of provision was carried by four men, being swung by ropes on two poles. It was a fatiguing and painful task; but performed with much patience and fortitude, and without murmuring. We were also very harmonious. " But the evening we arrived at the pond there was an exception. As Captain Hubbard was walking through his company, as was his practice, to see that his soldiers were making themselves comfortable, he found two of them fighting and beating each other in a most savage manner. He parted them, and while endeavoring to effect a reconciliation one of them, being in a great rage, clinched him. The Captain laid the fellow down carefully by the side of a log, and held him there until he begged his pardon and promised reformation. Captain Hubbard being a large man, and good natured as he was stout, came in laughing and told what he had done. I was in the officer's mess. No other punishment was inflicted. "The next morning we crossed the pond, and then carried our boats and baggage two or three miles to another pond of about the same width. Thus we went on until we came to Dead River, the west branch of the Kennebec. It takes its rise in the high lands which separate Maine from Canada, and joins the east branch about twenty miles from Moosehead Lake. The distance from the Long Falls on the Kennebec to the point where we struck Dead River is upward 352 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. of twelve miles ; and this route, including the two ponds, the Great Carrying Place. "The front division, to which I belonged, proceeded up the river one day's march, when Colonel Arnold ordered a number of soldiers in each company to return back and keep forward of the rear division, which was commanded by Col. Roger Enos. Accordingly we Went back some miles and performed this duty. I then joined my company again and we moved on up the river. About this time Arnold permitted some fifteen of each company, invalids and faint-hearted, to return to Cambridge, under Lieutenant Lyman, of Northfield, Mass., who reluctantly submitted to the order. " Soon after this, on its being rumored that the rear division was better provided with supplies than we were, Arnold directed an equal distribution to be made. He then took twelve men as his guards, and, having given directions that every man should take good care of himself and make the best of his way through the wilderness, he went on in advance of the main body, and I did not see him again until we arrived at the French settlement in Canada. His order, to have the provisions equally divided, gave so great offense to Colonel Enos and four captains with their companies that, without permission, they returned to Cambridge. So great a defection disheartened us. However, Lieutenant-Colonel Green, Major Bigelow, of Massachusetts, Major (afterward colonel) Meigs, of Connecticut, three companies of riflemen, commanited by Captains Morgan (who was afterward colonel), Smith and Hendricks, of Pennsylvania, five companies of New England troops, commanded by Captains Dearborn, of New Hampshire, Hubbard, of Massachusetts, Hanchett, of Connecticut, and Topham and Thayer, of Rhode Island, with the remainder of the troops, now reduced to about five hundred men, continued to march up the Dead River. Falls and obstructions of various kinds hindered us, but we kept on from day to day until we came to the high lands between Canada and the United States. "We were now about one hundred miles from the Canadian settlements, and, having encountered many difficulties thus far, we had now to meet one more formidable than any we had vanquished; namely, lack of provisions. It being understood that our supplies were nearly exhausted, the officers divided them among the soldiers as equally as they could, when we found ourselves each in possession of a very scanty allowance, consisting of about five pints of flour and a small piece of pork. The officers said we must now each take care of himself. I understood afterward that many of the men, par- MAHONING VALLEY - 353 titularly those from Pennsylvania and Virginia, before we marched the next morning, had eaten their whole allowance. "The most of the boats were now left. A few were carried along to Chaudiere Pond, and from thence to Chaudiere River. The officers and most of the New England troops and some of the riflemen marched by land with the expectation of reaching Chaudiere River by a shorter way. We took up a line of march which we thought would bring us to the river. After traveling two days on the route, which led us through dismal swamps, where we had to wade through waters of considerable depth, while at the same time it was snowing and freezing, to our surprise and mortification we found that we were wrong. Destitute as we were, and with our clothes wet and frozen, we suffered extremely from fatigue, cold, and hunger. It was now ascertained that a young Indian was in the camp, who had some practical knowledge of the country. Under his directions, after another day's fatiguing march, we reached the banks of the Chaudiere; thus accomplishing in three days what might have been done in less than two had we not missed our course. The river is a precipitous and unnavigable stream. Our course lay along down the river. At night we built tents of boughs, ate our pitiful morsel, and made ourselves as comfortable as the season of the year and the circumstances would admit of. "Colonel Arnold, as before stated, went forward to the French settlements, where he circulated manifestoes among the inhabitants, assuring them that they should not be molested in their persons or property, and that they should enjoy their religion. He also purchased some beef-cattle and sent them, by some Canadians, to meet us in the wilderness. They reached the forepart of the front division about eight miles from the settlements. The prospect of something to eat was very cheering. A cow, that happened to be with calf, was selected for immediate slaughter, and the Canadians went on with the rest of the cattle. A guard was set about the cow, and some of the soldiers proceeded to butcher her. In the mean time the soldiers came straggling along until a large number was collected, and, having been nearly without food for a number of days, we were voracious, so much so that when the calf and entrails were thrown out they were instantly seized by the soldiers and devoured without ceremony, salt or bread, before the cow was fairly dressed. I had the good fortune to get hold of a piece of an intestine five or six inches long ; this I washed, threw it on the coals for a short time and then ate it with a relish. Such is the appetite of hunger. Our spirits began to revive. 354 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. "In the mean time some Indian women came up the river in canoes, with some small, coarse cakes, which were soon sold to the soldiers for a shilling each, and quickly devoured by them. After the cattle were all dressed and divided into rations we had beef to eat, and had great reason to be thankful, though we had no bread with it, nor any thing else that was eatable. The next mo after the slaughter of the cattle we proceeded to the settlements. it was a cold, tedious, stormy day. There we obtained some coarse meal of the inhabitants, and made broth, and cakes baked in the coals, and thus we really feasted for several days. New strength was put into our fatigued and emaciated bodies, worn down as they had been by incessant toil, hardship, and exposure for thirty-two days, in a march of three hundred miles, the most of it through an unexplored and 'terrible wilderness.' The most of our New England troops got through to the settlements. "Captain Hubbard's company, to which I belonged, all arrived in safety, except one man, who, when about forty miles from the settlements, lamed himself by an accident, so as to be unable to travel. Captain Hubbard directed one of the company to stay with him and take care of him, build a shelter of boughs, kill game, etc., promising when the company got through he would send him assistance. Accordingly, he sent a stout, able-bodied young man, with a back-load of provisions, giving him a dollar in specie out of his own money. At the distance of some miles the soldier met them slowly following on, and they arrived in safety and joined the company. I was told that some of the soldiers, who ate their whole allowance the morning after our provisions were divided in the wilderness, were obliged, in order to sustain life, to eat their dogs, cartridge-boxes, old shoes, and clothes. A number perished by reason of hunger, fatigue, and cold. The next season, when returning home, I saw their bleaching bones, hair, etc., as will be related further on. "We were now about seventy miles from Point Levi. After recruiting a few days, we moved on as circumstances would admit. The weather was cold and stormy, and the snow of considerable depth, which made our march very uncomfortable. On the 9th of November we arrived at Point Levi, which is on the south bank of the St. Lawrence, opposite the city of Quebec. General Wolfe a halt, captured the city from the French, 1759. Here we made a halt and were quartered on the inhabitants about two weeks. They seemed generally to be friendly to both officers and soldiers, and to wish to do what they could to make us comfortable. MAHONING VALLEY - 355 "The British, to impede our crossing, had taken away all the boats, far and near. They had also stationed a sloop of war up the river as a guard, to watch our movements and prevent our crossing. however, these things did not discourage our officers. With great exertions and perseverance we obtained a number of Indian canoes, some made of logs, some of birch bark; but we kept secret the amount of our means for crossing. One day the British sent a boat from the sloop of war to a grist-mill opposite to where the sloop lay. This caused an alarm among our men, and a party sallied forth to give them battle. The attempt to capture the boat and crew failed. They escaped, with the exception of one man, said to have been a midshipman, who was taken prisoner and brought to camp. ATTEMPT TO TAKE QUEBEC. "Quebec, the stronghold of Canada, stands in a commanding position on the north bank of the St. Lawrence, near the mouth of a small river, the St. Charles. It consists of an upper and a lower town. The upper part of the city is a strong fortification, built upon a rock three hundred and forty feet above the lower town. Its harbor, three hundred and fifty miles from the sea, is very spacious, and has a depth of twenty-eight fathoms. "About the 20th of November we left Point Levi for the other side of the St. Lawrence. One very dark night we were ordered to pack up our baggage and march down to the river. We found the canoes ready to receive us; and as many as they could carry stepped in, and were landed at Wolfe's Cove, about a mile and a half above the city. While the canoes had gone back for another load the men found some flood-wood on the beach, and made fires, for it was very cold and freezing. Soon after the canoes had gone for the third load we heard a boat coming up the river and rounding a point toward our fires. Arnold ordered the soldiers to retire back under a bank, so that they could not be discovered. The boat came up, and was nearing the shore, when Arnold started up and bailed it, and a number of the soldiers rushed forward in sight. The boat tacked about, and was rowing off when some of the soldiers fired into it. The boat went back and alarmed the city. We did not wait for the rest of the troops to cross the river, but made the best of our way up the bank to the plains of Abraham, which the brave Wolfe ascended the night of the 12th of September, 1759. We now paraded ; but we soon beard the bells of the city ringing an alarm, and drums beating to arms. 356 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. "It has always seemed to me that if Arnold and the soldiers had kept still the boat and crew might have been taken without alarming the city. The city was completely exposed. St. John's gate was open. We stopped a man that had just come out of it, and could have entered, with nothing to hinder. "Our officers now held a council to determine what was best to be done. They finally concluded that, as the city was alarmed, and a large number of our men on the other side of the river, it was best to abandon the attempt for the present. We then marched a little back of St. John's village, set our sentinels, and encamped for the rest of the night. "Early the next morning the British sent out a patrolling party to reconnoiter, and, sure enough, they found one of our sentries asleep, and took him prisoner. We were aroused from our sleep, and our little army soon paraded, ready for battle. Arnold then marched us out, bravado-like, and maneuvered round near the city walls for some time, the British all the while firing at us with cannon from the walls. After a while we went back to our place of encampment without any injury, and paraded for prayer. Our chaplain not being present, Arnold took it upon himself to perform his duty. It was the only time I ever heard him attempt to pray. Sentinels were then posted, the men dismissed, and we retired to our quarters. "General Montgomery, with a large body of American troops, was at this time in possession of Montreal. To him Arnold now sent an express. In the mean time our soldiers who were left on the other side of the river had crossed over and joined the main body. " We continued in the village of St. John's a week or more, when, on a severely cold and dark night, we were again ordered to pack up. Instead, however, of advancing on Quebec, we marched up the river about twenty miles, and went into quarters among the inhabitants, continuing there about a fortnight. Here, also, we found the French civil and friendly. They often invited me, when I have entered their houses, to a seat at their table. "Montgomery arrived with his troops and cannon from Montreal, and the whole American force moved down the river, Arnold to the village of St. Roche, quartering on the inhabitants, Montgomery to the village of St. John's, taking a position within cannon-shot of Quebec. "On the 5th of December we commenced the siege of the city. The British were now firing shot and shell at us, both day and nightsi One of our soldiers was killed by a shell that fell into a guard-house. MAHONING VALLEY - 357 As Captain Hubbard was walking one day through the camp, with his uniform on, several cannon-balls struck near him. He came to his quarters laughing, and said, 'It seemed as if the rascals meant to hurt him; but they had not made out to yet.' We were considerably annoyed by the British fire. One ball passed through the side of the house in which I quartered into the chamber. It was so nearly spent that it merely rolled across the floor. .Another passed into the chimney and fell into the fire. One or two passed into the stoop. Bomb-shells fell near by and burst. As yet, however, no injury was done or life lost, except what has been mentioned. "Our officers now thought it expedient to throw up a breastwork of ice, and endeavor to batter the walls of the city. With great labor we procured a large pile of fascines and stakes; and one cold night we were ordered out and set to work, some staking up the fascines, some heaping up straw, others bringing water and throwing it on. The water soon freezing enabled us, in the course of the night, to form a large breast-work. Some of the soldiers, however, were badly frozen. The cannon which Montgomery brought with him from Montreal were placed behind the breast-work before daylight. "Early in the morning a spirited cannonade from the city and from our works commenced, and was kept up until nearly the middle of the day. By that time our heap of nonsense was completely battered to pieces, and our cannon silenced, without any thing of consequence being effected on our part. "It was then agreed by our officers that on the first dark and stormy night we would attempt to take the city by storm. Montgomery was to attack the upper and at the same time Arnold the lower town. Montgomery and Captain Hubbard were opposed to the plan, but yielded, as a majority of the officers and troops were in favor of it. After this arrangement, which was to be kept secret, we waited impatiently for the favorable opportunity. At length it arrived, and with it came the horrors of war. "On the last of December the period of service for which the most of Arnold's troops had enlisted expired. However, we were all there, and the 1st of January being ushered in with a tedious snowstorm, it was thought to be a favorable time for the assault. Montgomery, with his troops, made a spirited attack upon the defenses of the upper town. He forced the first barrier, but in attempting to force the second was killed, and with him also fell Captain M'Pherson, his aid, and Captain Cheeseman. The troops then retreated. 358 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS "While all this was going on Arnold's troops were paraded to attack the lower town. None were compelled to engage in the attack. Ensign Pierce, of our company, and some others, had got the cannon fever to such a degree that they were excused. I had for some time been lame in one foot, so as not to be able to wear tt shoe on it, but had got so much better that the day before I had put on my shoe, and was now able to parade with my company. It was posted near the center of the troops. Arnold and Captain Morgan were in front, two majors in the center, and Lieutenant-Colonel Green in the rear. " We commenced our march, and proceeded on through a shower of cannon and musket balls, and forced our way into the suburbs of the lower town. "Arnold, being now slightly wounded in the heel, directed two soldiers to help him back to the encampment, while at the same time he ordered the troops to push on. 'Rush on, brave boys,' said he. "It continued to snow furiously. Many of the gun-locks had become so wet that the guns could not be fired. As we marched through into the main street of the city the battle became more and more desperate, the enemy firing from the walls of the city, from the windows of the houses, and from every lurking-place they could find. Our troops were mowed down in heaps. I well remember that Captain Hendricks was shot down dead. I saw my Captain Hubbard leaning on the side of a building. I spoke and said, 'Are you wounded, Captain?' He replied that he was, but said, 'March on; march on.' The orderly Sergeant was shot down by my side. He fell on his back. He said to me: am a dead man. I wish you would turn me over.' I complied with his wish. Having strict orders, before we marched, not to stop for the Wounded or the dying, I left him to be trampled on in his blood." Here the manuscript of Lieutenant Fobes is defective,—some leaves, having dropped ,out, are lost. The deficiency will be supplied, so far as possible, by an extract from Hildreth's "History of the United States," Vol. III, pages 106-7: "Arnold, on his side, pushed through the northern suburb, and approached a two-gun battery, the advanced post of the enemy in that direction. While cheering on his men the bone of his leg Was shattered by a musket-ball. He was -borne from the field; but Morgan, at the head of his riflemen, made a rush at the battery, carried it, and took the guard prisoners. Morgan had no guide; the morning was dark. Totally ignorant of the situation of the town, MAHONING VALLEY - 359 be came to a halt. He was joined by some fragments of other companies, and when the day dawned found himself at the head of some two hundred men, who eagerly demanded to be led against the second barrier, a few paces in front, but concealed from sight by a turn in the street. Morgan gave the order, and his men advanced and planted their ladders ; but those who mounted saw on the other side a double hedge of bayonets, ready to receive them, while a fire at the same time was opened by parties of the enemy relieved from duty elsewhere by the failure of the other attack, and sent out of the gates to take them in the rear. Exposed in a narrow street to an incessant fire, Morgan's ranks were soon thinned. His men threw themselves into the store-houses on each side of the way ; but, overpowered by numbers, benumbed with cold, their muskets rendered unserviceable by the snow, they were obliged to surrender. Not less than four hundred men were lost by this unlucky assault, of whom three hundred became prisoners. Arnold retired with the remnant of his troops three miles up the river, and, covering his camp with ramparts of frozen snow, kept up the blockade of Quebec through the Winter." AS A PRISONER. Mr. Fobes was among the number of prisoners taken at Quebec. He gives the following account of his imprisonment: "The prison to which the soldiers were taken was a large and spacious building, the lower part of which was occupied by the friars. After we had been in prison about a week, the provost marshal, with other officers of distinction belonging to the city, visited us, and directed the sergeants of the several companies to make out a muster-roll of the soldiers then in prison, noting particularly where each man was born. When finished, the,roll was placed in the hands of the provost marshal. He then called out all the prisoners born in England or Ireland, and told them that, according to the letter of the law, they deserved nothing but death ; for they had taken up arms against their own country ; but, if they would take the oath of allegiance, and enlist in the British service until the first of the following June, they should be reprieved. One John Hall, having deserted from the British army about a year before, reported himself as having been born in New England. "The British-born soldiers were then allowed to remain a few days in prison. One of them, John M'Quin, belonged to Captain Hub- bard's company. He was a well-disposed man, a good soldier, and bad a wife and children in New England. It was evidently a great 360 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS trial for him to take the oath of allegiance and be obliged to fight against the United States. After thinking on the matter he concluded that a forced promise is not binding, and that by enlisting he might be able to return the sooner to his family ; for, he said, I shall leave the British if I find opportunity. August 9th he, with the others, except John Hall, enlisted, and, after having been clothed and equipped, entered the British service. It was not long, however, before M'Qtfin and five or six others seized a favorable opportunity and deserted to the American troops. Several of the remaining did so, one after another, until the rest were again put into prison by themselves. "What became of our commissioned officers, or where they were confined, we did not know. We neither saw nor heard any thing of them while we were in Quebec. "Our food was dealt out to us daily, and consisted of a small piece of salt meat and a coarse, hard, dry biscuit. The friars, one or more of them, would frequently come into the prison and walk around to see how the prisoners looked. Sometimes they would throw a few small apples on the floor to see the prisoners scramble for them. Now and then they would bring a small bottle of rum and give a little to some of the soldiers. "About two weeks after our captivity began ten or twelve of the prisoners broke out with the small-pox. They were taken out and conveyed to a hospital, so called. They had the disease very hard, and I think one or more of them died. The survivors, as soon as the fever left them and the scabs began to come off, were brought back, and, without any cleansing, were thrust in among us. Of course, all who had not had it took the disease, and there we were, without doctor, medicine, or any preparation for such a dangerous disease. Our food, also, was the same as it had been, and we might eat it or starve. "When the pock was coming out on seventy or eighty of our number, our fever very high, with no water to drink, some of the men drank of their own urine, which made the fever rage too violently to be endured. Several, the pock not coming out well, were dangerously sick. This was the case with myself. Some of the friars visiting the prison at that time, one of them came to me, and, seeing me a dangerous situation, poured some rum into a small glass and told me to drink it. After some persuasion I drank it, and have reason to think that the effect was good. My pock soon after came out well, and I was more comfortable. MAHONING VALLEY - 361 "Soon after this about sixty of us were taken to another house, and crowded into a room so small that we could not lie down without lying on one another. We were kept in that situation twenty-four hours, our fever raging violently, made worse by having such a number confined in so small a room, with no water to cool our parched tongues. Time seemed long. We felt sometimes as if human nature could not endure, and as if they meant to kill us. The next day, however, our number was divided, and some were taken to other places, and we were made somewhat comfortable with blankets and straw bunks. A doctor visited us once a day, examined our symptoms, and left us a little medicine. The French ladies also kindly brought in some herb-drink, boiled rice, some sugar, and a little bread. The most of us had the small-pox very hard, our flesh seemed a mass of corruption; at the same time we were almost covered with vermin. These were a sore affliction. When we were a little recovered we were removed back to our former prison without any cleansing or change of apparel. Our clothes were stiff with corrupted matter, and we found in our old prison the same fare and allowance as before stated. According to the best information I could get, about one-twelfth of•the prisoners died that Winter with the smallpox. Some died after a partial recovery. " After continuing in this prison about two weeks longer, we were taken to an old stone jail not far from St. John's gate, through which the people pass going to St. John's village. The jail had eight rooms and a small back yard. Its walls were exceedingly strong and high, with large spikes fastened thick in the top. The lower floor of the jail was laid with large, heavy stone, and the room was arched overhead. In the cellar underneath there was a good spring of water. At night we were locked in the eight rooms which did not communicate with one another. We bad not been there long before keys were obtained, and we could unlock all the inside doors at pleasure. The outside door being locked on the outside, we could not open. We could open the door into the garret, and raise a kind of trap-door, and get out on to the roof of the prison. There, when the moon shone, we could see the movements of the British guards, and learned at what time of the night they relieved their sentries; we could also see our American flag. We were permitted in the day-time to go into the yard when we chose, and have an ax in the cellar for the purpose of splitting wood for our fires. Those of us who had had the small-pox and lived now began to feel considerably better, and were devising some plan by which we could escape from our loathsome prison. 362 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. "To carry this into effect, and to provide ourselves with weapons the old ax was lost. Another was brought in ; soon that was lost, A third was provided; and thus we went slowly along until we had a number of axes in our possession. In the cellar and about the prison we found some old scythes, which answered very well for swords. We also doubled some iron hoops that we found, and thus increased the number of our weapons. " We, now formed ourselves into three divisions, chose our officers, and assigned to each division its part in the enterprise. After the cellar-door should be opened, the first division was to fall upon the prison guard and take it ; the second division was to fall upon the principal guard, stationed at St. John's gate, and open the gate to let in our. troops ; the third division was to get possession of the cannon on the walls of the fortifications and turn them on the city. "To prosecute this daring and presumptuous plan, it was necessary to inform our troops and get their consent. This a small and active young man of our number undertook in the following way : on a favorable day, after making preparations to let himself down from the top of the wall, he secreted himself in the yard until the provost marshal had locked the prison door and gone out. Some time in the night he made his escape over the walls without receiving any injury or alarming the guards, and got safe to our troops, as we learned the next day by a knot tied in the American flag, which was the sign agreed upon to indicate his safe arrival and the assent of our men to the proposed plan for taking the city. We were now in high spirits, flattering ourselves that we should soon have the city of Quebec in our possession. " But there was an obstacle in the way. The cellar-door through which we must pass was strong, hung with large iron hinges, and the bottom very much clogged with ice, which must be chopped away before the door could be opened. This obstruction an active young man undertook to remove. One night he, with his old ax, began clearing away the ice. He worked with care making as little noise as possible, both in chopping away the ice and drawing the nails to get off the hinges ; but he was overheard by the sentinel, as appeared next morning. The provost marshal came in early and immediately made search. When he found the ice chopped away and the Hails drawn from the hinges, he came out of the cellar very angry and went through • the prison from room to room inquiring of the prisoners who did it, and what it was done for? No one could tell him or give MAHONING VALLEY - 363 any information on the subject. After he had stormed about some time with his threats and foul language, finding that he could not prevail on any of the prisoners to tell who did it or why it was done, he turned to go out of the prison. "John Hall, the British deserter, had gone and placed himself on one side of the door through which he would pass ; and, as he went out, he took Hall with him. We now suspected that the whole plan would be discovered. The provost marshal soon returned with a guard, entered the prison and called for Simon Fobes. I was put under guard and marched off to time guard-house. After being there a while, Col. M'Clain took me before the city authorities, and I was examined by them about our alleged intention of breaking jail. With many flatteries and fair promises that I should have better fare and not be put in irons, they used their utmost endeavors to prevail on me to make the plan known. But they found me very ignorant; and after they had employed all their subtlety, and got nothing for their pains, I was put into a back room. After a while, Sergeant Boyd, a likely young man, who belonged to one of the rifle companies, was brought into the room where I was. "He had been examined as I had been, and with the same success. Col. M'Clain soon after brought into the room a bottle of porter with some bread and cheese for us. He asked us if we were afraid to go back to the prison again. We told him we were not ; for we had done nothing wrong in any way to injure them. Accordingly, we were removed back to the prison, where, to our surprise, we found a blacksmith with some Frenchmen putting irons on the prisoners. Irons were formed into bows to receive the wrist, and two prisoners were fastened by one wrist each to a bar of iron nearly two feet long. Some of the irons were put on the ankle, and a number of the prisoners were fastened to a heavy bar of iron. The irons were thought to have been made secure, some by keys, some with nails, others by pad-locks. The blacksmith came to Boyd and myself, and was going to put the irons on us, when we told him that Colonel M'Clain had given us his promise that we should not be put in irons. They then left us and went away. "We were now much disappointed and mortified that our plan was discovered, and our high expectations cut off. We were satisfied that Hall had informed the provost marshal of our intention to break jail, and let our troops into the city. It was well for him that we never saw him afterward. The prisoners were now not only confined 364 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. within the strong walls of a loathsome prison, but loaded with irons. Still they retained the spirit of soldiers, and we were intent on gain_ ing our liberty. But the first thing was to relieve the men of their shackles. Accordingly, Boyd went to work, and, by picking the locks, twisting the keys, and bending the bows with the help of the prisoners, before twenty-six hours had passed, we had succeeded in ridding the prisoners of nearly all their irons. They were laid in a convenient place. Each man was to remember his mate, and a sentinel was placed at each window to give warning when the provost marshal was coming; and before he could get in the prisoners would all have their irons on in fine order. One day, however, the provost came and seemed to suspect that the prisoners took off their irons. He examined carefully ; but hands and feet would be so big and the irons on so nice that he could not get them off, and he went away apparently satisfied. "Boyd and myself were soon after removed to a more comfortable prison. This was done in consequence of the promise that Colonel M'Clain and the provost marshal had made to us if we would reveal our plan for breaking out, etc. Our fellow-prisoners advised us to accept the proposed offer, as it was probable we should be made more comfortable. Accordingly, Boyd and myself reminded the provost the first opportunity we had of his promise, and, as we expected, we were removed to another prison and made more comfortable ; but we had the same kind of food and the same allowance as before. The British having been apprised of our intention to break jail the first favorable night and let our troops into the city, laid a plan to derive some advantage from their information. One night when it was very dark and stormy we heard the sentinels of the prison firing one after another in quick succession, and then the guard at St. John's Gate. The firing grew more and more spirited, and was kept up for some time. It seemed to us that the British, by pretending that the prisoners had broken jail and risen upon the guard, thought to decoy our troops into the city; but the stratagem did not succeed. Our troops, as we afterward learned, were paraded, and marched toward the city ; but they soon found to their satisfaction that the alarm was feigned. They kept at a suitable distance, and the British got their labor for their pains. About the middle of May several British ships came up the river, and landed a large body of troops. A few days after, looking between the grates, I saw the British army drawn up and marching off toward to the American camp, as we supposed to make an attack on our forces. I thought they would meet with a MAHONING VALLEY - 365 warm reception ; but, to my surprise and disappointment, our troops had retreated up the river. "A few days after the provost came into the prison, and gave several of us an invitation to go on board a store-ship to work, and promised that we should receive wages. I at first declined, being- unacquainted with the business, and prefering to stay where I was and run my chance. But three or four of our number who had some knowledge of the business agreeing to go, I concluded to accompany them. We were taken on board a large armed ship commanded by a lieutenant. "About this time those Irishmen that had enlisted and were removed back to prison were invited to enlist during the war. All but four enlisted. These four, John Polk, James Potter, Thomas Morrison, and one whose name I have forgotten, were brought on board the same ship with us. Sergeant Boyd declared openly and boldly that he would not take up arms against his country. This so provoked the commanding officer that Boyd was immediately put in irons and sent back to prison. The rest of us concluded to say nothing about taking up arms, but improve the first opportunity to make our escape. Our food consisted principally of pork, peas, and sea biscuit. "At this time I was in feeble health, and could perform but little labor. My strength was exhausted. Nevertheless, I was compelled to do duty with the rest of the crew, though it was hard dragging along. "We now weighed anchor, and sailed up the St. Lawrence about forty miles, near Point Chambrow, where the river is two miles wide. There we took our station a little north of the center of the river as a guard ship, and also for the purpose of receiving and delivering stores, which were frequently passing up the river. My appetite continued poor. My bowels were in a bad state, and I concluded I must resort to medicine or be sick. I went to one of the sailors, and had the good fortune to obtain from him a small portion of rhubarb. Of the cook I begged the heads and necks of some fowls that were for the officers' table. These I took to the fire, and singed and scraped as well as I could, burning off the bills and combs, and boiled them in a small kettle, and thickened the broth with a little oatmeal. The medicine and broth were of great service to me. My appetite soon became good, food relished, and I gained strength, and was able to perform my duties as well as any of them. Pollock, the Irishman, having served an apprenticeship in a cabinet shop in New York was furnished with tools, and employed in making tables, 366 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. chests, etc., in the officers' room. He made one chest for himself which he sold for two dollars, and laid by the money for a particular use. " The Old Country men, in clearing out the hold of the ship one day, found a hogshead of junk-bottles filled with porter. These they appropriated to themselves, and drank when the officers were on shore, throwing the bottles as they were emptied into the river. Of course the officers, on returning, were surprised to find them under the influence of liquor and hear of their quarrelsome conduct. It was some time before they found out where the liquor came from, and put it out of the way. About half of the bottles had been emptied. "We were compelled to stand sentry by turns every night, either on deck or at the cabin-door. One night the quartermaster called me to get up and stand sentry. I did so, but told him it was not my turn. You lie, you d—d Yankee rebel,' said he. I made no reply, though my blood boiled. Some time in July the quartermaster took a boat with a guard and several prisoners, and went up the river on duty. On their return, being about to land at a certain place, we cast anchor; and as the cable was running out he accidentally stepped into the coil and was drawn overboard. Search was immediately made for him, and continued all that day and the next, but in vain. We did not mourn much for him. "About the middle of July three of the Old Country men escaped from the ship. Handbills were sent out, and diligent search made, but to no purpose. One, who had run away some time before, was found, brought back, severely punished, and put in irons. One of the Irishmen, Michael O'Neil, having stolen some trifling thing from the cabin-boy, was complained of, convicted, and sentenced to take two dozen cat-o'-ninementails on the naked back. The sentence was soon after executed by the boatswain's mate. Every blow fetched blood. He was then put in irons, and a guard set over him. When it was nearly dark the prisoner got liberty of the sentinel to take off the irons, that he might go for some necessaries. On returning he said to the sentinel, will put on the irons,' which he supposed him to have done ; but in the night, having stolen some other things, he crawled out of a port-hole into a boat and escaped. What became of him I never knew. “The British had now obtained information that the American colonies had, on the 4th of July, declared themselves free and independent States. The soldiers, to make themselves sport, would some- MAHONING VALLEY - 367 times go into the room of the cook, a colored man, and tell him that John Hancock was ' Grand King.' This would so provoke the old man that he would fly at them with his poker, and, with oaths uttered in amusingly broken language, drive them from the room. " About this time one of the crew was taken sick and died. The corpse was put into a coarse coffin, and several of us, under the command of the boatswain, went ashore to bury the dead. When we had set the coffin down by the grave, the steward, a Papist friar, pulled a book out of his pocket, and began to read something, which I could not understand. The boatswain, however, soon got out of patience with the friar, d—d him off, and told him he would hear no more of his Paternoster,' and immediately ordered the corpse to be buried, when we returned back to the ship. "Some time in the fore part of August we learned that our fellow-prisoners in Quebec were about to sail for New England, to be exchanged. We went to the commanding officer, and told him that we considered ourselves prisoners of war, and plead with him for liberty to go to Quebec, that we might sail with the other prisoners and be exchanged. But the officer, in a surly mood, made us no answer. We could not be content with his silence, and took every opportunity, one by one, to prevail on him to let us go. The officer at length became very angry, using profane language, called us rebels, and declared we should go nowhere, except where the ship went. We were much vexed, and were determined to gain our liberty. We had a plan in view, and made up our minds to put it into execution. Not long after, we heard that the American prisoners had sailed from Quebec. ESCAPE FROM THE BRITISH-JOURNEY THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. From the 18th of August to the 30th of September, 1776. " Some time the latter part of July Reuben Johnson, John Pollock, and myself, together with three or four others, agreed to leave the ship and try for liberty. We had nothing to take with us but a few articles of cheap clothing. Johnson had one sailor's jacket, besides what he wore. Pollock had two shirts. His outward clothes were those of a midshipman; buttons mostly off. My wardrobe consisted of a pair of flannel drawers, two shirts, a pair of buckskin breeches, Pantaloons, and a coarse sailor's jacket. Our shoes were tolerably good. "On the 18th of August, 1776, a day memorable to us, Johnson, Pollock, and myself made our escape. The others did not succeed. 368 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. In the morning, before daylight, we put on all the clothes we had. It being in some respects a leisure day, we went one by one to the commanding officer, and stated to him that we were brought up on land, and requested of him the privilege of going on shore for recre, ation, and to gather a few berries. After a while he consented, and we went ashore on the north side of the river, with a number of sailors as a guard. After wandering around some time, and making ourselves very familiar with our guard, inclining all the while toward the woods, the sailors became weary, and loitered about carelessly. When near the woods we watched our opportunity, and, when they were busy and off their guard, took to our heels; and if ever men ran, we did, and were soon over the hill, into the woods, and out of sight and hearing. At any rate, we never saw or heard any thing more of our guard. After running some distance into the woods we cut each of us a solid staff, and mutually agreed to defend one another to the last extremity. We steered our course along down the St. Lawrence until we came to a large stream emptying into it, and to a crossing by means of a rope ferry. After watching awhile, and seeing that it was doing little, we concluded there was not much danger, and went down to the ferry. We stepped into the boat, and the ferryman soon hauled us over without asking any questions. Handing him a few coppers, we proceeded boldly along the road, much pleased with our success. " We soon after left the river, and, as the road turned short round a steep hill, we came suddenly on a Frenchman with a loaded team, attended by a guard of British soldiers. One of my comrades, in a fright, said we must run or we shall surely be taken for deserters. I replied, not if we run now they will certainly mistrust and pursue us. We took one side of the road and went. on boldly, passed them without being molested, and, delighted with our liberty, proceeded on with a quick step to the first public-house. Being very hungry, we went in apparently without fear, and, sailor-like, called for a dram and some victuals. While eating, I noticed a boy ten or twelve years old, eying me sharply. After a while he went into another room; and then we heard a great jabbering, but could not understand a word they said. Soon the landlord came into the room where we were, very surly, and said to me, Vo Bostona.' I told him, 'No Bostona.' He said, ‘Vo Bostona certain." By this time a number of French Canadians had gathered around, very inquisitive, to know who we were, where we came from, and where we were going ? I told them we came from up the river, and were going down to MAHONING VALLEY - 369 Quebec on duty. They then asked me if we had a pass, and said, 'You can not go without one.' There was much warm altercation,, and they still insisted on a pass. I told them we did not want a pass, for we had a midshipman with us (pointing to Pollock's dress), and were from a certain ship then lying at Quebec (naming the ship, for I knew what ships were lying there). We eat as fast as we could, not appearing to be in the least daunted; and having settled with the landlord, started on, keeping boldly along the road until we were fairly out of sight of the tavern, when, concluding that it was not prudent to travel in the public highway, we took to the woods with a quick step, not letting the grass grow under our feet. " We went on the bank of the river, keeping a good lookout both to see what was passing up and down the stream, and to find, if possible, some sort of craft by the help of which we might cross the river. At length we discovered a large, heavy log canoe, with oars, drawn up some distance on the beach. We concealed ourselves until after sunset, and then proposed that one should go and look for something to eat. Finally, as we had mutually agreed to stand by each other, we ventured out to a house near the road. Seeing no man about, one of us went in and bought a small loaf of bread, while the other two were near by, looking out for the enemy. We then went back to the river, and not seeing any boat passing, slipped down the bank, and, after much exertion, got the canoe into the river and. steered for the other side, about two miles distant. On nearing the south shore we turned our course down stream, and went rapidly, until we judged, by the appearance of the trees, that it was near daylight. We then landed on a beach, and sent our borrowed canoe adrift. We found that we were on a narrow beach, the river on one side, and a high, steep precipice on the other. It was with serious difficulty, and not without risk of life, that we reached the top. We then crawled into a thicket and lay down. We were very tired and soon were asleep, and slept soundly until the sun had risen to a considerable height. " The day was beautiful and pleasant, and after eating a small Piece of bread we took our course by the sun, intending to strike the Chaudiere River above the rapids. To keep clear of the Canadians we kept in the woods, traveling over logs and hills and windfalls, and through valleys, until late in the afternoon, when we came to a foot- Path which appeared to have been recently traveled by men and horses. This path, leading near our course, we concluded to follow, and went on until it was nearly dark, when we turned off a little 370 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS distance, not being able to follow it in the night. And now, with hearts of thankfulness to God for our preservation through many dangers and sufferings, and that we were at a good distance from the British ships, we crawled partially under a log and tried to get some sleep. But anxiety as to the final issue of our undertaking, and thoughts of the circumstances we were in—six hundred miles from home, three hundred of which lay through an unbroken wilderness—without food or any means of taking game, bore heavily on our minds, and made sleep some of the time impossible. " We were up in the morning as soon as we could see to follow our path, and went on until near noon, when we came to a new settlement, where hunger drove us into the first house, and, seeing no man about, we asked the woman of the house for some bread and milk. She did not hurry much to wait on us, at least so we thought. While we were eating, a large man, with two or three great boys, came in. After some conversation the man seemed very anxious to know who we were and where we were going. He appeared very friendly, and we told him honestly who we were, where from, and our destination. He told us it would be impossible to get along the way we were going, and advised us to go back the way we had been traveling fifteen miles, until we came near the mouth of the Chaudiere River. We offered them pay for our food, which they refused. We gave them a cow-bell which we found in the woods, and bought of them a small loaf of bread. " We followed the advice of our friend, the Frenchman, and went back down the river the whole distance without seeing a person, it being woods nearly all the way. When we came to the ferry we secreted ourselves and watched the movements across the river until some time in the night, when we ventured down to the crossing, but found neither boat nor canoe there. Pollock concluded to swim across and get a canoe. He succeeded, and we were soon safely over. After returning the boat to its place, we took our course up the Chaudiere, and went on until near daylight, when we came to a barn, in which we found some hay for a bed, and lay down and slept soundly until late in the morning. Fortunately for us, as we thought, it was foggy. We crept silently out of the barn and took our course across the fields. We had not gone far before we discovered, directly before us, the smoke of a Frenchman's tobacco pipe. The man was mowing. Altering our course, we passed him undiscovered. We suspected that the British had guards up the river, and we endeavored to keep clear of them. We went into a thicket of underwood MAHONING VALLEY - 371 near the road, and secreted ourselves in such a position that we could see the passers-by through the day. "As soon as it was dark we took the road again. In passing some of the gardens of the inhabitants we would make a friendly call and draw by the tops a few small onions to eat with our bread—and they relished well. Thus we traveled only by night, secreting ourselves during the day, until we came near the center of a piece of woods twelve miles through, where was a vacant house, into which we went and lay down and slept until some time in the morning. "We now ventured to travel by day. After going about six miles we came to a house, into which we were driven by hunger to get something to eat. We found there an old Frenchman in a surly mood, who asked us many impertinent questions, to which we did not see fit give any direct answers. After a while they got us some victuals and let us have a small piece of bread, for which we had to pay very dear. "We again concluded it was not best to travel much in the daytime. Accordingly, when out of sight of the house we had entered, we struck into the woods some distance from the road, and there lay in a thicket through the day, taking time before dark to get back in sight of the road. When it was dark we proceeded on our way. We began to think we should need an ax in going through the wilderness, and to obtain one we searched every wood-pile and door- yard until we found one. Not thinking it prudent to awake the owner to get consent, we made bold to take it. We continued on until near day, when coming to an old barn, we went in and got a little sleep. "We were now near the rapids of the Chaudiere River, and being a long distance up the river, we concluded early next morning that it would be safe to travel during the day. The road here passed along the bank of the river. We had not gone far before we saw a number of houses across the river, out of one of which I saw a man run up the river to another house. Immediately a man came out in his undress and hailed us, inquiring in French who we were and where we were going. We made no stop nor any answer. He then called in English, apparently very anxious to know where we were going. I replied, To Boston. He then said to us very earnestly, 'If you go on that road you will most surely be taken up before two hours.' This staggered us somewhat, for we could not certainly determine whether they were friends or foes. However, we soon left the road, and hid in the woods during the day. 372 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. " We generally traveled Indian file, it commonly falling to me to take the lead. As we were going along the road through a piece of woods, I saw at some distance before me a horse standing directly across the path. I walked on silent as the grave. When near the horse's head there lay upon the ground before me a man apparently asleep. I thought it not best to disturb him, and stepped right over him, and my companions did the same. We afterward concluded that in a drunken fit the man had fallen from his horse and gone to sleep. Traveling on for some time we came to higher ground, and the moon being about a week old, it was remarkably clear and pleasant. There were houses a little forward of us, and we heard men talking and dogs barking. Not intending to be taken by surprise, we again turned off from the road, went around a steep rise of ground, and agreed to wait awhile. We soon all fell asleep. When we awoke we judged by the appearance of the moon that we had slept an hour or more. "We again took the road, listening as we went along single file. Being first, I soon discovered three men coming on the road to meet us. Saying nothing to my comrades, I thought I would see if they were armed before we ran. It was soon evident that they were unarmed. We took one side of the road and they the other. And now, by the light of the moon, whom did we see but, to our mutual surprise and great joy, three Old Country men, who had been in our army, and had been taken prisoners by the British not far from Montreal, and had enlisted on board the same ship which we had left. They had heard me talk of the route our army took through the wilderness to Quebec, and agreed with one another to make the attempt to reach New England by finding and following its track. They left the British ship just four weeks before our desertion. One of them being able to talk French, they got along with the inhabitants very well, and made many friends along their way. Having obtained supplies for eight or nine days, they entered the wilderness with the purpose of reaching Boston. After traveling several days they lost their way, and rambled about nineteen days, ten of which their only food was frogs, snails, and such wild herbage as they could find in the woods. Providentially they found their way back to the settlements, though much enfeebled, with torn clothes and shoes worn out. They had given up all hopes of getting through, and were now returning with the purpose of giving themselves up as deserters. I told them that I could find the way, and invited them to turn about and go with us. They seemed overjoyed, and immediately accepted our proposal. MAHONING VALLEY - 373 " They had been among the people of the place about four days since their return, and knew those that were friendly. They had just come three miles from a house well disposed toward our cause and people, to which they now led us. The man of the house came to the door, and when informed of the good fortune of those whom he had befriended in meeting old companions, he invited us all in, built a fire, hung over a kettle of potatoes, and then went to bed again. We lay down on the floor before the fire, talking and contriving how we should get provisions to last on our journey through the wilderness. When the potatoes were boiled we made a good, hearty supper of them. We slept but little, thinking and talking of our contemplated journey. "As soon as it was daylight our host got up, and told us that we would be taken up as deserters if we staid there. He then took from the ashes a brand, and we followed him to a by-place, where he built a fire. We then told him he must let us have some provisions to last us through the wilderness. Pollock had two dollars, which had been paid him for the chest he made and sold aboard the ship. This, which was all the money left in the company, was given to the Frenchman. I also gave him my buckskin breeches. Not far from the middle of the day he brought us a small mutton well dressed; also, the pluck, under-jaw, and tongue, some potatoes, a little meal, salt, and a small iron pot. We put the pluck, jaw and tongue, together with some potatoes into the pot, and boiled them suffrciently for eating, when, having thickened the broth with the meal, six hungry fellows, having had no meat of any kind for a long time, gathered around and soon finished all that had been made ready. It put new strength and vigor into our wearied bodies and gave us fresh courage to endure the hardships before us. The mutton we divided into twelve as nearly equal pieces as we could, thinking that, by using one piece each day, it would last us through to the settlements on the other side of the wilderness. I took off my pantaloons and salted the meat in the seat of them “Pollock and myself had each an extra shirt, and as soon as daylight disappeared we went to our friend's house. He let us have some meat, which we put into one of the shirts, also some bread, which was placed in the other. We then went to another house, where they gave us one or two small loaves of bread and a little meal. At another house still we found the people very friendly. The man had some moose-skin moccasins cut out, and he gave a pair to each of the Old Country men, also what bread they could spare, some salt, and a small 374 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. brass kettle holding five or six quarts. This man asked us if We recollected a man calling to us across the Chaudiere River, near the rapids, said that he was our friend and followed and tried to find and befriend us. He came to his house and told him if we came that way to help us and he would bear half the expense. In the mean time we were told that the Indians were holding a powwow right on our road. This gave us some anxiety ; however, we left the Frenchman's house that night, and, going around, gave the Indians a wide birth. Coming to the last house but one, we went in and ventured to sleep there the remainder of the night. Next morning, it being the Sabbath, we did not start very early ;. but, after a while, went on to the last house. Here we got some food to eat, for which we gave them a handkerchief. "With hearts of thankfulness to God who had protected us through the enemy's country, we then entered the wilderness and traveled on through the day. At night we struck up a fire, built us a bough- house, hung the kettle over the fire, and half-boiled one piece of meat; then thickened the broth with a little meal, when six hungry men, each with a small piece of bread, made their supper of this bread and broth. We then cooked the half-boiled piece, thickened the broth as before for our breakfast, and divided the meat into six pieces for rations next day; then laid down to sleep. Early in the morning we took our broth breakfast, gave to each his ration of boiled mutton, and then went on until noon, when we ate our pitiful morsel of meat with a small piece of bread; then traveled until near sunset, when the work of the previous evening was gone through with, the bough shelter built, our scanty supper cooked and eaten, and the breakfast and dinner for tomorrow prepared, and then, faint and weary, we laid down to sleep. Thus, day after day, we went on with the same round of weary travel, scant rations, and increasing fatigue. "After traveling one or two days we met a young Indian, with whom we tried to talk, but could not get a word from him. We then left him alone with the Old Country man that could talk French, who then learned from him that there was a company of Indians some distance up a branch of the Chaudiere River, hunting and trapping, and that he was going to the settlement for some supplies. We had not much fear of meeting them. About this time we came upon human bones and hair scattered about on the ground promiscuously. It was doubtless the spot where some of our fellow-soldiers perished the Fall before on their way to Quebec. "A heavy rain falling about this time raised the streams so as to MAHONING VALLEY - 375 make it difficult, and sometimes dangerous, crossing. One in particular was so high and rapid that we were obliged to go up the stream several miles. Finding some tall pines standing upon the bank we felled one, hoping to bridge the stream; but it broke in several pieces and was carried down by the current. We cut the second, which also broke in the same manner. The third lay in such a position that we ventured to cross on it. But, just as we were ready to make the attempt, one of the Old Country men, being very feeble, fell into the river. Pollock, happening to be near him, caught hold of him just in time to save him from drowning. However, with much hazard of life, we all got over in safety. It now being near sundown, we struck up a fire and camped for the night. We gave the Old Country man, wet and shivering, a double portion of broth for supper, and in the morning he was so much recovered as to be able to go with us and make a good day's journey. "We went on much as I have described until we crossed the height of land, and came to the waters descending into the Kennebeck. Coming to a large pond, we found there, besides a camp- kettle, a bateau, left by our army the year before. This having calked with old pieces of rope, moss, etc., we all got into, and some bailing out the water, some rowing, succeeded in reaching the opposite shore, when, leaving our boat, we went on until we came to another pond. Here also we had the good fortune to find another bateau, which, after stopping its leaks as well as we could, we shoved into the water and crossed into the outlet and rowed down stream to Dead River, which is the main branch of the Kennebeck. Thence we continued on with our bateau. In passing down the river we had several rapids to run, when four would get out while the remaining two would guide the boat as well as they could down the rapids, which, in some instances were dangerous, and the boat came near being dashed in pieces. We proceeded on to the great carrying place or long falls, twelve miles in length. Here we left our bateau, and went by land to the Kennebeck. "The Old Country man being now very feeble and not able to travel as fast as the rest of us desired to, there being not much danger of their getting lost, also now having two camp kettles, by mutual agreement our provisions were equally divided, and Pollock, Johnson, and myself left them forty miles from the settlements with the promise that, when we got through, we would endeavor to send them assistance. “We proceeded on two days and came to a piece of bottom-land 376 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. a few miles from the first house. Here we found some men at work making hay. They had built them a cabin, had a fine yard of good potatoes and plenty of good salmon. Although entire strangers to each other, we soon became acquainted and were made welcome to any thing they had which we stood in need of. We felt grateful to our divine Benefactor who had brought us safely through our long, dangerous, and wearisome journey, and permitted us once more to sec the faces of our own countrymen. They hung over the fire a large pot of potatoes and salmon, which were soon made ready for eating. Here again we had a severe struggle. Having been on short allowance for a long time, our appetites were craving and hardly to be denied. However, Pollock and myself ate sparingly and then lay down and slept awhile ; when we got up and ate again, and so on. Johnson ate without restraint and made himself very sick. "In the morning, having agreed with our friends to go to the assistance of those we had left behind, we went on with Johnson to the first house. The Old Country men got to the cabin the next day, where they remained two or three days ; then came on to the house where we were. Here they separated and went to different places, and I never saw but one of them afterward. We prolonged our stay here four or five days ; and, in the mean time, washed and mended our clothes as well as we could. " We now proceeded on down the river, until we came to a landing where coasters came up. After inquiry, we found one just taking in a loading of wood. We made application for a passage to Boston. The Captain said he was short of provision, but if we would help him load we should fare as well as he did. Johnson was so unwell as to be unable to do any kind of labor, and went to a private house, where he stayed until the vessel was ready to sail. Pollock and myself assisted in loading the Vessel ; and when ready Johnson came aboard, and we set sail. But the channel being narrow and crooked, and the wind contrary, we made but slow headway, and it was nearly two weeks before we got out of the river. Before getting to sea, we fell in company, with a schooner bound for Newburyport, on which Johnson took passage. I never saw or heard any thing more of him. " After getting out of the river we had a favorable time. The first night we ran into Casco Bay, and lay there until near morning, when we sailed on our course, keeping near the shore for fear of the British coasters. The next night we arrived in sight of the Boston Harbor light-house ; and in the morning entered the harbor and came MAHONING VALLEY - 377 along side the wharf. After taking breakfast with the Captain we bade them good-bye. "We now went in search of Gen. Ward, who had command of the troops in Boston, with the view of getting some assistance. He gave us an order on the commissary for seven days' rations each. We would have preferred the money. However, the commissary said he Was allowed to pay instead of rations ten cents per ration in money. We took the money, and just before sunset went out of Boston, two miles, to Roxbury. For many days we had mostly begged for a living; but now relieved of that necessity, we went into a public-house and called for entertainment. The next morning, as we were to separate, we stayed and took breakfast together for the last time, when Pollock took the road to Providence, and I started for Worcester. " In the course of the day I met the Old Country man who fell into the river as before narrated. We had been so long wind-bound in the Kennebec that he got through before us. He told me that when they came into the settlements, his comrades made free use of liquor given them by the people, moved by the tales of their hardships, and were quarrelsome, and he had left them; he himself was decently clothed, and apparently had recovered from the fatigues and hardships of his imprisonment and journey. This was the last time that I saw any of the number that came through the wilderness with me.. "A young man with whom I fell in company, after hearing something of what I had endured, gave me a little money, as he said, to drink his health with when I found it convenient. At night I stopped at Watertown, and called at a public-house, where I got some plain food and slept on the floor. In the morning I went about seven miles to Worcester, where Pierce, my ensign lived. When I last saw him he was at St. Roche, in the barracks, sick with fever. I found him at home and pleased to see me; made many inquiries where I had been, how I had fared, and how I had succeeded in getting away. "After breakfasting with him I went to find Captain Hubbard, who, being a single man, had hired to a common farmer, a short distance out of the village of 'Worcester. I found him at his employer's. lie took me into the house, and introduced me to the family. After some conversation, he took me to his room, and going to his chest took out a pocket-book, and asked me if I knew it. It was one that I had handed to him for safe-keeping, when I volunteered to storm 378 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. Quebec. There were in it six and two-third dollars, together with some papers of value. He had kept it safely and now delivered it to me with apparent satisfaction. I stayed with him through the day. The family were friendly. " In the evening, after giving them some account of what I had gone through with, it came bed-time, and I chose to take mine on the floor, but the lady of the house very kindly insisted that I should have a bed. She said she could not have it so that one who had endured so much for his country should sleep on the floor ; and, to gratify her, I yielded. It was the first feather-bed I had slept on for seventeen months. I rested poorly, and got but little sleep. After breakfast, started for home. At night, put up at a tavern about twenty miles from my father's. "The next day—the last day of September, 1776—I arrived at my father's house, a little past the middle of the day. Without thinking what the effect upon the family might be, it being a pleasant day and the door open, I entered, nodded my head, and took a chair by the door. 1\4y mother sat across the room, sewing. Turning her head, she gave me a look, then resumed her work, but said nothing, thinking me some straggler that had called in for food or drink or the like. My youngest sister, ten or twelve years old, eying me for some time, at length spoke: 4I,a, if there ain't Simon !' My mother, though naturally of a strong constitution, was so taken by surprise, and saw me so changed, haggard, pitted with small-pox, and rough in appearance, that she was well-nigh overcome, and came near swooning. My father and brother were about a mile from home, making cider. The news of my return spread so rapidly that many friends and acquaintances came in that evening, some a distance of five or six miles, to see me and hear the story of my adventures and hardships. The most reliable information that my friends at home had of me after sailing from Newburyport, was that I was either killed or taken prisoner in storming Quebec. Of course it was an occasion of great thankfulness and gratitude to God, both on my part and that of my parents and friends, that my life had been spared through so many dangers and hardships, and we were permitted to meet again in the land of the living. "The next Sabbath my father said to me, think we ought to give "public thanks " for your preservation and safe return.' MY father wrote the note and handed it to me, saying, suppose you will choose to attend meeting where you formerly attended.' Our minister was now considerably advanced in age, and a good MAHONING VALLEY - 379 deal of a Tory, so much so that he frequently prayed earnestly for the success of the British troops. This so offended my father that he would not go to hear him, but attended meeting in Belcher, an adjoining town. I handed the note to the minister, which he took, looking at me with wonder and surprise, but said nothing. After the introductory service he read the paper I had handed him, and then it seemed to me I never heard a more earnest and appropriate prayer than the one he offered, thanking Almighty God for his special care of me, a youth ; carrying me through the dangers of battle, the hardships of a prisoner's life, and bringing me at length safely to my home and parents. SECOND ENLISTMENT. "About the time of my return from Canada General Washington was in New Jersey urgently calling for recruits; and, not being particularly needed at home, I enlisted in a company of militia commanded by Captain Noah Smith, a farmer, well disposed, and a friend of his country, but knowing little of military duty. It not being convenient for me to go with the company, I was allowed to remain behind a few weeks. "In the fore part of December I shouldered my gun, and, being yet somewhat unwell, proceeded slowly for two or three days, until at length I joined my company at Peekskill, on the Hudson, forty miles above New York. Not long after I was chosen corporal, and endeavored to do the duties of that office in the company. "It was here that one Daniel Strong was taken for a spy, tried Icy court-martial, and sentenced to be hung. I helped to guard the prisoner, and saw him hung, the only gallows scene I ever witnessed. "We soon had orders to proceed to Morristown, at that time General Washington's headquarters. We marched to King's Ferry, whilst our baggage was brought on by team, put aboard a ferry-boat, and landed on the bank the other side of the river. The commissioned officers of the company left us, and we were there by the baggage, without any orders. Other companies were moving on, and ours perplexed and dissatisfied, not knowing what to do. I went with the sergeant and soon found a team, when, loading our baggage, we marched on in search of our officers. About dark we found them in a good house, put up for the night. They were much pleased to see the soldiers and the baggage. I was much vexed at them for their loose and careless manner of doing things, and talked saucily to them. 380 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. "While on our march, one day, we stacked our arms for the purpose of taking some refreshments, and the sergeant was ordered to place a sentry over them. I was commanded to take that place, but refused. When told by the sergeant that he would report me to the Captain, I replied, Very well; I will go with you. The Captain looked at me with a smile, and asked the reason why I would not stand sentry. I replied that I understood it to be my duty, as corporal, to set and relieve sentry, not to stand sentry. The sergeant was commanded to call on some other one. "We arrived at Morristown the fore part of January, and went into barracks about three miles from the village, and continued to do guard duty there and at neighboring places until our time expired. "Our lieutenant was a rusty-looking farmer, something advanced in years, and knew very little of military drill and duty. One day he had the command of a subaltern guard at the village. The officer of the day gave him the countersign in writing. He did not know what to do with it, for the sentry was set; but when the 'grand rounds' came around in the night, it was discovered that the countersign had not been given them, and they knew nothing about it. The lieutenant was severely reprimanded. It was the fashion of those times for the officers to wear wigs. Our lieutenant's was old, faded, clipped, and every way much the worse for wear. The soldiers made it their butt of ridicule. One day, getting hold of it, they greased it all over with their mess leavings, powdered it with flour, and sent it back to the lieutenant, looking wonderfully nice; and that was the last we saw of it." His term of enlistment seems to have expired some time the fore part of 1777. That year, he tells us, was spent working on the farm with his father, in Somers, Conn., to which place his father and the family had moved a short. time previous. In the Winter of that season he taught a common-school in a neighboring district; and in the Spring, the small-pox prevailing in town, for a time helped to take care of the sick. He says: "At its Spring session the Legislature of Connecticut having ordered the raising of two regiments of infantry for a year's campaign, I enlisted as a sergeant in a company commanded by Captain Elijah Robinson, forming a part of the regiment commanded by Colonel Roger Enos. Not long after, we marched to Saw Pitt village, in New York. After two or three days/ continued our march to Chandler Hill, in White Plains, about thirty miles from New York, where we pitched our tents, and continued to do military duty. Some time in July, leaving White Plains, we went to West Point, on the west bank of the Hudson, fifty-eight miles MAHONING VALLEY - 381 above New York. Here the time was spent in drill and guard duty. One day I had lain down in my tent, and was asleep, when a sudden stOrm arose. The first that I knew of it the lightning struck in the camp, followed by a loud clap of thunder, which awoke me. At the same time, I felt a streak of pain down one side of my body to my feet; very severe, which I suppose was caused by the lightning. any of the soldiers were so stunned that they required the aid of the surgeon. At the same time, it was discovered that a gun had been fired off by the lightning, the ball having passed through a camp-kettle, but doing no further injury. "The following September I was taken sick with a low form of fever, which unfitted me for duty, and I was permitted to return home on furlough, where I remained until the latter part of November, when I again joined the regiment at Horse Neck, thirty-two miles north-east from New York. Here, in 1646, a bloody battle was fought between the Indians and the Dutch. We were quartered among the inhabitants. About the first of January I was ordered to take a corporal and a guard of twelve men and go to a place called Quaker Ridge, and watch the movements of Tories living in the vicinity of the British lines. We set one sentry in the day-time, and two at night. Patrolling parties were sent out from time to time. Sometimes I would take five or six soldiers and go out myself, leaving the corporal in charge. One night, when near the enemy's line, I came across a couple of men driving two beeves to the enemy. They gave us their names and place of residence, and knowing that their cattle were forfeited, gave them up to us without any altercation. We drove them to our quarters, sold them, and divided the money among the guard. Not long after, Colonel Enos sent a sergeant to take my place, with orders that I should immediately repair to his quarters. Of course, I obeyed, and soon reported myself to the Colonel. He asked me if I was the sergeant who commanded the station-guard at Quaker Hill. I told him I was. He then inquired what I did with the cattle I had taken, and why I did not fetch the men to him. I answered that the cattle were sold, and the money divided among the soldiers of the guard; and as to the men, if he Wished me to do so, I would go and fetch them. He then dismissed me, with orders to return to my command. "Not long after this, when on a scout, we came upon a stranger under suspicious circumstances, and took him a prisoner to our quarters. On searching him we found on his person a large purse of British gold. The next day I sent him under guard to the Colonel's 382 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS quarters; also the purse of gold. At that time our headquarters was at the Highlands, near the line between the State of New York and Connecticut. I afterward learned that the prisoner was sent tl there for trial, and was condemned and hung as a British spy. My guard received a part of the gold—my share being about twelve and one. half dollars. "I continued in command of the guard at Quaker Hill until tile time of my enlistment expired, when I was discharged, and returned home, and worked hard until the last of June. "In May, 1779, the Legislature of Connecticut ordered the raising of two regiments of infantry. I had an ensign's commission in a company of these recruits, commanded by Captain Daniel Allen, and belonging to the regiment commanded by Colonel Levi Wells. I was at work with my father in the hay-field, the last of June, when an ensign's commission was brought and handed to me. I had thought that I would not enlist again; but, after considering on the matter a while, and being encouraged by my father, at length I agreed to go, and accepted the commission. I now hung up my scythe, left the field, and made immediate arrangements for enlisting soldiers. After borrowing some money of my neighbors I went to work in Somers and the neighboring towns, and before the end of three weeks had enlisted thirty-six stoat, able-bodied men, a larger number than any two of the other officers of the company had been able to enlist. "Soon after, I got my men together, and we marched with some degree of pride to New London, where we joined the regiment. A small part of the regiment was stationed at Groton and Stonington, and one company in Saybrook, being quartered among the inhabitants. Our duties consisted in guarding the coast and watching the movements of the enemy in their ships on the sound. Some time in December following, the companies were separated. Colonel Wells, with his suit and one company, went to New Haven; one company was sent to West Haven. The one to which I belonged was stationed at East Haven, and quartered on the inhabitants. The Winter was severe, and so that we had not much to fear and had little to do. We continued there until the fore part of March, nine months from my enlistment. The term for which we enlisted now having expired, we were discharged, and I once more returned home to my father'b• THIRD ENLISTMENT. "About the 1st of April, 1780, two commissions were forwarded to me, one an ensign's commission in the infantry, the other a lieu- MAHON1NG VALLEY - 383 tenant's in a matross company, commanded by Captain Adam Shaplay, then stationed at Fort Trumbull, in New London. I accepted the latter, and with much perseverance enlisted a number of good soldiers, and soon after went with the men to New London, and joined Captain Shapley's company. Not long after I was sent home for the purpose of enlisting more soldiers. In the mean time I improved the opportunity to get married. My bride was a Miss Elizabeth Jones/ two and one-half years younger than myself, an only daughter of a worthy Christian family, Benjamin and Eliza Jones, descendants of some of the first settlers of Somers, Conn. Continental money was our only currency, and it took forty dollars of it to make a suitable marriage fee. " Having enlisted some more soldiers, I now returned to Fort Trumbull, and again joined my company. Not long after, I was appointed to take command of a whale boat, for the purpose of reconnoitering the adjoining shore, and learning, if possible, the movements of the enemy, also to put a check to the illicit trade between the British and Tories along the coast. I frequently took contraband goods. On one occasion we ran so near the British ship that they fired at us, doing us no injury, however. At another time we were fired at from the island ; the balls whistled near, one struck an oar, and split out a piece. One time we had remained out at sea longer than usual, the tide was going out, and in returning we had to cross the race, so-called, between Fish Island and Plumb Island ; the water ran very rapidly. I thought I had a good set of hands, but when we came into the race they were so frightened that I found it difficult to keep the men at their places, and keep the boat from upsetting. However, we arrived safe on shore, and were thankful to a kind Providence for saving us from a watery grave. "One day, having been out until near dark, I thought of paying a visit to Plumb Island. We had that day seen a British ship run into one of its bays and land some distance from us. We rowed near the shore, when I hesitated about landing, and finally concluded it might not be prudent to do so. We then tacked the boat, and while setting our small sails and preparing to return, to our surprise, a volley of musketry was poured in upon us from the underbrush on the island, where the enemy had secreted themselves. As the British fired, seeing our steersman drop his oar and seize his gun, I sprang to catch the oar and stop his firing. However, before I could do so, he had leveled his piece and fired; his dropping the oar came near upsetting the boat, and my trying to stop his shoot- 384 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. ing came near tumbling him into the sea ; but we escaped without injury. "We made an excursion to the lower end of Long Island while the British were lying at the upper end. One day one of their light dragoons had ridden down to the shore, and leaving his horsethere went over the Sound for the purpose, as it afterward appeared, of circulating counterfeits of our Continental money among the people. I was so fortunate as to get hold of one of the bills. We took the horse, saddle, and bridle, pressed a boat, and returned to headquarters. The bill was declared counterfeit by those competent to judge. What became of the soldier I never knew, but the horse, saddle, and bridle I sold, and divided the avails among my crew. We continued on patrol duty here until Winter set in, when we went into Winter quarters at New London. "One evening business called me to the city, and, on my return, coming near the guard-house, I saw the sentry standing at the door looking in; mistrusting what was going on, I took hold of him, giving him a whirl which sent him some distance; then stepping in, I found a number of non-commissioned officers and soldiers playing cards. I gathered up as many of the cards as I could get hold of, and dashed them into the fire; then grabbed a handful of penknives that lay upon the table, for which I suppose they were gambling, and slipped them into my pocket. I then reprimanded them severely, told them the evil consequences that were likely to follow and the dangers attendant on the practice of soldiers gambling. A few days after, one of them came to me with feigned humility, and asked me if I had any penknives to lend. I gave him back his knife. I believe my prompt action broke up the practice of gambling, for the time, among the men. "While at New London there was a clever old man, older than my father, that belonged to our company who had a taste for drink, and when he had taken too much rum would be sleepy. One night he was put on sentry, and some time in the night was found sleeping on his post. He was immediately taken to the guard-house, and put under guard. I could not bear that this old man should suffer death for his crime, and resolved to try to save him. In the morning I went to the commanding officers, and told them what had happened, excusing the conduct of the old man as far as I could. I plead with them that his crime might be overlooked as far as was consistent. After consulting together a few minutes they decided to give him into inY hands, to be dealt with as I thought best. This was a trial to me, MAHONING VALLEY - 385 But I went to the guard-house, and talked plainly with him for giving himself up to strong drink, and of the enormity of his offense, which was punishable with death. I then asked him which he would choose, to be tried by court-martial or have me whip him. The tears rolling down the old man's cheeks, he replied, Lieutenant, whip me; do whip me, lieutenant. Do n't let me be tried by court-martial.' I then let him go, ordering the soldiers to keep him on duty, but never to put him on guard again. "It was the latter part of Winter, and Continental money having so far depreciated that the pay of the soldier amounted to almost nothing, and having a wife and child to support besides myself to feed and clothe, I concluded to resign my commission, and leave the army. I went home, and worked on my father's farm through the season of haying and harvesting. "The following September, taking my wife and sister, I went to Canterbury, and there leaving them to visit some friends, went on to New London to get my back pay. There I saw the ruins of the city ; also those of Fort Trumbull and Fort Griswold. New London lies on the river Thames, three miles above its mouth. Its harbor has a depth of five fathoms, is generally free from ice, and is the best between New York and Newburyport. The city was defended by forts, Griswold opposite the city on the Groton side and Trumbull on the New London side of the harbor. A few days previous to my arrival, Benedict Arnold, now a traitor and a brigadier-general in the British army, with a squadron of British troops attacked the place. Fort Trumbull being out of repair, the palisades being old and decayed, made very little resistance. Fort Griswold was defended with great bravery, but carried by assault, with a loss to the British of two hundred men—a loss retaliated by the merciless slaughter of the garrison, Colonel Ledyard, the commander, and some sixty others being massacred after the surrender. "But for my resignation a few months before I should in all probability have been in Fort Griswold at the time of the dreadful massacre. Thus once again my life was saved by a kind Providence. I visited my captain (Shapley), who was mortally wounded, though still alive. He died soon after, greatly lamented by all who knew him." Here the narrative of Mr. Fobes's varied and interesting military life closed. More than six years have elapsed since, on the first breaking out of the war for independence, we find him entering the ranks at Cambridge an inexperienced, youthful soldier, and taking 386 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. part in the battle of Bunker's Hill. We have followed him as a volunteer under Arnold through his long, weary, difficult, and dangerous march to Quebec; have witnessed his patient endurance of the hardships of a Winter campaign in besieging the city, and his courage in volunteering with others to storm that stronghold of British power. We have sympathized with him in his captivity, his imprisonment loathsome sickness, and long endurance of numberless and nameless trials; have rejoiced in his escape and successful journey back to his home and friends, and then with unflagging interest have followed him again through the varied incidents of his soldier life in the Revolutionary struggle down to the burning of New London, September 7, 1781, near to the close of the war. From a private he was promoted through the lower grades of office to a lieutenant's command. He was possessed of the true soldier's spirit—his love of country and of adventure, his courage and cheerfulness, his patience and willingness to do and to endure. He was cautious, yet brave, and never so discouraged and depressed in adverse circumstances but that he was fertile in expedients to better his condition. The incidents of these six most interesting and eventful years of Mr. Fobes's life have been narrated substantially in his own words. The manuscript thus far has been preserved with the loss of only two or three pages, the substance of which has either been supplied from other sources or the loss has made no serious break in the narrative. There are, however, several serious breaks in the subsequent narrative, covering his citizen life in. Massachusetts and Connecticut, and his emigration and settlement on the Western Reserve. This, together with the desire not to make the account of one disproportionate in the history of the township, makes it necessary to summarize what remains to complete this biographical sketch of one of the first settlers of the townships of Wayne and Kinsman. The Winter following his discharge from the army he says: "My only brother being about to be married, and my father's farm not being sufficient for us all, I took my wife and child and what little property I had collected, and removed to the town of Chester, Hampshire County, Mass., on to a piece of land having a few acres cleared and a small log house on it." Here he continued two years, working hard in clearing land and making improvements. In the mean time a second son was born to him, and he rejoiced also in the marked change which occurred in the religious character of his wife, she dating her conversion from that period. MAHONING VALLEY - 387 After two years he seems to have returned to his father's farm in Connecticut. He represented the town of Somers in the Connecticut Legislature during three successive sessions, was justice of the peace, and selectman of the town. Having a large and somewhat expensive family to support, it was with difficulty that he was able to make his income balance the expenses of the year. "Besides," he says, "I began to weary of climbing up and down the mountain" (his farm being on the side of a mountain), "and about that time having an offer for the farm, after getting the consent of my parents, I sold it “ He now took a journey west across the Hudson, and up the Mohawk as far as the Black River country. He says: "I saw large tracts of good land, and Many valuable farms; but after all my travels returned back to Somers, and purchased a small farm near the center of the town." Some time in August the barn on this farm, having been well filled with the products of the season, some of which were his, was struck by lightning, and burned with all its contents. His loss, however, was to a considerable extent made up by the kindness of neighbors. Here, the fore part of 1803, occurred the first death in his family, that of a little boy, their third child, nearly four years of age. Early in the Spring of 1800, he says, "I accidentally turned my left foot on one side, which so much wrenched my previously injured ankle-joint as to start the old callus and cause a leakage of the joint as was supposed, which caused a high fever and great soreness and pain. I applied to a physician for help, but my ankle continued exceedingly painful, so much so that my foot and leg perished almost to skin and bone. I was so enfeebled as to be mostly confined to the house for a long time. I, however, still continued to act as justice of the peace." From the effects of this injury Mr. Fobes never so recovered but that he was obliged to make use of crutches in getting about. Here occurs a loss of some four pages of manuscript. From other sources we learn that, in the Spring of 1803, Mr. Fobes purchased of Oliver Phelps fifteen hundred acres in township No. 8, second range of the Western Reserve at one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre. On the 21st of June, 1803, Mr. Fobes, together with his eldest son, Joshua, and wife, and another son, Elias, then ten years of age, started from Somers, Conn., for the Western Reserve with a Wagon drawn by a yoke of oxen and one horse. After two days they 388 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS were joined by David Fobes, a relative, who shared with them the hardships and privations of the journey of forty-nine days. The first that we learn any thing of them from the manuscript they are in Western New York, some three hundred miles on their way to the Reserve. They were detained by several hinderances on the way, and their movement over new and bad roads was slow. He says "About the first of July we crossed Cayuga bridge, passed through Geneva on to Canandaigua, two hundred and eight miles west of Albany. The country was suffering from a very severe drought. We moved along slowly through a beautiful new settled country to the Genesee River. Here there was no bridge and the banks were steep and high. However, the water being low, we ventured in, and with great care crossed over and ascended the bank without accident. Our road now lay up the river. We passed through another Indian village, after leaving which we found only scattering inhabitants, a log-house now and then, on to Batavia, where we arrived on Sunday. This was quite a new place. We found at the tavern a crowd of people, old and young, in high glee, drinking and carousing, preparing for a horse-race. It being a poor place to spend the Sabbath, we made only a short stop. The roads now were new and very bad and our progress was slow. At nightfall we put up about forty miles from Buffalo. There was but one house more on our road, about half-way to that city. Starting early in the morning, with great effort we reached it about dark. Other teams of our company came in the next morning as we were getting ready to start out, having been obliged to camp out through the night. After a fatiguing journey of three weeks, having broken one wagon wheel and four axle-trees, we reached Buffalo. The place we found to be a prairie, interspersed with clumps of scrubby trees and bushes, with perhaps half-a-dozen log-cabins. Indians were plenty. Here we lay by a few days to wash our clothes, recruit our teams, and make preparations for taking the woods and water to the place of our destination. "After getting ready we put the largest part of our loading on board of a schooner, myself and a young man of our company going on board. We set sail, and with a fair wind soon reached Presque Isle (Erie), where we landed. The teams and the families of the company went on by land, traveling most of the way on the beach of the lake, sometimes passing into the woods to get around a rocky and bluff shore, until they came to the vicinity of the Cattaraugus Creek, twenty-five miles south of Buffalo. Here the man who last fell in company with us, on going down a steep bank, broke one of his wagon MAHONING VALLEY - 389 wheels all to pieces, and, being far from inhabitants, and having no means of repairing his wagon, was almost distracted, and all of them were put to the nonplus. However, the teams were all turned into the woods to shirk for themselves, a fire struck up, and the company camped down and remained there several days, until the man, going down the lake, obtained a boat and help, when, loading his family and goods aboard the boat, went by water, his team being divided among the other teams, went on with them to Cattaraugus Creek. Here the first boat-load, a pair of horses and a yoke of oxen, while crossing the stream in a little old crazy boat, the horses became uneasy, and partly upsetting the boat all tumbled into the water and narrowly escaped drowning. The rest crossed without accident. It now being dark, the company put up with the only white man in the place, having a squaw for his wife, and pretending to keep a sort of tavern. Here also were Indians, young and old, in large numbers. After starting in the morning and going about two miles one of our oxen seemed to be ailing and was taken out of the team, and while they were standing and consulting what could be done it lay down and died. One from the spare yoke was put in its place and the hinderance was but short. "The road was new and the blazes very blind ; frequently they had to drive over logs, cut down trees, and, when night came, turn the teams into the woods, strike up a fire, get something to eat, and camp out for the night. They were favored with very dry weather, giving a firmer footing in descending the steep banks and making the crossing of the numerous streams that were to be forded safer and easier. One morning, in hunting for the teams, our horses were not to be found. Their tracks were discovered and two men followed them back to Buffalo. My horse was found on the prairie and, brought back. The other was found and brought on by a man living in Erie.. It was thought the Indians took the horses and rode them to Buffalo. When found they had fallen away in flesh and had been shamefully abused. At Erie we tarried two or three days for the women to do, some washing and baking. I.bought the yoke of oxen of the man whose wagon broke down. "We now went on two days to Conneaut, where we stopped one or two clays, waiting for some who were preparing to go down the first range, and who would take part of our load. We now parted company with those who had come with us thus far—they going on to Grand River, we steering our course for No. 8, second range. "The first day, as we were descending the steep bank of Con- 390 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS neaut Creek, one of our loads turned over and tumbled down hill; no material damage was done, however. After righting up we forded the creek, and proceeded on to Furgerson's settlement (now Monroe); containing four or five families, and put up for the night. The next morning we started down the first range. The road was merely underbrushed. We had to ford streams, drive over logs, and cut trees to get along. When night overtook us the teams were turned loose to find their feed, a fire was lighted, food prepared and eaten, when we laid down to rest. Such was our daily round until we reached No. 7, in the first range, the first settlement after leaving Monroe. "Here we crossed the Pymatuning, and drove on to the south-east part of No. 7, second range, where we found one family that had come a few days before, and had rolled up a small log cabin with one roof to it. Spending the night here, the next morning we went on to the center of No. 7, second range (Gustavus). Here was one small family, having a comfortable hewn log house and barn, and several acres of land cleared. The man had been there about three years. This year he had cut some grass, and harvested four or five acres of wheat. There was only one other family in the township, three-quarters of a mile north. Here we turned our cattle into the woods, and for a time made our home in the house with this family, it being about four miles from our land in the adjoining township. In 1798 that part of the Western Reserve lying east of the Cuyahoga was surveyed into townships of five miles spit-ire, and, at this time, 1803, settlers were scattered over it, but more thickly in the townships in the south-east corner." The next day after arriving in Gustavus he hired a man to go with him and assist him in finding his land. It was found to be suitable for farming purposes, and, a few days after, he commenced with help to chop out a road to it. Near the last of September, having made provision for his two sons, whom he left to begin improvements on his land, he saddled the horse, brought with him from Connecticut, and commenced his journey homeward by the way of Pittsburg, over the Alleghanies, arriving at his home safely in due time, and finding his parents and family well. His sons, whom he had left in Ohio, made the first improvements in the township of Wayne, on his farm, clearing land, putting up buildings, getting in crops, etc. In the mean time Mr. Fobes was making preparations for the removal of his family to the new home that was being provided for them on the Reserve. MAHONING VALLEY - 391 In the Summer of 1807 his farm in Somers had been sold, and all his preparations made for his contemplated journey West, when he received a serious injury, occasioned by the running away of his team, and his fall from the wagon, which he attempted to get out of. After a delay of six or eight weeks, some time in September, he had so much recovered, that he says: "I concluded to try my intended journey. We loaded our wagons with our household effects, when my aged parents, a sister older than myself, my wife and two little daughters, and myself, a cripple, stowed ourselves away in the two-horse wagon, and bidding our friends adieu, started on our way." The other members of the family were with the ox team. "We proceeded on slowly from day to day, as my parents and myself could bear. In the mean time my general health, after several days of travel, became good, but my old lameness returned in my late sickness so that I was obliged ever after to use my crutches in getting about." "Arriving at Buffalo my parents, sister, myself and wife, and one child, taking most of the goods with us, went aboard of a schooner, and, after as pleasant a voyage as we could reasonably expect at that season of the year, landed at Erie. The teams and rest of the family went on by land. At Erie I hired a log house for a few days, which we occupied until my sons came up with the teams, when they took the goods that were on board the vessel, and carried them on fifty or sixty miles, then returned, and took the family in the wagons, and went slowly from day to day until we all arrived safe at my sons, in No. 8, and found all in usual health. My parents were apparently in as good health as when they started from Connecticut, and could have gone as much farther, if necessary. We now all felt thankful for God's goodness to us in protecting us from evil and accident through our long and fatiguing journey. " There were at the time twelve or thirteen families, scattered two or three in a place, in the south and east parts of the township. The Winter was cold and very snowy, so that I got out but very little. My parents appeared to enjoy themselves as well as could be expected, considering their advanced age, until the 4th or 5th of February, 1808, when my mother, being almost eighty-seven years old, on Friday morning seemed not as well as usual, apparently had taken a severe cold. After soaking her feet in warm water, and taking a few drops of laudanum, we helped her on to the bed, perspiring very freely. Her mind wandered, and soon after lying down she fell into a deep sleep. After some time it was noticed by some of 392 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. the family that grandmother was sleeping unusually long; but we were not in the least alarmed. Some time in the afternoon, my sister beginning to feel a good deal of anxiety, went to the bed, and, after an unsuccessful effort to arouse her, said, 'Mother is dying.' Soon after, without a struggle or groan, she breathed her last. " The funeral was deferred until the Sabbath. Our neighbors, and the people as far as five or six miles away, generally came to the funeral; still there was not a number sufficient to fill one small room. There was no minister present, and the exercises were few and simple. A selected discourse was read, a prayer offered, and a hymn sung, when we laid her remains in the silent grave, the first burial in the township of Wayne. "On the following Monday my father, then in his eighty-seventh year, seemed to be ill and failing. He was immediately helped on to the bed, and asked if we should send for the doctor. He replied, 'No.' He was again asked if there was any thing he wished to say. His answer was the same. I immediately sent for my brother, who soon came, with his wife. My brother took bold of his hand and said, How do you do, father ?' and he answered, in a low, faint tone, ' Just going out of this world.' He lay apparently easy, saying very little to any one, until, sinking into a state of insensibility, his breath grew shorter and shorter until a. little past the middle of the day, when his spirit passed, as we believe, to a better world. "On Wednesday of the same week, after a repetition of the same funeral exercises of the previous Sabbath, we laid his remains beside those of his wife. Lovely and pleasant in their lives, and in their deaths they were not divided. " Thus my parents' burials were the first two burials, my two oldest grandchildren the first two births, and my two oldest sons made the first improvements in the township.of Wayne." In 1808 the Vernon Church organization was the only one anywhere in the vicinity. The roads were new and bad, and attendance on its worship for the people of Wayne and neighboring towns was very inconvenient, often impossible. For I the greater convenience of those who desired to enjoy the privileges of worship, Mr. Fobes says, "I proposed that there should be a new Church organization, embracing the townships within the northern part of the Vernon Church limits. This was agreed to, and some time in the latter part of Summer the Rev. Jonathan Leslie, then living in Vernon, on a day appointed, proceeded to organize a Church, consisting of sixteen or eighteen members, on what was called the 'accommodation MAHONING VALLEY - 393 Not long after, the 'Lord's-supper' was administered in a barn in the northern part of Kinsman. We continued to hold reading meetings in Wayne every Sabbath, also kept up the monthly concert, and occasionally a passing missionary or minister preached to us a few sermons.), In 1816, emigration from the Eastern States having brought a number of Christian families into the townships of Wayne, Williams- field, and Andover, it was thought advisable that a Church should be organized, whose location should have special reference to the convenience of the people of these three townships. Accordingly, February 21, 1816, the Rev. Dr. G. W. Cowles and J. Leslie organized a Church on the "accommodation plan," consisting of about fifteen members, living in the before-mentioned townships. At the same time those living in Kinsman that belonged to the former organization returned to the Vernon Church, of which they had before been members. The land owned by Mr. Fobes in Wayne was purchased of Mr. Oliver Phelps, the original proprietor. It, together with other lands adjacent, had been previously mortgaged, part to the State of Connecticut, and a part to General Champion. In 1809 General Champion commenced a suit of foreclosure. The mortgage of General Champion covered considerable more land than had been taken by the settlers, and by way of compromise he offered to give a quitclaim title to all these lands, provided the settlers would pay him the original sum, $2,500 and accrued interest, secured by the mortgage, together with the cost of the suit. This proposition was accepted by the inhabitants, and the unoccupied lands divided between them, each meeting his share of the $2,500. Says Mr. Fobes : "The title of the lands in the west part of Wayne being still in ,dispute, and likely to prevent the settlement for some years to come, and having divided my lands in Wayne among my children, also wishing to situate myself where I could enjoy Church privileges with less inconvenience, in 1817 I purchased a piece of land, having a hewed log house and a small improvement on it, about one mile north of the center of Kinsman, and with my family, consisting of my wife, a sister, and my three youngest children—a son and two daughters— moved on to it, and began making improvements." After removing to Kinsman Mr. Fobes lived about thirty-three years, and with the help of his son, Aaron Fobes, Esq., made extensive improvements on his farm. In the latter part of his life 394 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. his infirmities increased. He was so much affected with a nervous tremor as at length to be unable to dress or feed himself without help, and had to be lifted into and out of his conveyance when he went from home. He was fond of riding, driving his horse himself. He received a pension as a Revolutionary soldier, which increased the number of his comforts and means of usefulness. He was a man of uncommon resolution and decision, energy and perseverance. At the same time he had great kindness of heart, and was ever ready to assist the needy, and help the wronged and injured, when it was in his power to do so. Intending himself to be governed by principle, he expected the same of others, and was a fearless reprover of all unrighteous conduct in those with whom he came in contact. He was a sincere and earnest Christian, greatly enjoying Christian worship and the society of Christian people, and always doing what he could to sustain Christian institutions. In September, 1836, he buried his sister Bethiah, a maiden lady aged eighty-two. In July, 1837, he was called to part with the wife of his youth, aged seventy-nine. Her remains and those of his sister were laid near those of his parents. This last was to him a heavy affliction. Although she died a peaceful death, which was to her great gain, it left him, as it were, alone in the world. He lived after this something over two years. After a short sickness, on the 30th of January, 1840, leaving to his family the comforting testimony, "All is well; I want to go," he was gathered to his fathers. February 1, 1840, his funeral was numerously attended. A sermon appropriate to the occasion was preached by his pastor from Genesis ix, 47. His remains were carried to Wayne, and laid beside those of his wife and parents. MAHONING VALLEY - 395 CHURCHES THE Western Reserve, in its early settlement, was dependent on New England for the planting and first growth of its religious institutions. The Connecticut Missionary Society, formed for the purpose of aiding feeble Churches in Vermont, had been several years in successful operation, and was used to extend a like help in sustaining the Gospel on the Reserve. This society sent to the Reserve its first missionary, the Rev. Joseph Badger, November 15, 1800. Mr. Badger was born in Wilbraham, Mass., February 28, 1757; was a graduate of Yale 1785, and had been a pastor of the Congregational Church of Blandford, Mass., thirteen years, and was well qualified for missionary labor in the new settlements. ORGANIZATION OF CHURCH. Incipient steps toward the formation of the Church afterward designated in its records, "The Church of Christ in Hartford, Vernon, and Kinsman," were taken as early as 1802; but for some reason the organization was delayed until the year following. Friday, September 16, 1803, the following persons met Mr. Badger (probably in Hartford) with the view of being organized into a Church ; namely, Edward Brockway and Sarah, his wife; Timothy Crosby, Aaron Bates, and Sarah, his wife; Titus Brockway, Plumb Sutliff, Susannah Palmer, and Sarah Smith. After an examination as regards personal piety, and after agreeing on a confession of faith and convenant ; on the following day, September, 17, 1803, the above persons, with the exception of Aaron Bates, adopted the commonly received Congregational Confession of Faith and Covenant, and were constituted a Church of Christ. On the Sabbath following, the first season of communion was held in a grove, there being no building in the place large enough to accommodate the assembled people. The Rev. Mr. Tait, of Mercer, Penn., preached the sermon. Mr. Badger addressed the Church and administered the first table. Mr. Tait administered the second. About forty communed. The Church adopted the " Plan of Union," proposed by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in America, and approved the General Association of the State of Connecticut, June 16, 1801, for the promotion of union and harmony among the people of 396 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. the new settlements. According to this plan, each Church was to appoint a " Standing Committee," consisting of not less than three nor more than seven of its members, which it was expected would take the place of the session in the PreSbyterian Church. In practice, however, most of the Churches that adopted this "Plan of Union" continued to be strictly Congregational, and were Peterian only in sending one of their members as a delegate to Presbytery and Synod, submitting their records to the review of Presbytery and asking its advice, especially in the settlement and dismissal of its ministry. The friends and originators of this "Plan of Union," evidently regarded it only as a temporary arrangement, and expected that it would soon give place to either one or the other of the established forms of Church order. But the actual results of this system disappointed both the Presbyterian and Congregational sticklers 'for Church order. It had not made the Churches Presbyterian, as many had hoped, at the same time it stood in the way of Congregational propagandism. The " Plan of Union" will soon be remembered only as a thing of the past ; and after an experience of seventy years probably there are few that would advise its repetition, even in circumstances like those which seemed to justify its adoption at the time of the first settlement of Western New York and the Western Reserve. We have seen that as many as sixteen families at the close of 1803 were located in Kinsman. Turning to Mr. Badger's journal we find that he preached twice in Warren, on the first Sabbath of December. "On Monday," he writes, " rode to Hartford, spent a week here and in Vernon visiting those under serious impressions and preached twice. Saturday rode to Upper Salem, and preached twice on the Sabbath. Monday returned to Kinsman and preached in the evening." This must have been the 12th of December, 1803 ; and is believed to have been the first sermon preached in the township of Kinsman. In what part of the town this first public religious service was held the journal does not inform us. Deacon Burnham says, " Religious meetings commenced in the town with the settlement of Deacon Wm. Matthews, 1803. From that day to this (1870), hardly a Sabbath has passed without a religious meeting in the township." The following list gives the names of those from Kinsman who united with the Vernon Church up to the time of the settlement of Rev. Harvey Coe as pastor of the Church, September 29, 1814: Jer- MAHONING VALLEY - 397 emiah Reeve, Wm. Matthews, John Matthews, Alexander Clark, Ebenezer Reeve, Ruth Clark, Hannah Reeve, John Andrews, Rachel gatthews, George Matthews, Nancy Matthews, Elizabeth Dement, Wm. Scott, Isaac Matthews, Clark Giddings, Prudence Matthews, Jacob Ford, Electa Ford. Ten in the above list, in 1809, united in the formation of a Congregational Church on the "accommodation plan," embracing members in Kinsman, Wayne, and Williamsfield. At a meeting of the Vernon Church, September 21, 1809, the Rev. Jonathan Leslie being present, the following action was taken: "Whereas, it appears that Wrn. Matthews, John Andrews, Clark Giddings, George Matthews, Wm. Scott, Rachel and Nancy Matthews, having become members of the Church of Christ, in Green, constituted September 17, 1809, they are, therefore, severally dismissed from the watch and care of this Church." This new Church was constituted by Rev. Jonathan Leslie, of Vernon, in the house of Mr. George Matthews, on the Ridge road, in the north part of the town, consisting of sixteen or eighteen members. It had no house of worship, but held its meetings in private houses, and such other places as were convenient. It was occasionally supplied with preaching, but commonly sermons were read. In 1816 a Church was formed, and located between Wayne and Williamsfield, consisting of members from those townships and that of Andover, when the members of the older organization, that resided in Kinsman, again united with the Vernon Church. During the first twelve years of its history, the Church of Hartford, Vernon, and Kinsman had no settled pastor, or for any considerable time even any stated supply. It enjoyed the occasional labors of Mr. Badger, Robbins, Darrow, and Leslie, and sometimes, at communion seasons, the assistance of neighboring ministers in Pennsylvania. There were eighty-one baptisms ; and of these less than half a dozen were adults. As already noticed, the Church had grown until, in 1813, it had eighty names on the roll of its membership. The population of the townships embraced within its lilnits had increased both in numbers and the ability to aid in support of the Gospel, and the desire for a settled pastor among them had for some time been growing in the community. It was about this time that the Rev. Harvey Coe, then a young man, just ordained as a minister of the Gospel, was sent out by the Connecticut Missionary Society, to labor under their direction en the Western Reserve. 398 - HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS. Mr. Coe was born in Granville, Mass., October 6, 1785 ; graduated at Williams College, September, 1811; studied, theology with Rev. Dr. Fitch and Dr. Cooly, and was licensed to preach October, 1812; The Winter after his licensure was spent as a supply to the Churches in Southwick and Sheffield, and he was solicited to settle in the latter place. His ordination as a missionary took place at Westfield, Mass., May, 1812, and soon after he set out for Ohio to begin his missionary work. His labors on the Reserve began June, 1813, and most of the year was spent as an itinerant, visiting nearly all the infant churches, and organizing new ones. It was at this time that the Hartford, Vernon, and Kinsman congregation became acquainted with him, and invited him to become their pastor. The following is the first subscription for the support of Mr. Coe by the people of Vernon : Aaron Bates, $10.00; Henry Bignal, $5.00; Wilson Clark, $1.50; Samuel Sutliff, $7.50; Martin Smith, $10.00; Stephen Linsley, $8.00 ; Henry C. Atkins to Mr. Coe, ; Elam Linsley, $3.00; Isaac Gibs, 50 cents; Ezra Hyde, $3.00; Wm. Hull, $2.00 ; Charles Clark, $4.50 ; Tully Crosby, $2.00 ; Luther Thompson, $8.00 ; Calvin Smith, $2.00 ; Benj. W. Tanner, $2.00 ; Jeremiah Willcox, $12.00 ; Wm. Chapman, $8.00 ; S. G. Bushnell, $5.00 ; Festus De Wolf, $2.00 ; Ira Case, $5.00 ; Charles Merry, $1.50; John Moses, $3.00; James King, $2.00; H. V. W., 75 cents; I. C. Wilcox, $4.00; Chauncey H. Wilcox, ; Horatio De Wolf, —; William Brown, $1.50; Charles Trunkey, 75 cents ; Asahel Banning, $3.00; Thomas Beckwith, $3.00. Total, $120.50. The separate votes of the Hartford and Kinsman branches of the congregation, joining in the call given to Mr. Coe, have not been recorded. They were, however, made out, and the call was the result of the harmonious, yet separate, action of the three branches of the Church and congregation in Hartford, Vernon, and Kinsman. Neither have we a record of the Hartford and Kinsman subscriptions toward the support of Mr. Coe. If each was as liberal as the Vernon subscription, the sum raised by the whole subscription would be • not far from three hundred and sixty dollars—a fair one, when we consider the times and the circumstances of the people. This support was supplemented by the Connecticut Missionary Society ; but just how long we are not able to say. Mr. Coe was installed over the Church and congregations of Hartford, Vernon, and Kinsman, April 4, 1814. The Church, up to the settlement of Mr. Coe, was under the care of the Presbytery of Hartford. Its records were reviewed and MAHONING VALLEY - 399 approved by that body several times. That Presbytery embraced ministers on the Reserve and in Western Pennsylvania, and belonged to the Synod of Pittsburg. The Rev. Mr. Badger, Barr, Leslie, Darrow, Wick, Hughs, Tait, etc., were members of this Presbytery. At a meeting of the Synod of Pittsburg, October, 1814, a few months after the settlement of Mr. Coe, it was petitioned to divide the Presbytery of Hartford, and erect a new one, to be known as the Presbytery of Grand River, including the whole of the Western Reserve, with the exception of six townships in its south-east corner, with undefined limits on the west. The Synod made the division, and ordered the Presbytery to meet and organize in Euclid on the second Tuesday of November, 1814. The members of Hartford Presbytery set off to constitute the Presbytery of Grand River were Bev. Joseph Badger, Rev. Giles H. Cowles, and Rev. Thomas Barr. Mr. Badger was appointed to preach at the opening of the first meeting, and preside until a moderator should be chosen. From this it appears Mr. Coe was not a member of Hartford Presbytery, and could not have been installed by that body. His installation must have been by a council called for that purpose. •Soon after the installation the Church voted to apply to Grand River Presbytery, to be received under its care, and its pastor early became a member of that body, and to the time of his death was a member of Presbytery. The pastorate of Mr. Coe continued sixteen years, the first nine of which it embraced the congregations of Hartford, Vernon, and Kinsman. He preached in the three townships in rotation. His was a laborious and successful pastorate. Of this the records of the Church afford abundant evidence. Many additions were made to each branch of the Church. To the Kinsman branch more than eighty were added, upward of fifty on examination. Of all the years of Mr. Coe's pastorate, that of 1820 was distinguished as one of precious ingathering. Thirty-three were added to the Kinsman branch by profession, and to the Church from the three townships one hundred and eleven. Of these a very large proportion were adults—heads of families—embracing the most influential members of society. More than four hundred baptisms are recorded during Mr. Coe's pastorate. This large number is accounted for by the conversion of many heads of households, and the consecration of their children in the ordinance of baptism. Two hundred and thirty- four were added to the Church, about one hundred and fifty of these being on examination.