(RETURN TO THE MAHONING AND TRUMBULL COUNTIES INDEX) - 200 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 201 tion of about 4,000. It had grown but 1,300 in the five years since 1860, but this in itself was a good record, since war days were not days of municipal growth. Its industries had prevented loss during the time of strife, and the westward movement that came on with the close of that period did not affect it greatly because western-bound emigrants were largely farmer youth going to a new country to take up government lands and become proprietors of their own acres. Youngstown felt the spirit of the times, however, and with the removal of the dark war cloud began to bestir itself—to get out of the rut. Public spirited citizens believed the time had come when the municipality should discard the ways that had sufficed when Youngstown was but a collection of houses along a single street. The village council of 1866 was in agreement with this belief and outlined a program of improvements that it believed to be in keeping with the dignity of a modern town. Federal Street was at this time hardly better than a country road. It was made up of humps and low spots ; there was no pretense of pavement on either roadway or sidewalk. Other streets were in a similar condition, or worse. The village council believed not only that these conditions should be remedied but also that there was no reason for doing things by halves and in arranging to make Youngstown a more presentable municipality authorized the expenditure of $80,000 in improvements, including the grading of Federal Street and the construction of flagstone sidewalks along that thoroughfare. Other streets that were much traveled were also provided for in the program of civic betterment. This council consisted of C. H. Andrews, Richard Brown, William Wirt, Homer Hamilton and George Baldwin. "Their only object was to transform Youngstown from a mudhole to a decent place in which to live," one oldtime citizen who was a boy in those days assures us ; but the venturesome councilmen found that in carrying out their laudable ambition they were going to meet the fate that often befalls farsighted persons. In that day $80,000 was an immense amount of money, and an immediate outcry went up against this reckless extravagance. Council was not dissuaded by mere protests of irate taxpayers—and probably of non-taxpayers as well—and it waved objections aside. The scandalized advocates of economy were not so easily dismissed, either, and attempted to do in a body what they had failed to do as' individuals. A huge mass meeting of protest was arranged, and speakers—including even men of prominence—inveighed against this wanton waste. They and their forefathers had gotten along comfortably, they held, without stone sidewalks and level streets and such vanities and the generation then at its zenith could do the same, and should do the same instead of squandering money in such unseemly fashion. They were hardheaded men, however, these councilmen of 1866, and oratory and mass meetings were as unavailing as personal arraignments. The program of improvernent was carried out.' But their opponents had not played their last card yet, as the city fathers discovered when their terms of office were nearing a close. The tax savers made the 202 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY best of what they could not prevent, but determined to teach a lesson to future councilmen by bringing about the repudiation of the spendthrifts. Sentiment was well divided by this time as to whether th municipal legislators had really been extravagant or were merely progressive, so that the campaign of reprisal had a sound basis. There was a third element, however, that had not been counted upon. Many of the workmen in Youngstown at that time were unskilled men and the program of improvement had given them plenty of work and steady work. There was no ingratitude among them, and at the village election in April, 1867, they voted solidly for the re-election of Andrews, Brown, Wirt and Hamilton, and the four councilmen were named for another term by a two to one vote. Baldwin had not been a candidate for reelection. In June, 1867, a village census was taken and Youngstown was found to have 5,000 inhabitants, or enough to entitle it to the grade of a city of the second class. On petition of council Youngstown was advanced to this grade. On March 2, 1868, council passed an ordinance extending the municipal limits and ordering an election on the proposed extension in connection with the first city election. It is curious to note that this council, one more than ordinarily progressive, was not altogether immune from mistakes of judgment. Among the ordinances it passed was one limiting the speed of railroad trains within the city to six miles an hour, a measure that was repealed in 1870. At the first city election, held on April 6, 1868, George McKee was elected mayor; Thomas W. Sanderson, city solicitor ; Owen Evans, marshal ; C. H. Andrews, Homer Hamilton, Richard Brown, Joseph G. Butler, Jr. and William Barclay, councilmen, and Robert McCurdy, treasurer. The first city administration followed well in the footsteps of its predecessor by outlining a program of improvements for the municipality, and the two years between 1868 and 1870 were years of progress. Council also acted to give Youngstown better police pr0tection than was afforded by a village marshal alone, and on August 4, 1868, authorized the mayor to appoint "one night policeman in each ward," with the proviso, however, that "each councilman select for his ward a suitable man to be appointed." Provision was also made for volunteer policemen, not more than fifty in number, to be appointed when needed and to serve without pay, showing that the possession of a badge of authority was in itself somewhat of a distinction at that day. In spite of this ordinance a night police force does not appear to have come into being until a year or two later. This prerogative of naming the policeman for his ward was one that the councilman of that time jealously guarded, as legislators generally do guard their patronage. A few years later when a mayor overlooked this ward distribution of policemen—each new administration appointed an entirely new police force then—and named men without regard to geographical location the nominations were summarily rejected by council when presented for confirmation and the mayor was curtly instructed YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 203 "to regard the provision for the distribution of policemen among wards." The chastened mayor did so without protest. Another respect in which the last village council of Youngstown had shown its progressiveness was by providing for the establishment of a fire department in Youngstown. For almost three-quarters of a century the village had gotten along by trusting to luck in event of fire. Volunteers responded for the occasion and formed bucket brigades when there was a fire, the nearest pumps being the water supply unless the river or the canal happened to be available. On March 2, 1868, council author- WEST FEDERAL STREET SCENE IN 1869, ON THE OCCASION OF AN EXHIBITION BY BLONDIN, THE MOST CELEBRATED TIGHT-ROPE WALKER EVER KNOWN. Close inspection will show the performer crossing the street on a rope stretched from Excelsior Hall to the building on the opposite side of the street, ized the expenditure of $10,000 a fire engine, a procedure that was not followed, since the city council elected a month later increased the appropriation to $20,000 and provided for a volunteer fire department. With the appropriation the old "Governor Tod" engine was bought, accompanying equipment also being purchased and a department of sixty volunteers created. In 1870 Youngstown had attained a population of 8,075. the number of inhabitants almost tripling in the preceding ten years. One of the distinct improvements made about this time was the establishment of a city water works, a project that had been discussed for several years but that had been considered by some a rather ambitious undertaking 204 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY for Youngstown. The earliest legislation along this line was in the open ing months of 1870 when a survey was made by the city engineer, on instructions from council, outlining the possibilities of a waterworks. It was a year later, or in May, 1871, that a favorable report was mad and the Holly system recommended. On May 23, 1871, an ordinance was passed authorizing the construction of a waterworks and providing for the creation of a board of waterworks trustees to build and manage this municipal utility. At the election on June 17, 1871, Freeman 0. Arms was elected for the full three-year term, David Theobald for two years and William B. Pollock for one year. The board sold $110,000 worth of municipal bonds to cover the cost of the improvement and the initial installation of pipe, and creditably supervised the work of putting up this first waterworks. The honor of being elected the long-term member of the first waterworks board was one that came justly to Freeman 0. Arms, as he had been one of the pioneer promoters of this improvement and had worked unceasingly to bring it about. Youngstown people of today probably do not know that prohibition —which has become a reality only in the last year—is not of recent birth here. Yet just fifty years ago Youngstown first took up this movement for abolishing intoxicating liquor, and in fact actually .voted to abolish it. The period immediately after the Civil war was one of prosperity and plenteous work and in Youngstown and vicinity this brought on an era of hard drinking. The reaction naturally came in the "temperance crusades" that swept through Ohio at that time and included Youngstown in their field. The "crusaders" were moral suasionists who reversed the order of later years by appealing to the seller of drink rather than to the drunkard, and with considerable success in some instances. In Youngstown one set of temperance apostles adopted the liberal plan of reimbursing any saloon keeper who agreed to quit the business, mend his ways of living and adopt a more respectable form of making a livelihood. He stood to gain salvation and suffer no financial loss, for his stock was appraised, bought out and dumped into the gutters. Faith in this most philanthropic method of making converts to the cause was shattered when one ingenious saloon keeper who had reduced his stock to one barrel of whisky filled several other barrels with water, sold the entire stock to the reformers as high quality whisky and fell from grace again with cash in hand. The ceremony attending the disposal of this liquor was not a success. The temperance folks with their lack of acquaintance with high powered liquors might have been deceived but thirsty bystanders were not. Being trained to smell whisky at an astonishingly long range they quickly detected, and advertised, the fraud. The temperance move was on, however, and the modern system of legislative prohibition was substituted for moral suasion. Drinking and brawling had become so common that the leniency with which strong drink had always been accepted disappeared, and on May 17, 1870, an ordinance was passed prohibiting "ale, beer and porter houses or shops, and places of notorious or habitual resort for the purpose of tippling YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 205 and intemperance," in Youngstown, a distinctly prohibition measure. The ordinance was furnished with "teeth" as well, for violation of its provisions was punishable by "imprisonment and hard labor in the streets," a drastic penalty. To make certain that public sentiment backed the measure a referendum was ordered and on June 7, 1870, the electors of Youngstown voted 748 to 431 to uphold the ordinance. Apparently this pioneer prohibition law was unsatisfactory in some of its details, for a week after the referendum election it was repealed by council, and at the same time another ordinance with similar provisions although different wording, was enacted. This ordinance, passed June 14, 1870, was also shortlived. On August 9, 1870, it was repealed, but at the same meeting council passed still a third ordinance of similar import. A sincere effort was made to enforce this measure, but a combination of circumstances rendered the attempts futile. Among the first violators of the ordinance arrested was a saloonkeeper who had borne a reputation far above that of many in the business and there was much sentiment averse to convicting him. This case was fought hard, Solicitor Arrel appearing .for the city, and even the habeas corpus writ was resorted to to gain freedom for the accused man, a move that made it necessary to transport him to Canfield, then the county seat. Two trials resulted in disagreements on the part of the juries and the prosecution was abandoned. The time was scarcely ripe for prohibition. Saloons, taverns, inns and drinking places were common then in city and country alike and inhibition of the sale of liquor was a revolutionary step. Repeated acquittals and drawn juries caused the prohibition ordinance to break down and go into oblivion. Drinking shops went their way unchallenged; in fact but a few months later, in May, 1871, council was forced to call the policemen's attention harshly to the fact that the saloons should be closed on Sundays, a notice that was calmly ignored, as saloon-less Sundays were an institution that scarcely antedated prohibition in Youngstown. If Youngstown was content to slip back into the free and almost unlimited sale of drink, however, it progressed rapidly in other ways, in the several years following the Civil war. The expansion in the iron industry that began during that conflict increased rather than diminished after its close. New rolling mills and blast furnaces were built and diversified industries located here. The population increased rapidly and new streets and new residence plats were opened almost weekly. Railroad transportation became more than adequate for the little city's needs and a street car line within the city—with horses as the motive power of course—was projected and finally built in 1874-75. Eight years after the war, however, prosperity received a check that is remembered by many and familiar to others through tradition, history and the stories of parents and grandparents. This reverse, the panic of 1873, was felt with unusual keenness in Youngstown, since it was an iron making city, and iron making centers and their successors, the steel centers, are always most bitterly stricken in times of depression. 206 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY In a sense this panic was perhaps the worst the country has ever witnessed. There were fewer persons to be affected and the great industrial centers of today were then unknown, but the prostration was complete and came with almost lightning-like rapidity. Not alone were the industries shut down until the machinery acquired a coat of rust, but money, credit and even confidence almost disappeared. "Scrip" was often the only pay of those fortunate enough to get work; cash was almost an unknown quantity. The rural regions felt the depression almost as keenly as the cities and towns, for prices fell rapidly until labor brought almost no returns. Ghostlike smokestacks, idle men, relief societies that doled out bare necessities of life, want and hunger, displaced the prosperity of but a year before. The panic dragged wearily along for approximately six years. The first 'two years were ones of exceptional suffering, the next two showed progressive improvement and in the final two years the depression was felt even less keenly; but it was 1879 before the mills began to hum again with oldtime industrial activity. Those days are scarcely a memory now, but were tragic then. With all its misfortune, however, this period brought one decided consolation to Youngstown. It witnessed the achievement of an ambition that had been fostered by the community as a rough frontier settlement, agricultural village and industrial center for almost seventy-five years—the right to house the courthouse and other buildings that belong to a county seat town. For almost twenty-five years, since 1848, the county-seat question had lain dormant, but in 1872 it again flared up with the vigor that had characterized the previous county seat wars in Mahoning and Trumbull counties, and that has probably characterized county seat struggles everywhere. In this instance the desire to be the county seat was an irrepressible ambition on the part of Youngstown. It had grown from a village to a city of 10,000 population, overshadowing all the remainder of the county in population, while Canfield had remained a peaceful and beautiful country village with no asset other than that of a thriving farm trading center, except that it was the seat of justice of the county. It was generally realized that the great growth of the county in the future would be along the Mahoning River valley and that Youngstown would be the center of this growth. Inland villages like Canfield and Poland could not hope to compete with it. So much for mere population. In addition Youngstown was paying a great share of the county taxes and this percentage was increasing annually. A large part of the litigation arose there ; it was there that most transfers of property were being made and most county business originated, not alone in the courts but in all county offices. A far greater number of people could be served, not only within Youngstown but outside of it as well, by removing the county seat to Youngstown. And the inconvenience of journeying to Canfield was daily becoming more intolerable. There was no railroad communication between Youngstown and the geographical center except by a branch road that gave limited service and made the circuit by a most roundabout route. Wagon YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 207 roads were more often employed, and at this day improved roads were unknown, while motor vehicles, of course, were still undreamed of. So many considerations influenced Youngstown, in fact, that the mere pride of possessing the county buildings had little to do with this last movement. Youngstown's business standing was so definitely fixed that it could not be advanced greatly merely by removing the county seat here. The project was discussed thoroughly in 1872, and early in 1873 a public meeting was called to discuss means for bringing about removal. At this gathering, held in Arms' hall, John Stambaugh presided as chairman while George Rudge, Sr., acted as secretary. Among those who advanced Youngstown's claim at the meeting and outlined plans for winning the county seat were A. W. Jones, Gen. Thomas W. Sanderson, William Powers, Matthew Logan, David M. Wilson, Stambaugh, Rudge and others. There was no division of opinion relative to the worthiness, and even necessity, of the movement Questions of procedure only were discussed. The first requisite in bringing Youngstown's claim before the State Legislature was the election of a representative committed to removal. The meeting met this question by the adoption of a resolution proposing the election of a favorable representative regardless of political affiliations. A committee was also named to outline a plan of campaign for the removal. At a subsequent meeting this committee made a report} setting forth the justice of the claims of Youngstown and surrounding territory, urged the abandonment of party lines and the selection of a removal representative to the Legislature, and recommended that Youngstown city and township enter into an agreement to erect county buildings to a value of at least twice as great as the value of the Canfield buildings and also to donate a site for such buildings. On Saturday, June 30, 1873, a nominating mass convention was held in Excelsior Hall and a ticket selected that was made up of men pledged to the removal of the county seat. The candidates named were : Sheldon Newton of Boardman, representative in the Legislature ; James K. Bailey of Coitsville, auditor; Isaac A. Justice of Youngstown, prosecuting attorney ; Jonathan Schillinger of Springfield, commissioner ; J. Schnurrenberger, of Green, infirmary director ; Henry M. Boardman of Boardman, surveyor; Dr. Ewing of Milton, coroner. The ticket was made up partly of Republicans and partly of Democrats. It was representative, too, of the entire county and not merely of that part of it surrounding Youngstown. In addition to nominating a county ticket the convention adopted resolutions declaring in favor of removal under the state constitutional provision permitting county seat removal by a vote of a majority of the voters and setting forth Youngstown's claims by asserting that "The Township of Youngstown contains over one-third of the inhabitants, and pays nearly one-half the taxes of Mahoning County." Canfield, however, was not for a minute disposed to give up without a fight. If Youngstown could submerge party lines Canfield and its friends could do the same. On August 19, 1873, an anti-removal nominating convention was held at Canfield, presided over by Giles Van 208 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY Hyning, when the anti-removalists nominated a full county ticket, made up also of Democrats and Republicans, and adopted fiery resolutions, reading in part as follows : "Resolved, That we deprecate the issue forced upon us by the convention held at Youngstown ; that said convention is directly and wholly responsible for rupturing long established and valued political associations, for the probability of engineering local and neighborhood strife and division, the consequence of which will be to injure one portion of our citizens in the uncertain expectation of bettering them. "Resolved, That this convention, representing every township in the county, deny the truthfulness of the resolutions of the Youngstown convention of June 30th, they being a gross exaggeration and misrepresentation of the facts, but on the contrary we claim the seat of government, being now centrally located, of convenient access from all portions of the county, and having good and ample buildings for the accommodation of the public, the removal of it to one corner of the county largely for the benefit of a few capitalists, and to satisfy uneasy political agitation would be an act of gross injustice to the greater portion of the county." The wording of the resolution is perhaps ambiguous in spots, but the earnestness of the Canfield assemblage cannot be doubted for a moment. In selecting an anti-removal ticket the convention nominated C. F. Kirtland of Poland for representative ; James M. Dixon of Jackson, auditor; Jared Huxley of Canfield, prosecuting attorney; James Williams of Ellsworth, commissioner; Isaac G. Rush of Coitsville, infirmary director ; Dr. E. G. Rose of Austintown, coroner ; Daniel Reichart of Milton, surveyor. The county election, held in connection with the state election of October, 1873, resulted in the election of the "removal" ticket, an almost foregone conclusion. Victory did not come, however, until after a campaign that is remembered by old residents because of its heat. With the odds against her, Canfield fought to the last minute. At the succeeding session of the State Legislature Representative Newton offered the bill for the removal of the county seat of Mahoning County from "the town of Canfield to the city of Youngstown." The struggle- was carried to the Legislature, Representative Newton being reinforced in his fight by C. H. Andrews, Mathew Logan and Asa W. Jones, who spent the greater part of the winter of 1873-74 in Columbus, while Canfield was represented by David Anderson, Judge Eben Newton, W. S. Anderson and others. The removal bill passed by a bare constitutional vote and only after Speaker Converse of the House of Representatives had cast the deciding vote in its favor: This measure, enacted on April 9, 1874, provided: "Section 1. That from and after taking effect of this section of the act, as hereinafter provided, the seat of justice in the county of Mahoning shall be removed from the town of Canfield to the city of Youngs: town in said county. "Section 2. That the foregoing section of this act shall take effect YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 209 and be in force when, and so soon as, the same shall be adopted by a majority of all the electors in said Mahoning County voting at the next general election after the passage thereof, and when suitable buildings shall have been erected as hereinafter provided." Provision was made for the method of taking the referendum vote mentioned in the 'above section, and with respect to the obligation incumbent on Youngstown before it 'could become a full fledged county seat, provided that : "* * * nothing in the act shall be so construed as to authorize the removal of the seat of justice to said city of Youngstown until the citizens of the city and township of Youngstown shall have donated a lot or lots of land in the city of Youngstown and of sufficient size and suitably located to accommodate the court-house, jail, and necessary offices for said county, and shall have, erected thereon and completed thereon suitable buildings for court-house, jail, and all other offices and rooms necessary for the transaction of all public business for said county, at a cost of said buildings of not less than $100,000, and to the satisfaction and acceptance of the commissioners of said 'county, and all such buildings shall be completed within two years from the date of the election at which said act shall be ratified: and said commissioners shall not nor shall any other authority of said county, levy any tax on the taxable property of said county for said lands or buildings ; provided that the citizen's of Youngstown may within two years build said buildings and tender the same to the said commissioners." The provision against assessing any tax for the proposed improvements meant that it was left to --Youngstown to secure a site for county buildings and erect such buildings by popular subscription alone. Youngstown readily accepted the challenge by calling a mass convention at which a committee was named to solicit funds for the county buildings and arrange for the erection of the buildings, and another committee was named to manage the campaign by which a popular vote would be taken on removal. The soliciting committee went to work with a will and at a Meeting held on August to, 1874, reported that the required $100,000 had been subscribed for public buildings, but that the committee desired to increase the amount to $200,000. Five months previously city council had authorized the mayor to convey to the building committee the two lots at Wick Avenue and Wood Street that had been used until a few years previously for a township cemetery and were still city property. The lots, said to have an actual value of $40,000, were transferred for a consideration of $10. The vote taken at the election in October, 1874, was heavily in favor of removal. Youngstown acted on this ratification of its step by letting contracts for the construction of a courthouse. Canfield, however, was not yet ready to submit. The Legislature had granted the prayer for removal and the voters had supported the act of the Legislature but, in the minds of Canfield adherents at 'least, there was a question of the legality of the whole procedure. The act of 1846 creating the County of Mahoning had provided that the county seat should be located "permanently" at Canfield. On the plea that this Vol. I-14 210 - YOUNGSTOWN AND TFIE MAHONING VALLEY meant that Canfield should be "forever" the seat of justice for Mahoning County, a petition was filed by Eben Newton and others in the District Court enjoining the county commissioners against permitting the removal of the county seat. It was contended that this provision in the original act made the act of April 9, 1874, unconstitutional and that this measure and the subsequent referendum vote were alike of no avail.  In the bill of particulars there were other arguments set forth against removal, of course. In fact the fight had grown so warm that arguments ranged all the way from the ponderous division of legal opinion over the meaning of the word "permanent" to the alleged contention of  CENTRAL SQUARE IN 1870 one Canfield individual that "the court house couldn't be moved to Youngstown because they couldn't get it through the covered bridge at Lanterman's Falls," a most obvious conclusion. All in all, however, the last defense possible for Canfield was that it had been awarded the county seat for all time and could not be deprived of this honor. Youngstown, of course, met this argument by replying that the act of 1846 could not be construed in the way Canfield held since the Legislature would have exceeded its powers grossly in attempting to legislate in this manner. Such an attempt would be unconstitutional in itself, it was asserted, since it would have taken out of the hands of the Legislature the power of governing the state. YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 211 The suit was heard in the old courthouse at Canfield, with Gen. Thomas W. Sanderson, George F. Arrel, Asa W. Jones' and Judge B. F. Hoffman representing Youngstown and Judge G. M. Tuttle and Judge F. G. Servis appearing on behalf of Canfield. Judge Conant decided in favor of Youngstown and the suit was appealed to the District Court, which upheld Judge Conant. From the District Court the case was carried on to the Supreme Court of Ohio, where it was decided in 1876, three years after Youngstown had begun its fight. The courts ruled that the power to establish and remove county seats rests with the Legislature and cannot be parted with by any contract between the Legislature and any community. Furthermore the act of 1846 was not a specific contract and it would be an error to attempt to read a contract into it. With respect to the phrase "permanently established" the court held that this meant that Canfield should not be considered the permanent possessor of the county seat until it had complied with all the provision of the act of 1846 with relation to the donation of lands and buildings ; that previous to the fulfillment of such obligations Canfield was the county seat only provisionally. The plea that the word "permanently" meant "forever", was rejected and its use in the act of 1846 was interpreted to mean that the county seat had been established merely "as other county seats are established." Canfield carried the suit still farther, however, by appealing to the Supreme Court of the United States for redress. The case was not argued until 1879, when Gen. James A. Garfield appeared on behalf of Canfield and Gen. Thomas W. Sanderson for Youngstown. General Garfield based his argument on the plea that the section of the act of 1846 relating to the donation of land and buildings constituted, when complied with, a specific contract and that the constitution of the United States makes inviolate any contract between a sovereign state and its citizens. General Sanderson contended that the word "permanently," as used in the statutes, did not mean "forever," holding that "the phrase permanently established is a formula in long and frequent use in Ohio with respect to county seats established otherwise than temporarily.", The Supreme Court of the United States upheld the state courts and the struggle came definitely to an. end. The original decisions of the lower courts had, in fact satisfied the people of Youngstown and the removal was brought about even before the decision of the State Supreme Court was rendered. The actual removal was a memorable ceremony. — General Sanderson, and Asa W. Jones were named a committee in charge of the transfer of the records and, with carriage and team, they led the procession of forty wagons that wound its way to Canfield one summer morning in 1876. The county commissioners awaited them at the old courthouse, accepted the deed to the new county property in Youngstown, and before noon the teams were back in Youngstown with the county records intact. Tradition has woven a fanciful story about this removal scene, alleging that the transfer of the records was made in the dead of night when watchful Canfield residents were taken off their guard. This is a pure myth. The transaction took place in broad daylight, it was known 212 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY in advance by everyone in Youngstown and Canfield that the removal was about to take place, and Canfield people merely stood aloof on the fateful day. One of the earliest trials held in the old Youngstown courthouse—a trial that was transferred from Canfield—was that of Charles Sterling for murder. The trial itself was a leading topic of discussion, and even controversy regarding the accused man's guilt or innocence, at that time and for many years thereafter, but is notable today only because Sterling was the only person who ever suffered the death penalty in Mahoning County. Sterling was hanged in the jail yard here in 1877. Soon afterwards it was decreed that all executions Should take place at Columbus. All leading citizens of Youngstown, and many who were not of great prominence, assisted in the long fight for county seat removal, but probably the major share of the credit should go to C. H. Andrews, Youngs-town's foremost resident at that time. Andrews not only gave counsel and devoted time to the struggle but personally assumed the responsibility for heavy financial obligations entailed in the construction of the county buildings. There was an aftermath of this county seat fight in the political controversy as to whether the non-partisan plan of nominating county candidates should be continued or abandoned after the county seat fight had been won. Andrews favored the use of the bi-partisan arrangement in 1875 and was opposed by Walter L. Campbell, afterwards mayor, and then editor of the Register and Tribune, the Republican organ, who believed the non-partisan arrangement had served its purpose and should be dispensed with. Meanwhile Youngstown struggled through the dull period from 1873 to 1879. Improvements went on, including the adoption of a plan for a general sewer system for the city, Youngstown up to this time having been backward in this respect, as indeed most American cities were. In 1879 a distinct improvement for the better was noted in business and by the summer of 1880 the city was enjoying prosperity of the kind that had been apparent for a few years after the war. Iron prices doubled and tripled, the demand was heavy, work was plentiful and the distribution of charity happily canie to an end. In 1880 the decennial census showed that the city had attained a population of 15,435, a gain of 7,360 or more than 90 per cent for the ten-year period since 1870. This was an especially gratifying growth in view of the fact that much of this period had been a time of depression. To care for this increased growth the city was divided into seven wards, five having sufficed for the previous ten years. It may appear strange to realize that up to this time Youngstown had gotten along without many of the improvements that today are considered just the barest of necessities, yet such was the case. Fifteen years before progressive councilmen had aroused the ire of old residents by proposing a program of betterment that included grading Federal Street and some of the other downtown streets, cutting away the humps that disfigured the main thoroughfare and laying sidewalks that would make it unnecessary to tramp through the mud and dust when engaged in a day's shopping. Having embarked on this forward-looking move- YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 213 ment Youngstown made good progress, but there was as yet not a paved street in the city. Federal Street was a wide and fairly level highway but wholly destitute of any surfacing except that provided by Mother Nature. It was a sea of mud much of the time, dust blown at other times and pleasant only between times. Drivers of vehicles were not averse to traversing the sidewalks at times, a clearly illegal proceeding but often almost a necessary one and one that was as often as not viewed with leniency. In 1882 council set about to remedy this defect by providing for the paving of Federal Street and Market Street, the latter improvement to include only a short section of the street to the south of Central Square and an even shorter section of North Market Street—for at that time Market Street extended to Wood Street, the change of name of these two blocks to Wick Avenue being of comparatively recent date. For East Federal Street and Market-Street sheet asphalt was selected while provision was made for paving West Federal Street with Quincy granite. The latter was selected for its lasting qualities, as traffic was heaviest in West Federal Street and the use of sheet asphalt as a street paving was accepted with doubtful misgivings. Granite, or cobblestones, had been in use for some time in the construction of street crossings to keep pedestrians out of the worst of the mud in down town streets and its value was known and thoroughly appreciated. In fact so accustomed had Youngstowners become to cobblestone crosswalks that many were unable at first to conceive of a street crossing without them and there was much discussion as to how the cobblestones would fit in with the asphalt in the streets that were to be paved with that material. The suggestion that crossing the street on the asphalt itself would be a perfectly safe procedure was received skeptically and was flouted by many until they had tried the experiment. As to the lasting qualities of a granite roadway Federal Street itself was a living witness. It was not until 1908, more than twenty-five years after this sort of pavement was laid, that it was finally replaced in West Federal Street by asphalt. The memory of this thoroughfare when it resembled a corduroy road is still fresh in the minds of even youthful residents of Youngstown, but happily the change was made before the motor vehicle came into common use. Another improvement made in the summer of 1882 was the construction of the main sewer draining the territory on the north side of the river west of Crab Creek. Lateral sewers had been built previously but ended at the river bank with the result that there was little or no drainage in seasons of low water. The mills along the river bank were affected by this condition just as mill operations have been affected in recent years by the repeated use of the river water, a condition that has been remedied to a great extent by the construction of the Milton storage reservoir that prevents the excessively low stage of water that prevailed for almost ten years prior to 1917. The main sewer emptying into the river at the mouth of Crab Creek drained all these lateral sewers and did away with the obnoxious condition that had prevailed for several years. 214 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY The construction of this sewer might not be worth recalling were it not for one curious fact. Previous to this time (1882), malaria had been the most common of: all diseases in Youngstown, and diseases of different kinds were all too plentiful at that time. In keeping with the spirit of that age this, affliction was accepted as a most obnoxious evil but a necessary one. Youngstown had been built in a river valley and malaria was to be expected. Other communities had malaria and accepted it with little regard to cause and no suspicion of the tiny mosquito that is blamed now, not for malaria alone but for many other ills. In every Youngstown home quinine was part of the household stock, as common as tea or coffee and used almost as frequently. Sometimes whisky accompanied it in the fight to ward off the -chills and fever," "fever and ague," or malaria under any other name, and sometimes it was taken without camouflage, but everyone took quinine. With the construction of the main drainage sewer, however, malaria disappeared entirely and almost instantly. For many years it has been almost an unknown disease in Youngstown. The improvements made during the year 1882 were hastened to completion, perhaps, by strike of ironworkers in the summer of that year. This strike, mention of which is made in the industrial chapter of this history, was one of the most prolonged in the history of the city. It was the aftermath of the reign of prosperity that began in 1879 and continued for two years or more, after which it began to show signs of recession, although there was no lessening of activity to the "panic" stage. Coming at this time, the demand for higher wages was unpropitious, and the result was a shutdown of the -mills that lasted from June 1st until late in October. Many of the strikers remained idle during this time; but numbers of them secured work with the contractors engaged in the street paving and sewer construction jobs. The heavy percentage of gain in. Youngstown's population in the decade between 1870 and 1880 was notable, not alone because it was made during a period of depression, but because the entire gain was made within the city limits as they stood in the former year. Before the city form of government was adopted in the spring of 1868 there had been a liberal' extension, but for more than ten years thereafter Youngstown's boundaries remained unaltered. There was intermittent discussion of extension and various proposals suggested, but none of these reached the stage of legislative action. In 1880, however, even before the decennial census figures had been prepared, more serious proposals were made for a Greater Youngstown. At this time the city contained perhaps two-thirds of the residents of Youngstown Township, but many of those not within the corporation limits were really urban dwellers rather than agriculturalists. Brier Hill, originally only the Governor Tod homestead, had become a village of healthy proportions, or rather a village had sprung up about the old farm and to the east of it on which the name of the war governor's homestead was bestowed by common consent. The early industries there, among the very earliest of any considerable size in the valley, had been augmented until they employed many hundreds of men. Churches YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 215 had been built, schools established and Brier Hill was made a postoffice. No attempt had been made to incorporate it or form a village government, probably from the fact that its ultimate inclusion in Youngstown was considered inevitable, but in every other respect it was an urban community. Between it and Youngstown there was scarcely anything more than an invisible dividing line. The same might be said of the suburb of Baselton. This part of the township had been settled as early as the central part where John Young laid out his embryo village, Daniel Sheehy, James Davidson, Robert :Montgomery and Roger Sheehy being early landowners ;there, while 'Abram Powers was the pioneer landowner just across the river in the Lansingville neighborhood. The construction of the canal attracted business to this settlement and the population grew with the addition of iron works. It was perhaps somewhat more remote from Youngstown than WICK AVENUE IN THE '70S Brier Hill was during the '60s and '70s, but, like the latter place, was a good sized village with its own schools, churches and postoffice. Across the river Lansingville had been built up, East Youngstown (not the present municipality but a small settlement farther up the river) was a neighbor, and in the northern part of the township was the ,thriving settlement of Crab Creek, at the forks where the Hubbard road branched off from the present Logan Avenue. Crab Creek had been the business center fora thriving coal mining district and was still a place of consequence and in fairly close communication with Youngstown by reason of its location on the main highway leading to Eastern Trumbull County. The extension movement took active form in January, 1880, when, after Youngstown's limits had remained stationary for twelve years, a petition was filed with city council praying for expansion. The petition was signed by 469 Youngstown residents, all of them substantial citizens, 216 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING. VALLEY the number being greater than was necessary; although fewer than could have been secured had any serious opposition been anticipated. The petitioners proposed that the city limits be extended to take in the greater part of the township in the Crab Creek neighborhood, Brier Hill, Haselton,. East Youngstown, Lansingville and considerable other outlying territory that had been built up, residents of which were Youngstown people in every way except officially. The petition was received by council and on February 18, 1880, the city engineer submitted a report providing for extension but omitting much of the territory that had been included by the citizen, petitioners. The movement had met with not a little opposition from residents of the suburbs, and in the engineer's report Haselton, East Youngstown, Crab Creek and some of the unnamed but designated plats adjoining the city were ignored. It provided largely for a Brier Hill annexation. Council accepted this report in spite of the alterations made and passed the necessary annexation legislation. The ordinance was then submitted to the county commissioners of Mahoning County, as required by law, but opposition had not yet ceased and protests from Brier Hill and from others affected were fruitful, for the commissioners handed down a decision on November 18, 1880, denying the prayer for annexation. The ordinance was dismissed rather curtly, in fact, without any official explanation, and with the injunction that the petitioners be required to pay the costs of the case. The urgent need of city limits' extension, was so apparent that the action of the commissioners caused not only much surprise but severe criticisms as well. This was lost on the county officials, however, as they made no attempt to rescind their action. For almost another decade Youngstown remained the chief municipality within the township, but only one of several municipalities after all. In township affairs it divided responsibility with Brier Hill and Haselton, and there was no unity Of action among urban residents. Certain governmental changes and civic improvements were delayed because of this situation, a condition that was unfortunate for the suburbs as well as for the city. The annexation movement naturally did not die with the adverse action of 1880: Various extension proposals were discussed 'almost perennially and extension petitions were drafted from time to time in an effort to reach an adjustment, each year seeing a revival of the agitation. The discussion was not all one-sided, of course, for there was a healthy opposition sentiment -among the peoples who were to be absorbed and extension meetings were met with rival meetings of protest. As is always the case when outlying territory is confronted with the prospect of being swallowed up by a larger municipality, there was objection to losing municipal identity and fear of increased tax rates and other supposed disadvantages. Toward the latter part of the '80s, however, the realization finally came that this progressive step could not be delayed any longer. The suburban residents were occupying the anomalous position of being Youngstown residents and yet not residing in Youngstown. A petition YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 217 circulated early in 1889 received much support from outside the city as well as from within, and on April 8, 1889, after the situation had been thoroughly surveyed, council passed an ordinance extending the municipal limits to include Brier Hill, Haselton and the territory east to the Coitsville Township line, Lansingville, Crab Creek to a point just north of the Hubbard Road and considerable unnamed territory. This action was ratified by the county commissioners on November 24, 1889, and, except for certain measures necessary to make the annexation effective. the enlarged city became a reality. It had been the first extension of the city limits in twenty-one years and, with the exception of small additions made from time to time to include outlying improved property, it was to be the last extension for another twenty-five years. In fact Youngstown diminished in area three years later when certain land within the city limits was restored to the township as an inducement to the Ohio Steel Company to build its proposed plant thereon. The motive, of course, was to give the company the benefit of the lower tax rates of the township, and the agreement was made for a ten-year period. The bargain was lived up to religiously. This decade was one that also saw a number of other civic improvements. In common with other communities Youngstown received the benefit of the introduction of electricity, a commodity that it had gotten along without before, although unaware of course of the deprivation. Electric lights replaced the old gas lamps on the street corners and the familiar "lamp posts" passed into history. The horse car line, traversing only the main street, or Federal Street, from a point a short distance below Basin Street to the car barns at Jefferson Street in Brier Hill, gave way to that novelty of novelties, an electric car line. The horse car line had answered all purposes in its leisurely way, for the craze for speed that we know today was absent then, although, Americans of the '8os fondly believed they, too, were living a nerve-racking life. Youngstown people of that day were not afraid of a long walk to "town" on board sidewalks or through mud or dust. Having been brought up without luxuries, exercise-discouraging inventions and the soft ease of succeeding generations, they missed none of these things. But the diminutive car drawn by a jogging horse, which was helped on the grades by an extra horse or mule, went the way of the stage and the canal, although it is still of such recent date that even younger residents of Youngstown recall it more or less vividly. The annexation of 1889 was reflected in the census returns of 1890 when Youngstown's population was officially given as 33,220. This increase of 17,785 over the 1880 population, or approximately 115 per cent, was not due entirely of course to the residents added by extension, as the old area of the city had been more closely built up. It placed Youngstown among the leading Ohio cities, however, giving it a rank beyond that of several municipalities that had once exceeded it in population and that had threatened to leave it far behind as the years went on. CHAPTER XIII YOUNGSTOWN FROM 1890 TO 1910 CHANGE IN THE FORM OF CITY GOVERNMENT—BEGINNING OF THE STEEL INDUSTRY AND THE PANIC OF 1893—MILL CREEK PARK FOUNDING— PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1896 AND ENDING OF THE PANIC—SPANISH- AMERICAN WAR DAYS—DEPRESSION OF 1907—CLOSE OF FIRST DECADE OF CENTURY. Youngstown had now rounded out almost a century of its existence as a habitation for white men. One hundred years before, it was a wilderness through which ran the old Indian trail from Pittsburg and Beavertown to Lake Erie, a trail that was followed by the red men, by venturesome hunters and trappers from Pennsylvania and by an occasional and restless explorer. The Mahoning River was merely a highway for the canoes of the Indians and of traders like James Hillman. There were no permanent white inhabitants. Occasional "squatters" perhaps came and went; even the saltmakers from across the line in Pennsylvania had become fewer. But from the advent of the New Englanders and Pennsylvanians in 1797 the growth had been gradual; slight perhaps in the first fifty years of the existence of the village, but more rapid in the remaining years up to 1890, although even at the latter date, just thirty years ago, the population was 100,000 less than it is today. The natural increase within the city limits and the added population that came with the annexation of outlying territory made the existing form of municipal government not only unsatisfactory but wholly unfitted for Youngstown by 1890. The administrative machinery that had sufficed for a city of 5,000 people was inadequate for a municipality of almost 35,000. The mayor was police judge as well as executive and was burdened with many responsibilities that should have been delegated to subordinates or boards. Council was an unpaid body charged with duties that did not properly belong to the legislative branch of a government. The police force was still that of a village in its form of organization and hardly more than that of a village in size. At its head was the city marshal, elected for a two-year term by direct vote of the people. The remainder of the force was made up of patrolmen and roundsmen appointed by the mayor. This system of permitting a department that was partly elective and partly appointive was not good in itself, and the bad features were heightened by the fact that it was almost purely a political organization. Each succeeding mayor named an entirely new force, and while it must be said in all fairness that the - 218 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 219 different men who held the office of mayor, regardless of their own political affiliations, divided the appointments among various parties, the tendency was toward disruption. A place on the police force was considered even more desirable then than now, influence had much to do with selection, and a good man might be ousted at the end of two years regardless of his worth. The same antiquated condition existed in the fire department. The volunteer system still prevailed, although as early as 1884 several paid firemen had been added to the department and shortly afterwards additional provision was made for paid men by guaranteeing "minute men" a wage of 50 cents an hour while on duty. The chief of the department was nominated annually by the firemen, subject to confirmation by city council, a most unscientific arrangement, =hut one that, had been handed down from the days of thirty years before. In 1888 and 1889 two additional fire stations had been built, making the equipment fairly adequate for the city, but leaving the fire fighting system still faulty. Progressive citizens realized full well the need for a more modern form of municipal government and public meetings and conferences were held and numerous suggestions made improving the situation. The discussion finally resulted in the drafting of a measure providing a special form of government for Youngstown, opposition from other cities being allayed by making this measure apply only to cities whose population was not less than 33,000 or more than 34,000. This bill was passed by the State Legislature, at a special session, in February, 1891, provision being made that it go into effect following the city election in April of that year. The chief provision of this act was a section providing for the appointment of a board of city commissioners, four in number, who should be the administrative officers for the city. Those selected were J. W. Dickey, J. H. Nutt, C. M. Reilly and A. J. McCartney. This change was distinctly for the better since it provided for the proper discharge of many duties that had grown too burdensome for the mayor and the council. Council had previously, on March 10, 1891, abolished the elective office, of city marshal .and created. the position of chief of police, to be appointed by the city commissioners. On their organization the board of commissioners reorganized the entire police department, naming John F. Cantwell as chief and selecting an adequate force of patrolmen, who were to remain in office during good behavior instead of being ousted every two years. A like change was made in the fire department. The old volunteer department, that had sufficed for more than fifteen years and that had acted as a supplement to the paid members of the department for another half dozen years, went out of existence. The system that permitted the firemen to choose their own chiefs was abolished and, acting under the authority given them by the new statute, the city commissioners announced the creation of an entirely new paid department, with William H. Moore as chief and William L. Knox as assistant chief. Fifteen firemen were named, the number being adequate for the three fire stations -then in existence, although the force was increased rapidly within the next six years with the erection 220 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY of three additional stations. Like the policemen, the firemen were placed under civil service. The change of government withal was for the better, although there were some incongruities in the system devised. It gave satisfaction and did away with many of the obstructions in the pathway of progress. These opening years of the '90s were years of prosperity, or "good times," but scarcely years of a "boom" nature. There was considerable labor unrest—a condition that is not a monopoly of today, as we might be led to believe—and business was being conducted on an unsafe foundation, even though it was solid enough outwardly. Today when all the country—and to some extent all the world—is rent with discussion and filled with wrath over constantly ascending prices of the necessities of life, not to speak of the luxuries, it is difficult to understand how similar unrest could be brought about by steadily decreasing prices, yet this was the situation thirty years ago. This reduction had been going on steadily since the panic days of 1873, and while its influence was felt most keenly among agriculturists, the effect was not the less disastrous, since a greater proportion of the American people was engaged in agriculture then than now, and it is a mistake to assume that part of the people of the country can be prosperous while others are fighting a losing game. This unrest was responsible for numerous strikes among iron workers. most of these disturbances naturally affecting Youngstown. Unlike most commodities, the price of iron fluctuated greatly, a condition conducive to labor troubles, since labor's wage is affected by the selling price of the commodity produced. In 1892 this culminated in the most serious strike that had afflicted the city for ten years. It is still of such recent occurrence that it is recalled by many, resulting as it did in a summer's idleness. In Youngstown the strike was accompanied by no serious disturbances, but other iron making centers were less fortunate. The Pittsburg district was the scene of especial strife, the antagonism between employees and employers reaching. its culmination at Homestead, where bloody rioting occurred following the attempt to import strikebreakers. Because of this historic outbreak— approaching as it did almost the stage of civil war—the entire strike of the iron workers in 1892 has gone down in history as the "Homestead strike," although this was actually but one place where the deadlock was in effect. Taking it in its entirety the strike was fatal for the iron workers, since it stripped their union of much of its strength, a blow from which it has never -recovered. Oddly enough, this year that saw the clouds gathering over Youngstown and forecasting darkness that was to remain for several years because of the poverty of the iron business on which Youngstown depended almost solely for support, saw also the first movement toward the introduction of the steel business here. That this is such a recent industry here may cause surprise, on the part of some, considering the magnitude of that industry today, yet it was in 1892 that the Ohio Steel Company was organized by Youngstown men to build a modest-sized plant for the manufacture of semi-finished steel alone. A location in the northwest- YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 221 em part of the city was selected and, as mentioned in the chapter preceding this, this territory was detached from the city and returned to the township as an inducement toward the building of the proposed plant. Assessed as non-city property, the natural consequence would be lower taxes, and this was no small attraction at that time, when steelmaking was more or less of a precarious enterprise in itself and the difficulties attending it were enhanced by the unsatisfactory business situation throughout the country. It was a year later, however, before the full effect of this unsound business structure was felt in Youngstown. The winter of 1892-93 had been a fairly active one and spring showed even greater activity ; but appearances were most deceptive. There was a disagreement between iron manufacturers and their employes over the wage scale that expired on June 30, 1893, and the mills closed down on that date to remain closed until a settlement had been reached. This was an annual, or almost an annual, occurrence in Youngstown, however, so that it presented nothing alarming in itself, but before the summer was over a national crisis had supplanted the mere quarrel over an adjustment of the ironworkers' wage scale. Business became almost stagnant everywhere, failures followed failures ; the whole commercial structure of the country appeared to collapse. This depression, the "panic of '93," is something that scarcely needs recalling today, but future generations will find it hard to understand the suffering it entailed. Its effect, of course, was nationwide, but its consequences were felt with especial acuteness in iron and steel making centers, the localities that are most prosperous of all when prosperity abounds and the most cruelly afflicted of all when business activity vanishes. For almost two years Youngstown not only stood still but went backward. Many who were more restless than the average under idleness sought work in other places where the effects of the panic were less keenly felt. This also was true of those whose home ties were such that they were able to make a change of residence. Probably the population decreased during this period, even when the natural increase from the birth rate is considered. Few of those who depended upon a daily wage for subsistence had sufficient funds to stand even a short siege of idleness, and the most thrifty, and even those of comfortable means, felt the pinch of poverty. Many families had to exist for a year or more with scarcely a dollar's income. The streets were at all times filled with idle men. "Soup houses," free lodging houses, and other agencies for distributing charity sprang up. Begging was common, although it is probably true that a great many who resorted to this were impostors who had the means to subsist, but whose penuriousness was stronger than their personal pride. Merchants carried many through the "hard times," at immense sacrifice in many instances. The privations of those who shrank from charity or even friendly assistance or the publicity that comes of acknowledging poverty will never he known. Thousands of Youngstown residents of today can recall the want and the pinching economy never admitted then outside the household. Work and money 222 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY were commodities that almost ceased to exist, and lack of .money meant not only scarcity of food but threadbare clothing and perhaps eviction into the streets, from whence, it must be said, there was generally a refuge offered in the home of a kindly neighbor. The one compensation was that the prices of all the necessities of life reached rock bottom at this time, and on a dollar a family might exist for several days. This is not an overstatement of the case at all. It should not be understood that this actual poverty included everyone, for of course there were many whose means were comfortable enough to place them beyond want, although it is true that virtually no one made more than a bare living during the earlier years of the panic. Contributions to charity funds were liberal and helped relieve much of the distress. Industrially the chief salvation of the city at this time was probably the new steel plant. Steel was beginning to supplant iron because it answered many of the purposes for which iron had been used and could be made more cheaply. At a time when a bare margin of profit was all that was asked—and mills even ran at times at a loss just to afford work —steel mills profited by this situation. The local steel plant was placed in operation just about the time that the panic reached its most acute stage and gave work to hundreds of men, for much of the work required no skill that an iron maker did not possess. Experienced steel men for the more responsible positions had to be brought in of course, but these constituted a minority of the workmen employed. The Ohio Steel Company's works was a small plant at its inception, as we measure steel works today, but one of healthy size for Youngstown of that day. It might truly be said too that this disaster was responsible for one of the greatest blessings that had ever befallen Youngstown—the founding of Mill Creek Park. In a sense the park had been in existence before this, but it was a park in name only. It dates back to 1891, when Volney Rogers, the father- of this great breathing spot, secured legislation permitting the Township of Youngstown to issue bonds for acquiring the gorge of Mill Creek, a beauty spot some distance from the city limits. This was as far as Youngstown people interested themselves at that time —in fact it might be said that with the exception of Mr. Rogers few showed any interest at all. The gorge remained a tangled mass of woodland. The necessity of providing all the work possible for idle men became so great, however, that attention was naturally directed toward giving employment on public improvements. A program of this kind was not easy to outline with the city showing no growth and the plan of improving Mill Creek Park was seized upon. It was the one great undertaking possible at that time. Like its people, the city had little money. Paying current expenses was task enough in itself, but there was sufficient confidence in the future of Youngstown to make farsighted residents realize that it would recover from its paralysis and that banking on the future was not an uncertain game. Long term improvement bonds were therefore issued and the proceeds devoted to making an actual park out of Mill Creek YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 223 Valley. These were township bonds, of course, as the park lay outside the city and was the property of the entire township. The work consisted of cutting roads and trails, removing underbrush, making picnic spots and converting a wilderness into a modern outing place, while preserving as much as possible of its virgin beauty. The money was doled out meagerly. At one time three days of work a week at a dollar a day was the allotment for a man of family. To the work begun in that dark winter of 1893-94 Youngstown owes a park that is today noted throughout the country. It was merely the beginning, of course, for Mill Creek Park has been undergoing improvement ever since, but its winding roads, its "rambles," its bridges and even Lake Cohasset and Pioneer pavilion are relics of panic days. Youngstown has gone through depressions since the "panic of '93," but none of like severity. To the stagnant business conditions was added strikes among those who had opportunity to work, working conditions being more responsible for this than wage rates, although the latter were at lowest ebb. The railroad strike that reached its culmination in Chicago came in the summer of 1894, and Youngstown witnessed two street railway strikes- in the same year. The first of these, in the early spring, was attended with considerable rioting and destruction of street railway property, as public sentiment was largely with the strikers. In the second strike that came during the summer there was less favorable sentiment and the walkout was attended with none of the features that marked the first one. While the period of depression that began in 1893 actually lasted for six years, the first two years were the ones of most marked severity. In 1895 there came some change for the better. The iron works furnished at least intermittent work and the steel plant steadily increased the number of its employes. Smaller shops began working with part crews, and there was an improvement in railroad working conditions and in blast furnace operations. Unsettled political conditions probably had much to do with perpetuating the unfavorable business situation, for a presidential campaign was approaching, and "presidential years" were always years of business inactivity at that time. It is only in the last decade in fact that business has refused to mark time while a presidential contest was being waged. The campaign of 1896 was one that deserves mention in any history, national, state or local, for it probably stands without a parallel. Politics had been taken seriously in America up to this time—far more so than it is today—and there had never been any absence of party feeling. The ordinary voter prided himself on his party regularity and scorned alike the opposition party and its individual members. The "bolter," then the "mugwump," earned general condemnation without distinction as to whether his motives were of the very highest or the very lowest. The independent voter who decided the elections was a decidedly quiet individual, not alone through choice but through necessity. Periodically the partisans worked themselves into the frenzy that was perhaps better expressed in the famed torchlight parades of the '80s —during the Garfield-Hancock, Cleveland-Blaine and Harrison-Cleve- 224 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY land campaigns—than by any other means. Politics has never furnished anything more picturesque than these night processions of cheering partisans, and perhaps never anything more conductive of grease and grime than the smoking open torches. Occasionally parades caused bitter clashes, and in the Hayes-Tilden and Cleveland-Blaine campaigns there were disputed counts that kept the election in doubt for months in the former instance and days in the latter.. These contests might be GROUP OF BUILDINGS FAMILIAR IN YOUNGSTOWN A GENERATION AGO That on the upper left is "Brier Hill," the old Governor Tod Homestead. On the lower left is Baldwin's City Flouring Mill, still in operation. On the right is the old Mahoning County Courthouse at Wood Street and Wick Avenue. likened to the one that developed after election day in the Wilson-Hughes campaign of 1916, except that the struggle in 1876 was more prolonged and more bitter. For rancor, bitterness, partisanship, enthusiasm, in fact for every element that can be introduced into a political contest, none of these equaled the McKinley-Bryan campaign of 1896. Even the election of 186o, that had made the Civil war inevitable, was less savage. It is doubtful if ever there was the same degree of sincerity and the same YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 225 unchangeable conviction on two sides to a presidential battle that victory for the other side meant disaster to the country. On the part of the Republicans the return of prosperity was promised with the election of McKinley and the revival of the protective tariff policy, while the good faith of the United States and its standing before the world hinged on the acceptance of the gold standard. The Democrats offered "free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of sixteen to one" as the panacea for all industrial ills. The campaign was bitterly fought in Youngstown because of its iron industries and also because the Republican standard-bearer, William McKinley, was a product of the Mahoning Valley. Born at Niles, educated there and at Poland, representative of the Mahoning County district in Congress for many years and closely identified with so many men in Youngstown, it was but natural that a personal, as well as a partisan, interest was felt in him here. Yet it is typical of the fierce hatred of the campaign of that year that nowhere did he, meet more violent opposition than in Youngstown, a situation all the more unusual from the fact that William McKinley was a man of remarkable magnetism and kindliness of nature that made warm friends for him even among political opponents and had brought him support in his campaigns for Congress and •for the governorship of Ohio. Mr. McKinley did not visit Youngstown during the campaign, not did he make a tour of any other cities. Presidential candidates did not "stump" the country at that time, this practice being introduced by Mr. McKinley's opponent only in that year. Instead pilgrimages were made to the McKinley home at Canton where the republican candidate daily addressed immense throngs. The memorable excursion from Youngstown, in October, 1896, when 3,000 enthusiasts went to Canton to greet the coming President, broke all records for the famed pilgrimages made to the McKinley home that. year. Mr. Bryan, on the other hand, made a memorable visit here, a few weeks before election day. His sudden rise to fame, his personal magnetism, his famed powers of oratory and the intenseness of feeling contributed toward making this a historic day in the annals of Ma honing County Democracy. The assemblage that greeted him was the greatest in the history of Youngstown up to that time and his ride up Federal Street from the Lake Shore station in an open carriage was a veritable triumph. His speech was delivered from a temporary platform that adjoined the now vanished Howells block on the northwest corner of Federal Street and the Central Square. But thirty-six years of age, and looking even more boyish, his appearance on that occasion leaves an impression indelibly imprinted on the memory of everyone present. The election came and went as elections do, culminating in the election of Mr. McKinley. This result was forecasted by the changing tide of sentiment in the closing days of the campaign, yet bitterness and enthusiasm perhaps increased rather than decreased, and remained until the count was made on election night. Yet it is an indication of the deep common sense of the American people, who are ever ready to accept the decision of the majority, that this most remarkable, and even violent, Vol. I-15 226 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY campaign found the country standing in united ranks twenty-four hours after the verdict had been rendered. The business recovery following the election was perhaps not as rapid as many had been led to believe it would be, yet 1897 found still a further improvement. There was a general feeling of confidence in the future that was more marked than it had been for more than a half dozen years and the acute depression of actual "panic" days disappeared. That the actual improvement was not greater caused a degree of unrest and dissatisfaction, but this was expressed in sentiment and not by any outward manifestations. This was the year, too, when Youngstown rounded out a century of its existence, but the occasion passed almost without notice. Conditions perhaps were not such that gala. celebrations were in order, or it may be that Youngstown was forgetful of its founders. Many of those who had served to make the pioneer reunions of the '70s and '80s such joyous gatherings had been laid to rest and their successors had allowed these gatherings to lapse. The following year was one that will always rank with 1861 and 1917 in American history and in the history of Youngstown. It was a year that saw the dawn of war and, in this instance, happily saw its end. The Cuban question had been a vexatious one for many years and became especially acute from 1895 onwards, for in that year the Cuban patriots launched a revolution of even greater proportions than any they had undertaken before. Spain had failed wholly in subduing the insurrection, and, falling short in warfare, had substituted cruelty. It had grossly mismanaged affairs in Cuba as it had in all its remaining possessions on the western hemisphere, blundering so much in fact that it had lost all its mainland holdings. Two years and more of fighting the Cuban insurgents had been fruitless when the old world nation adopted the scheme even more disastrous to its ambitions. Spanish rule had been obnoxious here at all times and the policy of "concentration" brought even more violent protest. It is possible that by the winter of 1897-98 even Spain saw the hopelessness of trying to maintain its rule over Cuba and was willing to abandon the task if a way could be found by which it could do so gracefully. The saner statesmen of that country were not blind to the growing resentment in the United States and the unyieldingness of the Cubans. The freedom of Cuba might have been attained by peaceful means if it had not been for that stunning disaster of February 15, 1898—the destruction of the American battleship Maine in the harbor of Havana. in the minds of the American people the Spanish government was personally charged with this outrage, That it was responsible has never been. proven, and today may be seriously doubted, but if not the direct instigator of the crime it was indirectly responsible because of its own stupidity and arrogance. From this moment the country demanded war with Spain. It is doubtful if ever there was such unanimity of sentiment on the eve of any armed conflict in which the United States has engaged, or during the progress of that conflict. There were Tories in the Revolution, anti-war YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 227 factions in the War of 1812, a decided opposition party in the Mexican war, "Copperheads" in the Civil war, and pacifists and disloyalists in the. World war, but little opposition to the war with Spain. It was confined, in fact, to those who were not the less determined to uphold American honor but believed this could be accomplished by peaceful means, as it is possible that it could have been. They were lost, however, in the clamor of an outraged people. Spain was given no time to retreat, if indeed she could have done so with even a vestige of pride left. Nor was the war spirit engendered by the fact that an easy American victory was foreseen. No one had, any serious doubt of the outcome, but few expected the one-sided contest that actually developed. Whether Spain was strong or weak was of less consequence in the American mind than that Spain had been temporized with long enough and that the Maine had to be avenged. "Remember the Maine !" was perhaps not a high-minded battle cry, but no one can deny that it was an effective one. The declaration of war on April 21, 1898, found Youngstown ready. For years a company of the Ohio National Guard had been maintained here. Originally it had been known as the "Iron Guards," but in the late '80s or the early '90s it became the "Logan Rifles." At the outbreak of the Spanish-American war, and for some years previously, it had been officially. Company H, Fifth Regiment, Ohio National Guard, but by this formal title it was scarcely recognized while the designation "Logan Rifles" was familiar to everyone. Company H was not recruited to war strength at the outbreak of the war but there was' no difficulty in filling the vacancies in the ranks. Muster and drill were begun immediately on the declaration of war, even before this pronouncement in fact, and not a moment too soon as the order to entrain for camp came on the evening of April 25th, just four days after hostilities had been ordered. The following day, April 26, 1898, was a memorable day in Youngstown. It had had no counterpart since the early '60s ; it was destined to have none for almost twenty years after 1898. Practically the entire city turned out to see the men in blue depart, business suspended and the streets within several blocks of the Erie station were thronged. So short had been the time that some who had enlisted in the few days following the declaration of war marched away ununiformed. The actual number to depart that day was eighty-two, numbering the following officers, non-commissioned officers and enlisted men: Capt. James A. Freed Lieut. H. W. Ulrich Sergt. Fred C. Porter Sergt. W. F. Keyser Sergt. F. W. Metz Sergt. R. F. Truman Sergt. J. J. Cornell Sergt. G. W. Spigler Corp. H. G.. Woolfe Corp. A. G. Resch Corp. F. V. Case Corp. Charles Sharpe Musician C. E. Frost Privates— J. G. Allensworth J. W. Bufka Bion Bliss. Joseph Barber Adolph Burkhart Jas. C. Birmingham J. O. Brownlee W. J. Crawford S. S. Conroy J. G. Dixon C. H. Dalzell Aaron Davis George Merritt F. W. Pfund W. E. Phillips. Frank Park 228 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY Emery Semple Perry Simpson W. E. Simpson Henry Steller A. W. Sprague R. W. Stamhaugh I. I. Small J. E. Shaffer Stowe Milton A. W. Smith William Smoker Fred Simmons G. 0. Thompson A. W. Thullen F. G. Wiseman J. C. Wiseman B. L. Wiseman F. A. Wilson Dolph Welch M. B. Brown Wade Christy A. Uhlinger Peter Cummings R. T. Edwards S. E. Eyster C. C. Frech S. Thestgarden P. J. Frey T. Greenwood N. R. Hamilton Hale Hamilton Paul Hamilton Thomas Howells J. R. Howells Elmer Haverstick Harry Jenkins Andrew Jackson William Kendall H. Kieling H. Kingsbacher J. M. Mansell J. 0. Mahan Wade Matthews J. W. Robbins D. W. McFarland John McCartney J. R. McCluskey J. W. Perry J. M. McClure At Cleveland, where Company H was mustered in, it was joined by George Merritt, Fred Hill and Millard Stemple, privates. With the remainder of the Fifth Regiment, Company H entrained at Cleveland for Camp Bushnell, Columbus, and on May 21st left Camp Bushnell for Tampa, Florida, the embarkation point for Cuba. At Tampa the Fifth was assigned to the Seventh Army Corps under command of Maj.-Gen. Fitzhugh Lee, a former Confederate leader, but now wearing the blue uniform. Here Company H was recruited to full war strength of 109 officers and men, Lieut. Harry W. Ulrich being named first lieutenant and Sergt. Fred C. Porter, second lieutenant. Shortly after going into camp at Tampa the Fifth Regiment was transferred to the Fifth Army Corps under Maj.-Gen. William T. Shafter and was ordered to embark for Cuba. Because of damage to the transport to which it was assigned the Fifth did not sail for Cuba with the remainder of the corps, but was transferred once more, this time to the Fourth Army Corps under command of Maj.-Gen. J. J. Coppinger. The regiment then was ordered from Tampa to Camp Fernandina, Florida, reaching there July 23d. Sanitary conditions had been poor at Tampa, and it was presumed that they would be better at Camp Fernandina. There was perhaps some improvement, but the new camp was wretched enough at the best. The soldiers were cursed with poor sanitation, poor food and almost everything else that goes to make life miserable. On top of other intolerable conditions they were subjected to the blazing Florida heat to which they were unaccustomed. These hardships were not peculiar to the Ohio men of course. While the work of the American armed forces on land and sea alike in the Spanish-American war was so remarkable that it startled the world, it is doubtful if there were ever more miserable arrangements made for the care of the men. "Murder" was the way the volunteers characterized their treatment, and no one disagreed with them. YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 229 Because of the poor sanitation an epidemic of typhoid fever broke out at Camp Fernandina and ravaged the camp. Two Youngstown men of Company H, Sergt. Henry G. Woolfe and Private Clifton H. Dalzell, succumbed to the disease and were brought home for burial. The funeral of the latter was the first war-time military funeral held in Youngstown for more than thirty years.  On September 8, 1898, Company H was ordered to Cleveland in preparation for mustering out, as the war was virtually over. Final discharges were granted on November 5th and the boys returned to Youngstown the same evening, although while in camp at Cleveland two more of them, Sergt. George W. Spigler and Private Daniel G. Kennedy, died from typhoid fever contracted at Camp Fernandina.  Youngstown and Mahoning County's activity in the Spanish-American war was not limited of course to the men enumerated above. The call for volunteers brought out hundreds of more young-men. Some of  PARK HOTEL ON NORTHEAST CORNER OF CENTRAL SQUARE ABOUT 1895 these were assigned to fill the vacancies in Company H so that the complete roster of the company contains other names than those given. Scores of others were formally enlisted and training was begun for the additional companies that were to be raised in the city, while recruiting for other companies went on in almost every township of the county. Still more men signed up to go as soon as the call for additional troops came, while many enlisted in the regular army and in the navy. Aside from the "Logan Rifles," (Company H) however, none of these was called as the war lasted but a few brief months. The war, short as it was, was followed by the business revival that invariably comes in the wake of hostilities. The winter of 1898-99 witnessed more industrial activity in Youngstown than had been seen for six years, and in the spring of 1899 the "boom" came on in earnest. Where there had been no work for five years before, little work two years before and nominal activity in the winter, there came in the spring an unprecedented demand for labor. Iron and steel doubled and tripled 230 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY in prices between the early months of year and fall and orders could not be filled. Production capacity was wholly inadequate. Wages advanced rapidly; time was too valuable to waste in even the annual wage scale controversy. This condition lasted for approximately a year, or on through the winter of I899-1900 and the spring of the latter year. It was at this most opportune time, too, that the era of combinations in the iron and steel business began. Prior to this time all of the rolling mills in Youngstown and the Mahoning Valley were independent concerns, and even the blast furnaces had been largely independent, or merchant, stacks. Beginning late in 1898, however, consolidations became the rule until most of the plants in the Mahoning Valley except the blast furnaces were taken over by merger. It was then that the "trust" problem arose and these combinations began to be the subject of dispute on the part of those who believed they were instruments that would benefit the country by lessening production costs, eliminating waste and duplication of effort, stabilizing the market and doing away with demoralizing competition and those who saw in them nothing but evil. Whatever opinion one may hold, the benefit Youngstown derived from the iron and steel mergers of that day cannot be denied. It was selected for one of the spots where the manufacture of these most necessary commodities should be concentrated. Originally the "trust" mills were scattered throughout the entire country, since it was necessary to buy up good, bad and indifferent mills, but gradually the isolated and costly plants were abandoned or transferred to the principal steel making districts, and the manufacture of iron and steel was centered in the Mahoning Valley and in the Pittsburgh, Chicago and Birmingham districts. Modern Youngstown, in fact, might be said to have had its beginning about the year 1900. Previous to this its growth had been healthy, and comparatively rapid, too, as the figures of the succeeding decennial censuses will show, but in the last twenty years it has advanced more than rapidly. The baneful effects of the "panic of '93" are evident in these figures for 19,90, as the enumeration that year gave Youngstown a population of 44,885, a gain of but 11,665 for the ten years since 1890. Considering the great number of newcomers into Youngstown during the prosperous year 1899, it is probable that the increase before that time was hardly more than the mere excess of births over deaths. An event of 1899 that had much to do with the spread of the city was the opening of the Market Street viaduct, a structure on which work was begun a year before. Previous to this Market Street bridge merely spanned the river. The railroad tracks on the north side of the stream were grade crossings, while on the south bank of the river the bridge landed at the foot of a deep bluff that marked the termination of that part of Market Street. The approach to the street above was by a circuitous route for vehicles, while a pedestrian might follow the same route or reach the top of the bluff by foot path. The railroad tracks on the south side of the river did not exist then, of course. The opening of the high level bridge and the construction of a car line from down town to Mill Creek Park in the neighborhood of Lanter- YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 231 man's Falls—or to a pleasure park built in 1899 a short distance from the falls—opened the south side to homeseekers. Street car service there before that time had been indifferent. In fact at one time the present Park & Falls line boasted but a single car, or enough service to keep the franchise from lapsing, and would have paid dividends on no more. But from 1899 on the growth was phenomenal. Instead of being the home of the few and isolated from the rest of the city it began to rival the district north of the river in importance and Market Street was gradually transformed from a country road to a busy business thoroughfare. The year 1900 saw much of the dullness usual to a presidential year. Business slackened up in the spring and there was little activity during the entire summer and early fall, the mills being shut down much of the time because of a wage scale disagreement, although this difficulty could perhaps have been ironed out had there been any demand for iron or steel products. This was merely a quiet season rather than a depression, however, and did not affect all plants in the same proportion. By the winter of 1900-01 business was back to its accustomed stride. The inactivity of the year before was gone, but the "boom" aspect of two years before was absent too, for steel production had caught up to consumption, not so much by the construction of new mills as by increased capacity in the old ones. Youngstown had benefitted greatly, however, in the additions that had been made. This condition lasted on through 1902 and until the latter part of 1903. In 1903 Youngstown underwent a change in city government, the system that had been in effect for a dozen years being discarded. This was not voluntary on the part of the city but was forced by a supreme court decision that ruled out all special forms of municipal government in Ohio as illegal under the State Constitution. A uniform system became imperative and a new municipal code was enacted by the State Legislature at a special session called late in 1902, the change being ordered effective in 1903. By virtue of this code the terms of all elective city officials, including those elected in the spring of 1902 for two-year terms, were terminated and biennal municipal elections were provided for, to be held in April in odd-numbered years. The board of appointive city commissioners was abolished and an elective board of public service and an appointive board of public safety was created for municipalities of city grade. The number of councilmen to a ward was reduced from two to one and the number of wards cut down. Later the unwieldy board of education was reduced similarly in size. This form of government, although with important modifications, is still in effect in Youngstown even though special forms of government are now permissible in Ohio by virtue of amendments to the State Constitution adopted in 1912. A number of cities have taken advantage of this provision but Youngstown has not. In 1903, also, Youngstown held a belated celebration in honor of its years. It had allowed the centennial of the municipality to pass almost unnoticed but made up for this by a centennial celebration, taking the nature of a carnival and industrial parade, on July 3rd and 4th of this 232 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY year. The event seized upon for this municipal jollification was the one hundredth anniversary of the admission of Ohio to the rank of statehood, perhaps a far fetched pretext for a celebration, but one that did not interfere with the success of the affair at all. The following year was one less favorable to business in Youngstown. In fact 1904 was a year of low ebb in production, wages and trade in general. The slump was perhaps not unexpected with the quadrennial election approaching, but began earlier than usual, in the fall of 1903, to be exact, and the winter of 1903-04 was a quiet one. To the natural inactivity was added a serious labor disturbance, the strike at the local Carnegie mills that began on July I, 1904, and lasted until well into the fall. It was characterized by perhaps more bitterness and rancor than any previous event of this kind in Youngstown, or perhaps any since. The dispute was one over union recognition, the finishing mills of the Carnegie company being unionized prior to that time, and ended with the dissolution of the unions in the local plants of the company affected. There was more than the usual amount of disorder connected with this affair, this culminating in a double killing in October. The strike virtually terminated shortly afterward, but it was many years before its echoes ceased, in fact it cannot be said that they have entirely ceased even now, fifteen years or more after the struggle was fought to such a bitter end. It was about this time that one of the modern improvements that proved to be a most vital one in Youngstown was made, the installation of a filtration plant. A city waterworks had been in existence for many years, a third of a century in fact, but the domestic water supply came from the river without undergoing any cleansing process whatever. This had been well enough when Youngstown was a small municipality, since the river was little contaminated by industrial plants and the chief source of contamination, the main sewer of the city, emptied into the stream far below the waterworks intake. With increased growth, however, this use of the water in its raw state became not only obnoxious but positively dangerous. In the '90s Youngstown was subjected to much typhoid fever, the disease being in evidence at practically all times and reaching the proportions of an epidemic at intervals, notably in 1899. The need of a filtration plant was too apparent to be ignored. This scourge was attributed to the unhealthy water supply, and, as later results showed, probably rightly so. In addition to contamination that came from other sources offensive matter was carried here by floods that came almost annually. One of the most notable of these was early in 1904 when a winter thaw caused the river to rise with remarkable rapidity until the high water stage that had stood for perhaps twenty-five years was passed by a full six feet. This was the most pronounced case of high water in the history of the river locally until the great flood of 1913, which shattered all records and will likely stand without a rival. The filtration plant was built in 1904 and opened in 1905, having an initial' capacity for effectually treating 10,000,000 gallons of water per day. The benefits of the improvement were readily seen. As malaria had disappeared when the cause was removed almost twenty- YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 233 five years before, typhoid disappeared after the installation of the filtration plant. In this instance relief is not complete of course, for the absolute elimination of this disease is not within the possibilities of today, but much of the typhoid here is contracted elsewhere, especially during the vacation season, and the epidemics of twenty years or more ago are unknown. Even with additional improvements made since the filtration plant was built Mahoning River water is far from palatable and not usually partaken of as a beverage when any other water supply is possible, but it is not as unhealthy as its taste and odor might indicate. Labor troubles disappeared and business revived following the election of 1904 and the next three years were prosperous ones here. The expansion was so favorable, in fact, that the question of a domestic water supply that had been agitated and settled as shown above was converted into a question of an industrial water supply. The Mahoning River was becoming inadequate to meet demands for mill purposes. For perhaps two-thirds of the year the flow sufficed, but during the heated months the river dwindled in proportions until it was a mere ribbon. The water was used many times over, but even the adoption of this subterfuge was unsatisfactory, while future growth was imperiled unless some way could be devised for maintaining the flow of the stream during the summer months when the supply was least and the demands greatest. The most feasible suggestion was for the creation of a storage basin far up the Mahoning River, where a great supply of water could be impounded in the season of plenty and released gradually during Tune, July and August, when needed. The usual method of piping or carrying the water by aqueduct was discarded, the theory being generally accepted that the best results could be obtained by permitting the water to follow the natural course of the stream. This project was first seriously advanced about 1906, but ten years were destined to pass before the storage reservoir became a reality. A survey was made of the Mahoning River valley under private auspices on behalf of the city and a site eventually was selected in Berlin Township, overlapping into Portage County, where approximately 10,000,- 000,000 gallons of water could be impounded. This location, on an upper reach of the river, offered a natural site for a lake, as the river there flows through a gorge of considerable width in one of the beauty spots of Mahoning County. Options were taken on a great deal of the property by the city and on behalf of the city, but before all the necessary land could be obtained private interests intervened and gained control of sufficient of the necessary land to block the improvement unless their holdings were purchased at a greatly advanced price. The city chose to fight this movement, and also a further movement backed by obstructionists that would have prevented the building of any storage reservoir. The latter attempt was fruitless, as the right to make this improvement was too apparent to be taken away. The struggle to gain control of all the needed land in the Berlin basin was more prolonged, however. Under the existing law of the State, appropriation was impossible, but after a long fight a law was finally passed in 1909 permitting appropriation proceedings on the part of municipality in 234 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY instances of this kind and the chief obstacle to the proposed improvement was removed. Even while this legal and legislative battle was on the plans of the municipality had been changed. The possibility that complete control of the Berlin basin might not be obtained caused additional surveys to be made in the river valley, and a second reservoir location was found in Milton Township, a short distance downstream, and north of the Berlin site. Another long series of negotiations was necessary before the needed land was secured in Milton Township and preparations made for reservoir construction. It was actually the spring of 1917 before the work was completed and the storage basin filled. The worth of the improvement was established almost immediately. Even today Youngstown's industrial water supply is inadequate in summer because plant additions here have been far greater in the past decade than was anticipated. The water is objectionable during the hot weather, but without the Milton reservoir these industrial extensions would not have been possible, and even with them conditions are less aggravating than they were ten years ago. The abundance of water in the upper river has had the effect, too of promoting the founding of industrial plants not only beyond Youngstown but even beyond Warren to Newton Falls. This situation is certain to work a hardship for Youngstown if such construction is continued unless additional provision is made for these up-river plants. Another improvement decided upon about the same time the storage reservoir was projected was the construction of a new courthouse for Mahoning County. The old building had served its purpose well. It had been one of the boasts of the city, the township and the county, a show place for visitors and a place photographed with much pride when views of Youngstown were asked for. But it had seen thirty years of life, in the course of which Mahoning County had increased in population from less than 20,000 to more than 100,000, while Youngstown had grown from 12,000 to almost 70,000. The old structure at Wick Avenue and Wood. Street was yet dignified in appearance and not a building to be ashamed of by any means, but it was inadequate for county needs and not in keeping with a county as rich as Mahoning. The campaign for a new county building—or county buildings—was comparatively brief. The need was not disputed, there was surprisingly little opposition, and at the election in November, 1906, the proposal for the erection of county buildings to the value of $I,000,000 carried easily. Considerable time was consumed in deciding upon the site for these buildings and it was a year before the location in Market Street between Front and Boardman streets was selected. Another three years elapsed before the structures were completed and thrown open for occupancy and the work was not finished until after a regrettable scandal had been unearthed involving charges of soliciting bribes and graft, which were unfortunately sustained by evidence. The bribery exposure of 1909, extending to certain good roads members as well as to members of the county building commission, constitutes one of the unsavory chapters in Mahoning County history. YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 235 These improvements, and many others were urged, and made necessary, because Youngstown was enjoying the most rapid growth it had ever experienced up to this time and business conditions were daily growing better. The year 1904 had been an inactive one, 1905 was comfortably prosperous, 1906 was more than prosperous, while 1907 came in with a "boom"—and ended with a startling business collapse. Viewing this period with the hindsight that comes to everyone, while foresight comes to but a few, this disastrous ending of a period of prosperity is not surprising. Prices had gone up rapidly, wages were advancing, buying was the rule and it was not always conducted with good judgment and, worst of all, speculation was rife. In the industries, and even more in the operation of transportation companies, stock juggling was often the first consideration while giving service was secondary. An unnatural and unhealthy condition existed although only a few recognized this. In the light of the feverish conditions that have existed, not alone in the United States but throughout the world, in the last five years, or since 1915, the "boom" days of the early part of 1907 appear like days of comparative quiet, but judged. by the days that had preceded them they were days of unparalleled activity. Wealth and pleasure were pursued more diligently than they ever had been before and the shortsighted gambled heavily on the future. The breakdown came in late October and early November, and came with appalling suddenness. Where the steel mills had apparently been unable to fill orders but a few months before, they were shut down and left silent and almost tenantless. The word "panic" was taboo at that time. The inactivity was referred to as a "depression" alone, but today, a dozen years later, there is no disposition to gloss over the hardships of that period. In the Mahoning Valley the depression lasted approximately a year and a half, or until the spring of 1909, but the severe panic conditions lasted through only the first six months of this period. From November, 1907, until May, 1908, thousands of idle men walked the streets, few of those employed in the steel mills worked steadily, and thousands more of workmen who had been industrious, regularly employed men prior to that time earned scarcely a dollar during the entire winter and early spring. The latter seven or eight months of 1908 were dull but the strain at least had been removed and a return to prosperity was in sight. It might be said, too, that in spite of the panicky conditions existing in the Mahoning Valley, this district fared far better than other steel-making sections of the country. Not only was the collapse even more complete in the Pittsburgh, Birmingham and Chicago regions during the winter of 1907-08, but the recovery in these districts was slower and at the close of 1908 they were probably not in better condition than Youngstown was in the spring of that year. By 5909 there was a complete return to normal conditions at least, although the feverish business activity that characterized the early part of 5997 did not reappear for several years more. If the "panic of 1907" produced less actual hardship than its pred- 236 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY ecessors, the depressions that began in 1873 and 1893, it was not alone because it was shorter in duration but because the character of the city had changed. Youngstown had grown great enough and modern enough that considerable business remained even with the steel mills inactive, and a sight of a few thousand idle men on the streets was not as appalling as it had been fifteen years before. They represented a smaller percentage of the population; the psychological effect was less marked. That the city had the desire and possessed the spirit to stage a gala celebration almost in the midst of this depression is evidence that the municipality as a whole was not downcast, and really looked for better days within a short time. This civic get-together event, held in June, 19o8, celebrated the anniversary of nothing in particular. It was pro- SCENE IN WEST FEDERAL STREET DURING "OLD HOME WEEK," IN JUNE, 1908 moted by a few optimists who believed that the world had a good ma years of existence ahead of it, that more prosperous times were not far in the distance, that the best way to shake off depression was to be gay. and that it was a good time to call attention to the fact that Youngstown was still very much of a city and not a municipality of the kind that would give up merely because it had been visited by adversity. The celebration was designated "Home Coming Week," or "Old Home Week," to use a term more often employed, and it was an occasion into which everyone entered heartily. Shows, carnivals, parades, banquets and reunions of all sorts were held, the cornerstone of the new courthouse was laid and Ybungstown thoroughly enjoyed itself for one solid week. It would be a good experience to repeat. With the return of better times following the election of 1908 and liquidation that undid some of the evil wrought by the speculation of YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 237 two years before, Youngstown closed the first decade of the twentieth century with mild prosperity at least. Except for the panic it had not been a very eventful period. The character of the city had changed between 1900 and 1910, it had progressed from the stage of an average, medium-sized municipality to that of a large and modern one, and in a business sense had advanced even out of proportion to its population. Much of the old home-like atmosphere had disappeared. Previous to 1900 a great percentage of the residents of Youngstown were of old families, or comparatively old families, who had much in common. Domestic immigration had been from nearby places or from districts much the same as Youngstown in character. Foreign immigration had been, as a rule, from the British Isles and northern Europe, most of the newcomers being English-speaking and entire bodies of them coming from the same district in the Old World. Immigration from Southern and Central Europe had begun as early as the '80s, but was comparatively slight prior to 1900, and constituted but a small percentage of the population. Between 1900 and 1910, however, newcomers from this part of the Old World far outnumbered those of English speech. The native Americans who located here during that period came from widely scattered places and were free from traditions and prejudices alike. All this immigration was necessary, of course, if the city was to grow and progress and there was gain to offset every loss in the changing character of the city. The rapidity of this growth was shown in the census returns of 1910 that gave Youngstown a population of 79,066 within the corporate limits—a gain of 34,181 or 76 per cent in ten years. CHAPTER XIV YOUNGSTOWN FROM 1910 TO 1920 THE BUSINESS DEPRESSION OF 1913-15--THE RECORD-BREAKING FLOOD OF 1913-REVIVAL OF BUSINESS FOLLOWING THE OUTBREAK OF THE WORLD WAR-GRADE CROSSINGS ELIMINATION PROGRESS-YOUNGSTOWN OF TODAY. We are accustomed to associate history with past and bygone days, so that a record of the events of the last ten years may appear a recital of current events rather than historical happenings. Yet we are writing what we hope future generations will read. Whether we tell the story of Youngstown from 1910 to 1920 poorly or well, the fact still remains that this has been in many respects the most remarkable decade in the history of the world and Youngstown cannot have gone through that ten-year period without helping to make history for itself as well 'as for the nation. The opening years of this second decade of the twentieth century were peaceful enough and not especially eventful. There was neither unusual prosperity or especial adversity in this great steel making district. In this respect they were probably "normal" years, as we understood that term prior to 1914-15. The growth of the population to approximately 80,000 in 1910, and the changing character of the city and its people, spoken of in the preceding chapter, inspired public improvements and the demand for still more public improvements. Even the presidential election of 1912 caused scarcely a ripple. The usual momentary industrial depression was absent and the contest for the presidency that roused the country to fever heat when aspirants were struggling for the honor of being the nominees of the two major political parties subsided after the party conventions had been held. The schism in the Republican party made Democratic victory assured and the presidential campaign was one of the most listless in the history of the country, even the fiery Colonel Roosevelt failing to dispel the apathy except among his own ardent supporters. The year 1913, however, was one that could scarcely be called indifferent or lacking in prominent events. If there were nothing else to recall it, it will be ever memorable, in personal recollection and in story, for its famed "Ohio flood." This, of course, was not a local event by any means. In fact Youngstown felt this catastrophe only incidentally when compared with some other Ohio cities, even though property loss and loss in wages and - 238 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 239 earnings here ran well into millions of dollars. The loss of life here happily was small, wherein Youngstown differed from some other Ohio localities that felt the effect of the water demon with cruel severity. Death-dealing and property-destroying floods are usually traceable' to four causes—the bursting of a dam that impounds a great body of water, a so-called cloudburst, a winter thaw or a spring freshet caused by warm rains and melting ice and snow. Except in great river valleys the two latter do not usually bring wholesale destruction. Youngstown has had many experiences with such floods; they were almost an annual spring occurrence in fact, and in several instances, notably in 1878 and in 1904, the water had reached unusual heights and had done great damage. The flood of 1913—which was peculiarly an Ohio disaster because it swept over the entire State from northern to southern and from eastern to western boundary, while other states were immune except for territory immediately adjoining Ohio—was unprecedented because there was no "cloudburst," while broken dams were an effect rather than a cause. It wa's attributable solely to an almost unceasing rain of four days and four nights, something akin to the Biblical deluge. The downpour began on Easter Sunday, March 23, 1913, and for forty-eight hours was especially heavy. It was scarcely what would be termed violent at any time, even in these first two days, but was almost awe-inspiring in its fearful monotony. For another two days the rain fell in diminished quantities, but the downpour continued nevertheless. By Wednesday the flood had reached its crest, this and the preceding day being the ones of most marked suffering. Because the rainfall was deadly in its unceasing nature rather than in its severity, it was Monday evening before the situation became actually alarming. On Sunday, Omaha had been visited by a fearful cyclone and the attention of Ohioans was directed toward this rather than toward their own homes on Monday; but by nightfall of that day the booming waters became a fearful reminder of the danger right at hand. Tuesday the flood, had reached an unprecedented stage but it remained for another thirty-six hours to see the real damage done. Because Youngstown is located largely in hills, usually such a terror to residents of level lands, the homes of Youngstown people generally escaped direct contact with the flood. Dwellers in the river valley were driven out, even many who had seen numerous floods in the past and had escaped them being caught in this one. It was the industries that suffered worst. All of these located in the river valley were put hope out of operation, the water standing many feet deep in the mill buildings and covering the machinery, the furnaces and the roll trains. The railroads ceased to operate. The street railway system was completely demoralized and any attempt to operate cars was useless. The upper parts of the city water works and filter plant buildings were mere islands in a great sea, and it was the irony of fate that in the face of an avalanche of water never equaled before and that probably never will be duplicated here, Youngstown was without a drop of city water. Only the wells and a few reserve supplies were left. With lighting plants shut down, householders had to resort to ancient oil lamps and 240 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY even more ancient candles. The Division Street bridge and the old West Side bridge went down in the wreckage, and at the new and comparatively high Spring Common bridge the flood was within a few feet SCENES IN YOUNGSTOWN DURING THE BIG FLOOD OF MARCH, 1913 The upper picture shows East Federal Street from a point below Watt Street to the East End Bridge. Lower view shows Mahoning Avenue from the B. & O. Railroad tracks. of the floor level, while all bridges were jammed hopelessly with debris until their safety was in doubt, and it was even feared that some of them might have to be blown away with dynamite to relieve the pressure. Rowboats plied their way blissfully up and down the lower end of East YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 241 Federal Street from the junction of Himrod Avenue to a point well above Basin Street. The B. & O. and the old Pennsylvania passenger stations were submerged and the territory about the junction of Oak Hill and Mahoning avenues, which has always been a favorite target for floods, witnessed an inundation that made previous ones appear trivial. Residents of the east side and east end who reached their homes by way of Himrod and Wilson avenues were forced to detour to the Erie tracks in the rear of Federal Street, the roadbed here standing a few inches above water, while west side traffic was possible by way of Market Street bridge only. The saloons were closed and national guardsmen patrolled the street and the river banks. Wednesday night was one of ceaseless vigil and constant alarms. Before morning, however, a change became apparent in the temperature, and the drizzle Thursday was cold and penetrating. The waters had begun to fall before morning and by daylight it was known that the danger was past. Youngstown, and the Mahoning Valley, happily suffered no permanent ill effects from this most remarkable flood. In some other sec-ions of the State many months elapsed before the damage was repaired, but here normal conditions were restored within a comparatively few days. Another event of this year was the attempt to change the existing form of government in Youngstown. Agitation in favor of this movement began soon after the State Constitutional Convention of 1912 had amended the basic law of the State to permit home rule for municipalities. A charter commission election was held on February 4, 1913, when a commission consisting of A. E. Adams. W. T. Gibson, J. P. Wilson. David G. Jenkins, W. I. Davies, D. F. Anderson, Carroll Thornton, Dr. N. H. Chaney, J. R. N. oolley, F. L. Oesch, D. R. Kennedy, Rev. J. P. Barry, H. W. Raisse, H. B. Chase and E. H. Moore was named to draft a new charter for the city. Protracted sessions of this body were held, the work finally being completed early in June. On July 22d the charter was submitted to the electors for approval, but was voted down, and since that time no serious attempt has been made in Youngstown to adopt a new, form of government. In 1913, also, the first important extension of the city limits in almost twenty-five years took place. In April a councilmanic resolution provided that the city should be extended to take in the entire Township of Youngstown and on November 17, 1913, this extension was granted by the county commissioners. All township offices ceased to exist and the old Township of Youngstown went out of existence. Early in this year there were indications that the comparative prosperity of the preceding four years was threatened insofar as the Ma-honing Valley was concerned, and to some extent as far as the entire country was concerned. This fear became a reality in the fall of that year, when a depression came and the steel business suffered its most decided slump in six years. Part-time work was the rule, and even part-time work at their regular occupations was denied many. The Vol. I-16 242 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY expedient of giving employment by making public improvements was resorted to throughout the winter of this year. The depression continued throughout the spring and early summer of 1914, and early in August came the World war, a calamity that was to bathe the world in blood for more than four years. All America received the news of this disaster with amazement and even bewilderment, for Americans did not have even the warning given European peoples who had been fearful for many years that such a happening might take place at some time. In view of the later "war-time" prosperity it is almost impossible to appreciate the baneful influence that the war had on industrial America in its earlier months. The United States was not a belligerent, and few believed in 1914 that it ever would be. The one outstanding fact, next to the horror of the affair, was the fact that war suddenly closed the markets of the world to American products and shut off from America many products it had gotten from the Old World, As a result the unfavorable business conditions of late 1913 and early 1914 became more pronounced toward the end of the latter year. Work became even scarcer than it had been six months or a year before, and the public improvements program on the part of the city was extended. There was a wild, almost pitiable, demand for jobs as, day laborers in the parks and streets and on the roads. The winter of 1914-15 was not exceeded as a winter of privations except by the winters of 1907-08, 1893-94 and 1874-75. The year 1914 was one also of many minor events, included in this number being the adoption of eastern standard time by Youngstown on May 1st, and the rise of the motor passenger vehicle, or "jitney bus," a craze that reached its height in the following years and declined almost as fast as it had risen. That war meant a quickening of the wheels of industry instead of stilling them altogether became apparent early in 1915. The Entente countries had found themselves almost unprepared for hostilities. Their men sprang to the defense of their homelands, but men cannot make war with bare hands, and the nations opposing the German alliance found themselves lacking in the essentials with which to make war and care for their armies. They turned to the United States as a source of supply, with the result that by the end of 1915 American industries of all kinds faced a demand for their products never before equaled. Food, chemicals and steel were the great needs of war-making nations in the world conflict. Without steel there could be no defense against the invader, and orders running into billions therefore poured into the United States from France, Great Britain, Italy, Russia and the smaller belligerents. The seas were comparatively open to the ships of the Entente countries. They were virtually closed to the Central countries, but these countries, especially Germany, were self-contained in the early period of the war. As a result of this demand from abroad a prosperity never before known followed in the wake of the- depression that had lasted from late in 1913 to early in 1915, a period of approximately eighteen months. YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 243 The steel mills were crowded to capacity with orders at unprecedented prices, and wages advanced to an undreamed of figure, although not until after a strike that lasted but a few days and made up in intensity what it lacked in length, terminating as it did in the East Youngstown riot, an unfortunate occurrence that has been too often credited to Youngstown. This episode forms one of the most remarkable incidents in the industrial history of this country. It attracted wide attention and was the source of much sensational misinformation in the public press of other localities, which generally attributed the disturbance to dissatisfaction with conditions in the mills and located it at Youngstown, in spite of the fact that it was merely a drunken orgy among workmen of foreign birth and occurred at East Youngstown. The trouble began with a strike by laborers in the steel mills which at first was not felt to be a serious matter. The steel companies were even then figuring on a wage advance announced later. January 7th was celebrated at East Youngstown as Christmas, and was a holiday, provoking, as usual, much bibulousness among the immigrants from Southern Europe. On, the evening of that day a clash occurred between strikers and mill guards in which there was some shooting by both, and the mob which assembled left the mill gates and proceeded to loot and burn the business section of the town, paying attention first to saloons, of which there were altogether too many in operation. The rioting continued until midnight, when it suddenly subsided, following a rumor that a regiment of the Ohio National Guard was on its way. The soldiers arrived at dawn of the following morning, but found the village in ruins and no other evidence of the previous night's disorder. Within a day or two the strike was over, the men going peacefully back to work ; but it was a long time before the village recovered from its scars, and the litigation resulting is still heard in the courts. The prosperity beginning early. in 1915 lasted throughout 1916 and business increased in volume. America's right to trade with the world was preserved in spite of attempts of the shallow-minded and the anti-Americans to declare an embargo on the shipments to belligerents. Ostensibly this move was directed against all countries, although no one was seriously deceived by this plea, since the Central countries could not transport materials bought here to their ports. The presidential election of 1916 had no effect whatever on business conditions. It was an election at the best in which party lines were not strictly drawn, and in which both political parties dodged the war issue, except that the Democrats craftily took all the advantage possible of the fact that the United States had thus far been kept out of the hostilities. This year, too, witnessed the completion of the Milton reservoir, ending a ten years' fight for an increased industrial water supply for Youngstown. By the spring of 1917 the great gorge in the river had been filled to its 10,000,000,000 gallons capacity. Youngstown's water supply is insufficient even today, but Milton reservoir has long since justified itself. 244 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY The year 1917 will ever be a memorable one, although, it is now such a short distance in the past that to recall it does not appear so much like writing history as to referring to something that happened but yesterday. Even, at the close of 1916 there was no general fear that the United States would have to become one of the belligerent nations; in fact the final month of that year saw a movement on foot that indicated peace between the nations then at war. Negotiations looking toward this were conducted through President Wilson. As they progressed, however, their hopelessness became more apparent. Germany was ready to make terms on a compromise basis, expressing a willingness to surrender some of the ambitions that had inspired her when she brought on the war in 1914, but demanding a peace favorable to Germany and a peace founded on loot nevertheless. The Entente countries were not ready for this kind of a peace. In rejecting it they were right, although the manner of rejection was unfortunate. The mistake was made of overestimating the German weakness that inspired the peace move; the result being that the Allied refusal of German terms was tinged with a superciliousness that probably assisted the German war-makers materially in convincing the German people that they were fighting a war of defense against an enemy that was pledged to exterminate them. The German message of January 31, 1917, notifying the American government that unrestricted submarine warfare would become operative on February I made war on the part of the United States inevitable. In effect it was a declaration of war in itself, since it provided for treating neutral and friendly shipping alike and was virtually a notification to the United States to keep off the high seas. The provision that certain American ships might cross the ocean at certain intervals, following a certain lane of travel and under German supervision merely added insult to the declaration of hostility. No nation with an atom of self-respect could accept such a provision unless absolutely powerless. Probably Germany did not expect this arrangement to be accepted. German statesmen and militarists, in fact, had weighed carefully the question of whether the United States as a neutral could balance the scales in favor of the Allied nations and had decided negatively. History does not record a more egregious blunder than the Teutons thus made in underestimating American strength, American energy, American adaptibility and American fighting capacity. The expose of the attempted German alliance with Mexico, the torpedoing of American ships throughout February and March, 1917, and other repeated acts of aggression led to the Congressional action of April 6, 1917, declaring that a state of war existed with Germany. In December, 1917, a similar declaration was adopted with respect to Austria-Hungary, although this action was, only nominal, as the war against the entire Central alliance was in effect long before. In Youngstown, as in every other community, the war compelled a complete realignment of industrial and social conditions. Volunteering began here at once, in fact before a state of war was declared, and additional National Guard companies were added to the two already in YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 245 Youngstown. Many of the men in these two companies, together with men from a local field hospital, and other local outfits, had returned but ti few weeks before from the Mexican border where they had been called in the spring of 1916 when war with Mexico was threatened. This had been the second incident of this kind, in fact, since the two guard companies had been recruited to war strength in preparation for border service when the occupation of Vera Cruz, Mexico, took place in April, 1914. On this former occasion, however, the anticipated call to arms had not come. The conscription, or draft, law, passed but a few weeks after the official opening of the war, systematized the recruiting of men for military service. Registration, the institution of physical examination, the actual drafting of eligibles, and in fact all war activities relating to the Mahoning Valley, are treated in another chapter of this work so that there is no need to go extensively into them here. Suffice to say, however, that the movement of troops from Youngstown, and from all Ma-honing and Trumbull counties began in August, 1917, and continued without abatement until the day of the signing of the armistice fifteen months later. The calling of such an immense number of the youngest and most physically fit men worked a natural hardship industrially. America, like other nations, needed steel with which to fight and making steel was a work that was carried on only under the greatest of difficulties in the face of a progressively decreasing labor supply. Yet in spite of this all records for production were shattered, for the national spirit had been aroused and, with the exception of the selfish minority, country was placed first and self last. It was a time when most pleasures were foregone and social events that had become institutions were abandoned. In the winter of 1917-18 "speeding up" production and "tightening up the belt" in every other manner became the sole aim. It was an especially unpropitious season for war, for this winter will go dawn in history as probably the most severe in the history of the greater part of the United States. From the first day of December, 1917, until well along in February, 1918, the country suffered from an unbelievably cold wave. Zero weather and far worse prevailed day in and day out. Those who remained at home suffered from frigid temperatures they had not known before and the men in the camps naturally underwent even greater hardships. Industry and transportation were sadly handicapped by this most unfriendly weather, and to the cold wave was added a fuel shortage that permitted only part-time operation of even the essential steel industries during the period of greatest need. Complete suspension was made compulsory in some kinds of business, and other businesses were limited in output, in sales, or in days or hours of operation. Even with the relieving of the coal shortage toward the close of the winter the problem of keeping the wheels of industry going increased rather than diminished as the labor supply steadily grew smaller. This was solved partially by the "work or fight" order that was a terror to idlers of all kinds and to those who lived by devious means. It permitted only the alternatives of working or going to war, or, if one were 246 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY beyond reasonable military age and yet ablebodied, the privilege of going to jail was permitted. As a matter of fact there was not a great deal of vigilance required in enforcing this statute, or order, for the warning was generally sufficient. Food restrictions became necessary in the fall of 1917 and throughout the winter there was a general education of the country in the need of food conservation and in the way of conserving. Later, compulsion was resorted to and Americans were told what they might eat and what they might not eat, when they might eat and when they might not eat. Even the "white" bread to which they had become accustomed disappeared and the use of meats and many other food products were restricted. It was a rather startling experience for people who live in the richest and most productive as well as the most wasteful country in the world. Heretofore there had been no limitation whatever on what one might eat, drink or wear except the limitation placed by the state of one's pocketbook, and this was not serious when a little money would buy a comparatively great deal. It is to the credit of the American people that they adapted themselves so readily to circumstances. There was grumbling and evasion, of course, but as a whole whatever course was prescribed as a necessary one to help win the war was cheerfully followed. No one looks back with any feeling of regret that the "meatless" and "wheatless" and "gasolineless" days are gone, but they were accepted good naturedly at the time, even by the housewives who bore the brunt of the burden in trying to make substitutes take the place of food products to which they had been accustomed. The year 1918 was, in fact, solely a "war year." There was no other consideration that received much attention, until almost mid-November at least. Future generations will perhaps be unable to understand the wholehearted interest, and even fear, that gripped the American people in that year when the war was actually drawing to a close, but it must be remembered that throughout the greater part of 1918 the end of the war was something that appeared far off. Coincident with the terrific German drives of the spring the winning of the war seemed a matter of two, three, or even five years in the future. Early in the fall at least a year of hostilities was anticipated and when the second great registration of eligible men took place on September 12, 1918, it was taken for granted that these enrolled would be called into service. Scarcely a week before the armistice was signed, the end of hostilities was hardly expected before the spring of 1919. Only the signing of the armistice on November 11, 1918, relieved the tension, and the pent-up feelings of more than a year and a half were loosened on that occasion. For one day at least there was unrestrained joy—except on the part of those whose sons or brothers would never come back, and the many more who feared for the fate of the soldier members of their families, for the casualty lists were to come in for many days yet. The close of the war came at what was probably the most harrowing time in American history. Not alone had the country been living in a YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 247 state of dreaded expectancy for many months and not alone was the roll of dead and wounded still being published daily, but America was in the grip of the most fearful epidemic it had ever witnessed. The dread influenza that had ravaged the belligerent countries in the spring and summer of 1918 reached American shores in September, or perhaps earlier, and for several months, notably in October and November, rolled up a casualty list of its own that completely dwarfed the losses sustained in the war. Pleasures were abandoned, even the most ordinary social MODERN VIEW OF CENTRAL SQUARE amenities were almost foregone. Schools, social gathering places, theaters, even churches—for the first time in our history—were closed or converted into hospitals, and burials became a dread routine with witnesses to the ceremonies limited in each instance to the immediate family. In meeting the influenza epidemic Youngstown gave an almost unparalleled example of its ability to meet an emergency. With the appearance of the disease here a campaign to combat it was undertaken by the local Red Cross chapter, aided by the two hospitals, health department, medical society, nurses, schools, industrial organizations and 248 - YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY other agencies, and C. E. Booth, head of the Red Cross chapter, named Dr. A. M. Clark as chairman of the combined organization. To care for victims in the two hospitals alone was impossible as the wards set aside for influenza cases were overcrowded within a few days. The hopelessness of attempting to care for all patients in their homes also became apparent,. and to meet the situation Doctor Clark appointed Rev. M. F. Griffin, Dr. H. E. Welch and Fred S. Bunn a committee to arrange emergency hospital, accommodations. The Baldwin Memorial Kindergarten building, now the home of the Knights of Pythias, was opened with a capacity of twenty-five beds, and in October South High School building was converted into a hospital with a capacity of 25o beds. A week later the kindergarten building was made an influenza-maternity hospital and a hospital was opened in the Jefferson School building, with a capacity of 150 beds. The South High hospital was discontinued late in November and the Jefferson hospital two weeks later, the kindergarten building being converted at that time into a general influenza hospital with a capacity of forty beds. It remained in use until March. 1919. Fighting this dread disease was a Herculean work in which not only doctors, nurses and hospital authorities, but clergymen, teachers, housewives and boys and girls helped. The work of the committee of three in equipping practically complete hospitals in a few days was especially remarkable. More than 1,000 cases were treated id these hospitals. The campaign cost more than $100,000, of which the city contributed $75,000 by bond issue and the Red Cross contributed $25,000. In addition the Youngstown Sheet & Tube Company, the Carnegie Steel Company, 'the Republic Iron & Steel Company, the Brier Hill Steel Company, and other large industrial companies in the Mahoning Valley expended many thousands of dollars in providing hospitals and medical attendance for their employes. Business uncertainty added to the gloom and depression at this time for as America had had to reverse itself when it started to make war, it had to execute another about-face in returning to the ways of peace. The war had been a great consumer of all products for almost four years ; its sudden cessation therefore threatened a paralysis of business. It had been confidently expected that the end would be forecasted many months in advance, and now the end had come almost without warning. The result was a slackening up of industry that was naturally felt keenly in 'the steel industry. The closing months of 1918 were months of receding operations as well as uncertainty, and 1919 was ushered in cheerlessly except for the knowledge that the suspense of the two previous years with relation to the war was over. This business depression was marked throughout the first three months of 1919 and there was general pessimism with regard to the business outlook for the entire year. Happily this fear was unwarranted, for the foundation of business was solid and by spring the tide had turned for the better. The country had struggled back to a peace, or near-peace, basis and demands for materials for construction was taking the place of demands for materials designed for destructive pur- YOUNGSTOWN AND THE MAHONING VALLEY - 249 poses alone. The "reconstruction" that the country was talking of—although it was a readjustment and not reconstruction that was needed, since nothing in America had been destroyed—did not come in, the orderly manner hoped for, but in a haphazard and not wholly satisfactory manner instead. From buying nothing in the winter of 1918-19 there was ,a movement for buying everything in the following summer, a circumstance that helped business, but did not bring about an altogether healthy situation. Four years of war had given the whole, world a had case of "nerves," and dissatisfaction and unrest was general. Strikes that began in Youngstown early in the year continued to the end of the twelve-month, most of these being of short duration. The one prolonged walkout, in fact, was that of the steelworkers, which began on September 22, 1910, and actually ended only, two months later, while officially it was not ended until January 8, 1920. This strike, of course, affected all iron and steelmaking centers, but with varied intensity in the different districts and with especial intensity in Youngstown. Even Warren and Niles, but a few miles up the Mahoning Valley, felt it with less keenness, for the shutdown there was but partly successful. Here in Youngstown and East Youngstown nothing could be more complete. On the day that the strike order went into effect practically every piece of machinery in the steel mills was stilled. An attempt to carry on even the slightest operations was unsuccessful. In many respects this was the most remarkable strike in the history of the iron and steel industry. Only a small percentage of the 30,000 employes of the mills in Youngstown, East Youngstown, Struthers and Lowellville had been working under any union wage agreement with the steel companies. Except for the United States Steel Corporation, no direct demands were even made on the steel manufacturers by the strikers or the men in charge of the strike movement. The workmen were ordered out without even asking concessions, and the only knowledge the employers had of the threatened strike came through private channels or public print. What percentage of the steel workers actually allied themselves with the unionization movement prior to September 22d may never be known, although there was no lack of estimates. The organizers had proceeded in their work very directly and with clear vision, however, by assuring themselves of the almost solid strength of the day laborers, nearly all men of foreign birth, without whom steel mill operations are, of course, impossible. It is the percentage of skilled and semi-skilled workmen, both English-speaking and non-English-speaking, who were unionized that has always been difficult to determine. The best information obtainable seems to indicate that not over 30 per cent of the steel workers had actually joined the union, but as they were practically all radically inclined foreigners and freely threatened others, the result was an almost complete absence of laborers in the mills on the day set for the strike. This, with more or less sympathy for the, movement on the part of American-born workers who did not strike, but simply remained away from work, made the movement to