50 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. fifty warriors. This camp, No. 12, is distant eight miles nineteen perches from the former. "Sunday, 14th. The army remained in camp, and two men who had been dispatched by Col. Bouquet from Fort Pitt, with letters from Colonel Bradstreet, returned and reported : That, within a few miles of this place, they had been made prisoners by the Delawares and carried to one of their towns, sixteen miles from hence, where they were kept till the savages, knowing of the arrival of the army here, set them at liberty, ordering them to acquaint the Colonel that the head men of the Delawares and Shawanese were coming as soon as possible to treat of peace with him.' " Monday, October 15, 1764. The army moved two miles and forty perches further down the Muskingum, to camp number thirteen, situated on a very high bank, with the river at the foot of it, which is upward of one hundred yards wide at this place, with fine level country at some distance from its banks, producing stately timber free from underwood and plenty of food for cattle. Six Indians came to inform the colonel that all their chiefs had assembled about eight miles from the camp, and were ready to treat with him of peace, which they were earnestly desirous of obtaining. He returned for answer that he would meet them next day in a bower at some distance from camp. In the meantime he ordered a small stockaded fort to be built to hold provisions for the troops on their return, and to lighten their convoy, as several large bodies of Indians were within a few miles of the camp, whose former instances of treachery—although they now declared they came for peace—made it prudent to trust nothing to their intentions. " Wednesday, October 17, 1764. The colonel, with most of the regular troops, Virginia volunteers and lighthorse, marched from the camp to the bower erected for the congress, and soon after the troops were stationed so as to appear to the best advantage. The Indians arrived and were conducted to the bower. Being seated, they began in a short time to smoke their pipes—the calumet—agreeably to their custom. This ceremony over, they laid down their pipes and opened their pouches wherein were their strings and belts of wampum. "The Indians present were Seneca Chief Guyasutha, with fifteen warriors, Custologa, chief of the Wolf-Delaware tribe, Beaver, chief of the Turkey tribe, with twenty warriors, Shawa- nese Chief Keffiwautchtha, a chief and six warriors." Guyasutha, Turtle Heart, Custologa, and Beaver were the speakers. The general substance of what they had to offer consisted in excuses for their late treachery and misconduct, throwing the blame on the rashness of their young men and the nations living to the westward of them—seeing for peace in the most abject manner, and promising severally to deliver up all their prisoners. After they had concluded the colonel promised to give them an answer the next day, and the army returned to camp. The badness of the weather however prevented his meeting them until the 20th, when he spoke to them. The boldness with which Col. Boquet spoke, excited the chiefs but remembering how terribly he had chastised them at the battle of Bushy Run a year previous, they succumbed at once, and the two Delaware chiefs delivered eighteen white prisoners, and eighty-three small sticks expressing the number of other prisoners they still held, and promised to bring them in as soon as possible. Keiffiwautchtha, the Shawanese deputy, promised on behalf of his nation to submit to Colonel Boquet's terms. Guyasutha addressed the several tribes before their departure, exhorting them to be strong in complying with their engagements, that they might wipe away the reproach of their former breach of faith, and convince the English that they could speak the truth, adding that he would conduct the army to the place appointed for receiving the prisoners. "Monday, October 22d. The army, attended by the Indian deputies, marched nine miles to camp No. 14, crossing Margaret's Creek, about fifty feet wide. The day following they proceeded sixteen miles one quarter and seventy-seven perches farther to camp No. 15, and halted there one day. " Thursday, 25th. They marched six miles, one half and sixteen perches to camp No. 16, situated within a. mile of the Forks of Muskingum; and this place was fixed upon instead of Wakautamike, as the most central and convenient place to receive the prisoners; for the principal Indian towns now lay round them, distant from seven to twenty miles; excepting only the lower Shawanese town, situated on Scioto river, which was about eighty miles; so that from this place the army had it in their power to awe all the enemy's settlements and destroy their towns, if they should not punctually fulfill the engagements they had entered into. Four redoubts were built here opposite to the four angles of the camp; the ground in the front was cleared, a store-house for the provisions erected, and likewise a house to receive, and treat of peace with, the Indians, when they should return. Three houses with separate apartments were also raised for the reception of the captives of the respective provinces, and proper officers appointed to take charge of them, with a matron to attend the women and children; so that with the officers' mess-houses ovens, &c., this camp had the appearance of a little town in which the greatest order and regularity were observed. "On Saturday, 27th, a messenger arrived from King Custologa, informing that he was on his way with his prisoners, and also a messenger from the lower Shawanese towns of the like import. The Colonel, however, having no reason to suspect the latter nation of backwardness, sent one of their own people, desiring them to be punctual as to the time fixed; to provide a sufficient quantity of provisions to subsist the prisoners; to bring the letters wrote to him last winter by the French commandant at Fort Chartres, which some of their people had stopped ever since;' adding that, as their nation had expressed some uneasiness at our not shaking hands with them, they were to know that the English never took their enemies by the hand before peace was finally concluded.' "The day following the Shawanese messenger returned, saying that when he had proceeded as far as Wakautamike. the chief of that town undertook to proceed with the message himself and desired the other to return and acquaint the English that all his prisoners were ready, and he was going to the lower towns to hasten theirs. " Monday, October 28, 1764. Peter, the. Caughnawaga chief and twenty Indians arrived from Sandusky with a letter from Colonel Bradstreet. The Caughnawagas reported that the Indians on the lakes had delivered but few of their prisoner$; that the Ottowas had killed a great part of theirs, and the other nations had done the same, or had kept them. From this time to November 9th was chiefly spent in sending and receiving messages to and from the Indian towns relative to the prisoners who were now coming into camp in small parties. The colonel kept so steadily to this article of having every prisoner delivered, that when the Delaware kings (Beaver and Custologa) had brought in all theirs except twelve, which they promised to bring in a few days, he refused to shake hands or have the least talk with them while a single captive remained among them. By the 9th of November most of the .prisoners had arrived that could be expected this season, amounting to two hundred and six, besides about one hundred more remaining in possession of the Shawanese, which they promised to deliver.. in the following spring. Everything being now settled with the Indians the army decamped on Sunday, the 18th of November, from the forks of Muskingum, and marched for Fort Pitt, [up the Tuscarawas valley to its provision stockade, near present town of Bolivar; thence by way of Sandy valley and Yellow creek to the Ohio, and up to Fort Pitt,] where it arrived on the 28th of November. The regular troops were sent to garrison the different points of communication, and the provincial troops with the captives to their several provinces. Here ended the first armed expedition that had ever penetrated. the Tuscarawas valley, and as the chronicler says, notwithstanding the difficulties attending it, the troops were never in want of any necessaries, continuing perfectly healthy during the whole campaign, in which no life was lost, except one soldier killed at the Muskingum. There were 206 prisoners delivered to Col. Boquet, of which the following is a synopsis: VIRGINIANS—Males, - 32 Females and children, - 58 PENNSYLVANIANS— Males - 49 Females and children, - 67 Total, - 206 JOURNAL OF COL. GEORGE CROGHAN, WHO WAS SENT AFTER THE PEACE OF 1763, BY THE GOVERNMENT, TO EXPLORE THE COUNTRY ADJACENT TO THE OHIO RIVER, AND TO CONCILIATE THE INDIAN NATIONS WHO HAD HITHERTO ACTED WITH THE FRENCH. May 15th, 1765. I set off from Fort Pitt with two batteaux, and encamped at Chartier's Island, in the Ohio, three miles below Fort Pitt. 16th. Being joined by the deputies of the Senecas, Shawanese, and • Delawares, that were to accompany me, we set off at 7 o'clock in the morning, and at 10 o'clock arrived at the Logs- HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 51 town, an old settlement of the Shawanese, about seventeen miles from Fort Pitt, .where we put ashore, and viewed the remains of that village, which was situated on a high bank, on the south side of the Ohio river, a fine fertile country round it. At 11 o'clock we re-embarked and proceeded down the Ohio to the mouth of Big Beaver creek, about ten miles below the Logstown; this creek empties itself between two fine rich bottoms, a mile wide an each side from the banks of the river to the highlands. About a mile below the mouth of Beaver creek we passed an old settlement of the Delawares, where the French, in 1756, built a town for that nation. On the north side of the river some of the stone chimneys are yet remaining; here the highlands come close to the banks, and continue so for about five miles. After which we passed several spacious bottoms on each side of the river, and came to Little Beaver creek, about fifteen miles below Big Beaver creek. A number of small rivulets fall into the river on each side. From thence we sailed to Yellow creek, being about fifteen miles from the last mentioned creek ; here and there the hills come close to the banks of the river on each side, but where are bottoms, they are very large, and well watered; numbers of small rivulets running through them, falling into the Ohio on both sides. We encamped on the river bank, and find a great part of the trees in the bottoms are covered with grape vines. This day we passed by eleven islands, one of which beng about seven miles long. For the most part of the way we made this day, the banks of the river are high and steep. The course of the Ohio from Fort Pitt to the mouth of Beaver creek inclines. to the northwest; from thence to the two creeks partly due west. 17th. At 6 o'clock in the morning we embarked, and were delighted with the prospect of a fine open country on each side of the river as we passed down. We came to a place called the Two Creeks,* about fifteen miles from Yellow creek, where we put to shore ; here the Senecas have a village on a high bank, fine bottoms ; the highlands being at a considerable distance from the river banks, till we came to the Buffalo creek, being about ten miles below the Seneca village ; and from Buffalo creek we proceeded down the river to Fat Meat creek, † about thirty miles. The face of the country appears much like what we met with before; large, rich, and well watered bottoms, then succeeded by the hills pinching close on the river; these bottoms, on the north side, appear rather low, and consequently subject to inundations in the spring of the year, when there never fails to be high freshes in the Ohio, owing to the melting of the snows. This day we passed by ten fine islands, though the greatest part of them are small. They lay much higher out of the water than the mainland, and of course less subject to be flooded by the freshes. At night we encamped near and on the north side of the river ; the chief of this village offered me his service to go with me to the Illinois, which I could not refuse for fear of giving him offence, although I had a sufficient number of deputies with me already. From thence we proceeded down the river, passed many large, rich, and Indian village. The general course of the river from the Two creeks to Fat Meat creek inclines to the southwest. 18th. At 6 o'clock A. M. we set off in our batteaux; the country on both sides of the river appears delightful; the hills are several miles from the river banks, and consequently the bottoms large; the soil, timber and banks of the river, much like those we have before described; about fifty miles below the Fat Meat creek, we enter the long reach, where the river runs a straight course for twenty miles, and makes a delightful prospect; the banks continue high; the country on both sides, level, rich, and well watered. At the lower end of, the reach we encamped. This day we passed nine islands, some of which tire large, and lay high out of the water. 19th. We decamped at six in the morning, and sailed to a place called the Three Islands, being about fifteen miles from our last encampment; here the highlands come close to the river banks, and the bottom for the most part—till we come to the Muskingum (or Elk) river—are but narrow : this river empties itself into the Ohio about fifteen miles below the Three Islands ‡; the banks of the river continue steep, and the country is level for several miles back from the river. The course of the river from Fat Meat creek to Elk river, is about southwest by south. We proceeded down the river about fifteen miles, to the mouth of Little Conhawa river, with little or no alteration in the face of the country; here we encamped in a * These are the streams now called Cross creek—one in Brooke county, W. Va., and the other in Jefferson county, Ohio, empyting into the river at Mingo Junction, below Steubenville. † This is evidently intended for Grave creek. ‡ Now the Three Brothers. fine rich bottom, after having passed fourteen islands, some of them large, and mostly lying high out of the water. Here buffaloes, bears, turkeys, with all other kinds of wild game are extremely plenty. A good hunter, without much fatigue to himself, could here supply daily one hundred men with meat. The course of the Ohio, from Elk river to Little Conhawa, is about south. 20th. At six in the morning we embarked in our boats, and proceeded down to the mouth of Hohocken or Bottle river, where we were obliged to encamp, having a strong head wind against us. We made but twenty miles this day, and passed by five very fine islands; the country the whole way being rich and level, with high and steep banks to the rivers. From here I despatched an Indian to the Plains of Scioto, with a letter to the French traders from the Illinois residing there, amongst the Shawnesse, requiring them to come and join me at the mouth of the Scioto, in order to proceed with me to their own country, and take the oaths of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty, as they were now become his subjects, and had no right to trade there without license. At the same time, I sent messages to the Shawanese Indians to oblige the French to come to me in case of refusal. 21st. We embarked at half past 8 o'clock in the morning, and sailed to a place called the Big Bend, about thirty-five miles below Bottle river. The course of the Ohio, from Little Conhawa river to Big Bend, is about southwest by south. The country hereabouts abounds with buffalo, bears, deer, and all sorts of wild game, in such plenty that we killed out of our boats as much as we wanted. We proceeded down the river to the Buffalo Bottom, about ten miles from the beginning of the Big Bend, where we encamped. The country on both sides of the river much the same as we passed the day before. This day we passed nine islands, all lying high out of the water. 22d. At half an hour past five o'clock set off and sailed to a place called the Alum Hill, so called from the great quantity of that mineral found there by the Indians; this place lays about ten miles from Buffalo Bottom; thence we sailed to the mouth of Great Conhawa river, being ten miles from the Alum Hill. The course of the river, from the Great Bend to this place, is mostly west; from hence we proceeded down to Little Guyandotte river, where we encamped, about thirty miles from Great Conhawa; the country still fine and level; the banks of the river high, with abundance of creeks and rivulets falling into it. This day we passed six fine islands. In the evening one of our Indians discovered three Cherokees near our encampment, which obliged our Indians to keep out a good guard the first part of the night. Our party being pretty strong, I imagine the Cherokees were afraid to attack us, and so ran off 23d. Decamped about five in the morning, and arrived at Big Guyandotte, about twenty miles from our last encampment ; the country as of yesterday ; from hence we proceeded down to Sandy river, being twenty miles further ; thence to the mouth of Scioto, about forty miles from the last mentioned river. The general course of the river, from Great Conhawa to this place, inclines to the southwest. The soil rich, the country level, and the banks of the river high. The soil on the banks of the Scioto, for a vast distance up the country, is prodigiously rich, the bottoms very wide, and in the spring of the . year, many of them are flooded, so that the river appears to be two or three miles wide. Bears, deer, turkeys, and most sorts of wild game are very plenty on the banks of this river. On the Ohio, just below the mouth of Scioto, on a high bank, near forty feet, formerly stood the Shawanese town, called the Lower Town, which was all carried away except three or four houses, by a great flood in the Scioto. I was in the town at the time, though the banks of the Ohio were so high, the water was nine feet on the top, which obliged the whole town to take to their canoes, and move with their effects to the hills. The Shawanese afterwards built their town on the opposite side of the river, which, during the French war, they abandoned, for fear of the Virginians, and removed to the plains on Scioto. The Ohio is about one hundred yards wider here than at Fort Pitt, which is but a small augmentation, considering the great number of rivers and creeks that fall into it during the course of four hundred and twenty miles; and as it deepens but very little, I imagine the waters sink, though there is no visible appearance of it. In general all the lands on the Scioto river, as well as the bottoms on the Ohio, are too rich for anything but hemp, flax or Indian corn. 24th, 25th, and 26th. Stayed at the mouth of Scioto, waiting for the Shawanese and French traders, who arrived here on the evening of the 26th, in consequence of the message I sent them from Hochocken, or Bottle creek. 52 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. 27th. The Indians requested me to stay this day, which I could not refuse. 28th. We set off; passing down the Ohio.; the country on both sides the river level ; the banks continue high. This day we came sixty miles ; passed no islands. The river being wider and deeper, we drove all night. 29th. We came to the Little Miami river, having proceeded sixty miles last night. 30th. We passed the Great Miami river, about thirty miles from the little river of that name, and in the evening arrived at the place where the Elephants' hones are found, where we encamped, intending to take a view of the place next morning. This day we came about seventy miles. The country on both sides level, and rich bottoms well watered. 31st. Early in the morning we went to the great Lick, where those bones are only found, about four miles from the river, on the southeast side. On our way we passed through a fine timbered clear wood ; we came into a large road which the buffaloes have beaten, spacious enough for two wagons to go abreast, and leading straight into the Lick. It appears that there are vast quantities of these bones lying five or six feet under ground, which we discovered in the bank at the edge of the Lick. We found here two tusks about six feet long ; we carried one, with some other bones, to our boats, and set off This day we proceeded down the river about eighty miles, through a country much the same as already described, since we passed the Scioto. In this day's journey we passed the mouth of the river Kentucky, or Holsten's river. June 1st. We arrived within a mile of the Falls of Ohio, where we encamped, after coming about fifty miles this day. 2d. Early in the morning we embarked, and passed the falls. The river being very low we were obliged to lighten our boats, and pass on the north side of a little island, which lays in the middle of the river. In general, what is called the falls here, is no more than rapids; and in the least fresh, a batteau of any size may come and go on each side without any risk. This day we proceeded sixty miles, in the course of which we passed Pidgeon river. The country pretty high on each side of the river Ohio. 3d. In the forepart of this day's course, we passed high lands; about midday we came to a fine, flat, and level country, called by the Indians the Low Lands; no hills to be seen. We came about eighty miles this day, and encamped. 4th. We came to a, place called the Five Islands; these islands are very long, and succeed one another in a chain ; the country still flat and level, the soil exceedingly rich, and .well watered. The high lands are at least fifty miles from the banks of the Ohio. In this day's course we passed about ninety miles, the current being very strong. 5th. Having passed the Five Islands, we came to a place called the Owl River. Caine about forty miles this day. The country the same as yesterday. 6th. We arrived at the mouth of Ouabache,* where we found a breast-work erected, supposed to have been done by the Indians. The mouth of the river is about two hundred yards wide, and in its course runs through one of the finest countries in the world, the lands being exceedingly rich, and well watered; here hemp might be raised in immense quantities. All the bottoms, and almost the whole country abounds with great plenty of the white and red mulberry tree. These trees are to be found in -great plenty, in all places between the mouth of Scioto and the Ouabache; the soil of the latter affords this tree in plenty as far as Ouicatonon, and some few on the Miami river. Several large fine islands lie in the Ohio, opposite the mouth of the Ouabache, the banks of which are high, and consequently free from inundations; hence we proceeded down the river about six miles to encamp, as I judged some Indians were sent to way-lay us, and came to a place called the Old Shawanese Village, some of that nation having formerly lived there. In this day's proceedings we came about seventy-six miles. The general course of the river, from Scioto to this place is southwest. 7th. We stayed here, and despatched two Indians to the Illinois by land, with letters to Lord Frazer, an English officer, who had been sent there from Fort Pitt, and Monsieur St. Ange, the French commanding officer at Fort Chartres, and some speeches to the Indians there, letting them know of arrival here; that peace was made between us and the Six Nations, Delawares, and Shawanese, and of my having a number of deputies of those nations along with me, to conclude matters with them also on my arrival there. This day one of my men went into the woods and lost himself. * Wabash. 8th. At day-break we were attacked by a party of Indians, consisting of eighty warriors of, Kicapoos and Musquattimes, who killed two of my men and hree Indians, wounded myself and all the rest of my party, except two white men and one Indian; then made myself and all the white men prisoners, plundering us of everything we had. A deputy of the Shawanese who was, shot through the thigh, having concealed himself in the woods for a few minutes after he was wounded—not knowing but they were southern Indians, who were always at war with the northward Indians—after discovering what nation they were, came up to them and made a very bold speech, telling them that the whole northward Indians would join 'in taking revenge for the insult and murder of their people; this alarmed those savages very much, who began excusing themselves, saying their fathers the French, had spirited them up, telling them the Indians were coming with a body of southern Indians to take their 'country from them, and enslave them ; that it was this that induced them to commit this outrage. After dividing the plunder (they left a great part of the heaviest effects behind, not being to carry them), they set off with us to their village of Ouattonon, in a great hurry, being . in dread of pursuit from a large party of Indians which they suspected were coming after me. Our course was through a thick woody country, crossing a great many swamps, morasses, and beaver ponds. We traveled this day about forty-two miles. 9th. An hour before day we set out on our march; .passed through thick woods, some high lands, and small savannahs, badly watered: Traveled this day about thirty miles. 10th. We .set, out very early in the morning, and marched through a very high country, extremely well timbered, for three hours; then came to a branch of the Ouabache, which we crossed. The remainder of this day we traveled through fine rich bottoms, overgrown with reeds, which make the best pasture in the world, the young reeds being preferable to sheaf oats. Here is great plenty of wild game of all kinds. Came this day about twenty-eight or thirty miles. 11th. At day-break we set off, making our way through a thin wood land, interspersed with savannahs. I suffered extremely by reason of the excessive heat of the weather, and scarcity of water; the little springs and runs being dried up. Traveled this day about thirty miles. 12th. We passed through some large savannahs and clear woods; in the afternoon we came to the Ouabache ; then marched along it through a prodigiously rich bottom, overgrown with weeds and wild hemps; all this bottom is well watered, and an exceeding fine hunting ground. Came this day about thirty miles. 13th. About an hour before day we set out; traveled through such bottoms as yesterday, and through some large meadows, where, no trees, for several miles together, are to be se.en. Buffaloes, deer, and bears are here in great plenty. We traveled about twenty-six miles this day. 14th. The country we traveled through this day, appears the same we described yesterday, excepting, this afternoon's journey through wood land, to Cut of a bend of the river. Came about twenty-seven miles this day. 15th. We set out very early, and about one o'clock came to the Ouabache, within six or seven miles of Port Vincent. On my arrival there I found a village of about eighty or ninety French families settled on the east side of this river, being one of the finest situations that can be found. The country is level and clear, and the soil very rich, producing wheat and tobacco. I think the latter preferable to that of Maryland or Virginia. The French inhabitants hereabouts are an idle, lazy people, a parcel of renegades from Canada, and are much worse than the Indians. They took a secret pleasure at our misfortunes, and the moment we arrived they came to the Indians, exchanging trifles for their valuable plunder. As the savages took from me a considerable quantity of gold and silver in specie, the French traders extorted ten half johannes from them for one pound of vermilion. Here is likewise an Indian village of the Pyankeshows, who were much displeased with the party that took me, telling them that "our and your chiefs are gone to make peace, and you have begun a war, for which our women and children will have reason to cry." From this post the Indians permitted me to write to the Commander, at Fort Chartres, but would not suffer me to write to anybody else, (this I apprehend was a precaution of the French, lest their villainy should be perceived too soon,) although the Indians had given me permission to write to Sir. William Johnson and Fort Pitt on our march, before we arrived at this place. But immediately after our arrival they had a private council with the French, in which the Indians urged (as they afterwards informed me,) that as the HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 53 French had engaged them in so bad an affair, which was likely to bring a war on their nation, they now expected a proof of their promise and assistance. Then delivered the French a scalp and part of the plunder, and wanted to deliver some presents to the Pyankeshaws, but they refused to accept of any, and declared they would not be concerned in the affair. This last information I got from the Pyankeshaws, as I had been well acquainted with them several years before this time. Port Vincent is a place of great consequence for trade, being a fine hunting country all along the Ouabache, and too far for the Indians, which reside hereabouts, to go either to the Illinois or elsewhere to fetch their necessaries. 16th. We were obliged to stay here to get sonic little apparel made up for us, and to buy some horses for our journey to Ouicatonon, promising payment at Detroit, for we could not procure horses from the French for hire; though we were greatly fatigued, and our spirits much exhausted in our late march, they would lend us no assistance. 17th. At midday we set out ; traveling the first five miles through a fine thick wood. We traveled eighteen miles this day, and encamped in a large, beautiful, well watered meadow. 18th and 19th. We traveled through a prodigious large meadow, called the Pyankeshaw's Hunting Ground; here is no wood to be seen, and the country appears like an ocean; the ground is exceedingly rich, and partly overgrown with wild hemp; the land; well watered, and full of buffalos, deer, bears, and all kinds of wild game. 20th and 21st. We passed through some very large meadows, part of which belong to the Pyankeshaws on Vermilion river; the country and soil much the same as that we traveled over for these three days past; wild hemp grows here in abundance ; the game very plenty; at any time, in half an hour we could kill as much as we wanted. 22d. We passed through part of the same meadow as mentioned yesterday; then came to a high woodland, and arrived at Vermilion river, so called from a fine red earth found here by the Indians, with which they paint themselves. About half milefrom the place where we crossed this river, there is a village of Pyankeshaws, distinguished by the addition of the name of the river. We then traveled about three hours, through a clear high woody country, but a deep and rich soil ; then came to a meadow, where we encamped. 23d. Early in the morning we set out through a fine meadow, then some clear woods: in the afternoon came into a very large bottom on the Ouabache, within six miles of Ouicatanon ; here I met several chiefs of the Kicapoos and Musquattimes, who spoke to their young men who had taken us, and reprimanded them severely for what they had done to me, after which they returned with us to their village, and delivered us to all their chiefs. The distance from Port Vincent to Ouicatanon is two hundred and ten miles. This "place is situated on the Ouabache. fourteen French families are living in the fort, which stands on the north side of the river. The Kicapoos and Musquattimes, whose warriors had taken us, live nigh the fort, on the same side of the river, where they have two villages; and the Ouicatonons have a village on the south side of the river. At our arrival at this post, several of the Wawcottonans (or Ouicatonons), with whom I had been formerly acquainted, came to visit me, and seemed greatly concerned at what had happened. They went immediately to the Kicapoos and Musquattimes, and charged them to take the greatest care of us, till their chiefs should arrive from the Illinois, where they were gone to meet me some time ago, and who were entirely ignorant of this affair, and said the French had spirited up this party to go and strike us. The French have a very great influence over these Indians, and never fail in telling them many lies to the prejudice of his majesty's interest, by making the English nation odius and hateful to them. I had the greatest difficulty in removing these prejudices. As these Indians are a weak, foolish, and credulous people, they are easily imposed on by a designing people, who have led them hitherto as they pleased. The French told them that as the southern Indians had for two years past made war on them, it must have been at the instigation of the English, who are a bad people. However, I have been fortunate enough to remove: their prejudice, and, in a great measure, their suspicions against the English. The country hereabouts is exceedingly pleasant, being open and clear for many miles; the soil very rich and well watered.; all plants have a quick vegetation, and the climate very temperate throughout the winter. The post has always been a very considerable trading place. The great plenty of furs taken in this country, induced the French to establish this post, which was the first on the Ouabache, and by a very advantageous trade they have been richly recompensed for their labor. On the south side of the Ouabache runs a high bank, in which are several very fine coal mines, and behind this bank is a very large meadow, clear for several miles. It is surprising what false information we have had respecting this country : some mention these spacious and beautiful meadows as large and barren savannahs. I apprehend it has been the artifice of the French to keep us ignorant of the country. These meadows bear very fine wild grass, and wild hemp ten or twelve feet high, which, if properly manufactured would prove as good, and answer all the purposes of the hemp we cultivate. July 25th. We set out from this place (after settling all matters happily with the natives) for the Miamis, and traveled the whole way through a fine, rich bottom, overgrown with wild hemp, alongside the Ouabache, till we came to Eel river, where we arrived the 27th. About six miles up this river is a small village of the Twightwee, situated on a very delightful spot of ground on the bank of the river. The Eel river heads near St. Joseph's, and runs nearly parallel to the Miamis, and at some few miles distance from it, through a fine, pleasant country, and after a course of about one hundred and eighty miles empties itself into the Ouabache. 28th, 29th, 30th and 31st. We traveled still alongside the Eel river passing through fine, clear woods and some good meadows, though not so large as those we passed some days before. The country is more overgrown with woods, the soil is sufficiently rich, and well watered with springs. August 1st. We arrived at the carrying place between the river Miamis and the Ouabache, which is about nine miles long in dry seasons, but not above half that length in freshes. The head of the Ouabache, is about forty miles from this place, and after a course of about seven hundred and sixty miles from the head spring, through one of the finest countries in the world, it empties itself into the Ohio. The navigation from hence to Ouicatanon, is very difficult in low water, on account of many rapids and rifts; but in freshes, which generally happen in the spring and fall, batteaux or canoes will pass without difficulty, from here to Ouicatanon in three days, which is about two hundred and forty miles, and by land two hundred and ten miles. From Ouicatanon to Port Vincent, and thence to the Ohio, batteaux and canoes may go at any season of the year. Throughout the whole course of the Ouabache the banks are pretty high, and in the river are a great many islands. Many shrubs and trees are found here unknown to us. Within a mile of the Twightwee village I was met by the chiefs of that nation, who received us very kindly. The most part of these Indians knew me, and conducted me to their vil- lage, where they immediately hoisted an English flag that I had formerly given them at Fort Pitt. The next day they held a council, after which they gave me up all the English prisoners they had, then made several speeches, in all which they expressed the great pleasure it gave them to see the unhappy differences which embroiled the several nations in a war with their brethren, the English, were now so near a happy conclusion, and that peace was established in their country. The Twightwee village is situated on both sides of a river called St. Joseph's. .This river, where it falls into the Miami river, about a quarter of mile from this place, is one hundred yards wide, on the east side of which stands a stockade fort,. somewhat ruinous. The Indian village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, besides nine or ten French houses, a runaway colony from Detroit, during the late Indian war; they were concerned in it, and being afraid of punishment came to this post, where ever since they have spirited up the Indians against the English. All the French residing here are a lazy, indolent people, fond of breeding mischief and spiriting up the Indians against the English, and should by no means be suffered to remain here. The country is pleasant, the soil rich and well watered. After several conferences with these Indians and their delivering me up all the English prisoners they had,-- On the 6th of August we set out for Detroit, down the Miami river in a canoe. This river heads about ten miles from hence. The river is not navigable till you come to the place where the river St. Joseph joins it, and makes a considerable large stream, nevertheless we found a great deal of difficulty in getting our canoe over shoals, as the waters at this season were very low. The banks of the river are high, and the country overgrown with lofty timber of various kinds; the land is level and the woods clear. About ninety miles from the Miamis or Twightwee we came to where a large river, that heads in a large lick, 54 - HISTORY OF I3ELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. falls into the Miami river; this they call the Forks. The Ottawas claim this country, and hunt here, where game is very plenty. From hence we proceeded to the Ottawa village. This nation formerly lived at Detroit, but is now settled here on account of the richness of the country, where game is always to be found in plenty. Here we were obliged to get out of our canoes and drag them eighteen miles, on account of the rifts which interrupt the navigation. At the end of these rifts we came to a village of the Wyandotts, who received us very kindly; and from thence we proceeded to the mouth of this river, where it falls into Lake Erie. From the Miamis to the lake is computed one hundred and eighty miles, and from the entrance of the river into the lake to Detroit is sixty miles; that is, forty-two miles upon the lake and eighteen miles up the Detroit river to the garrison of that name. The land on the lake side is low and flat. We passed several large rivers and bays, and on the 16th of August, in the afternoon, we arrived at Detroit river. The country here is much higher than on the lake side; the -river is about nine hundred yards wide, and the current runs very strong. There are several fine and large islands in this river, one of which is nine miles long; its banks high and the soil very good. 17th. In the morning we arrived at the fort, which is a large stockade, inclosing about eighty houses; it stands close on the north side of the river, on a high bank, commands a very pleas-. ant prospect for nine miles above and nine miles below the fort; the country is thickly settled with French, their plantations are generally laid out about three or four acres in breadth on the river and eighty acres in depth; the soil is good, producing plenty of grain. All the people here are generally poor wretches and consist of three or four hundred French families, a lazy, idle people, depending chiefly on the savages for their subsistence, though the land, with little labor, produces plenty of grain, they scarcely raise as much as will supply their wants, in imitation of the Indians, whose manners and customs they have entirely adopted, and cannot subsist without them. The men, women and children speak the Indian tongue perfectly well. In the last Indian war the most part of the French were concerned in it, (although the whole settlement had taken the oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty) they have, therefore, great reason to be thankful to the English clemency in not bringing them to deserved punishment. Before the late Indian war there resided three nations of Indians at this place: the Putawatimes, whose village was on the west side of the river, about one mile below the fort; the Ottawas, on the east side, about three miles above the fort; and the Wyandotts, whose lage lays on the east side, about two miles below the fort. The former two nations have removed to a considerable distance, and the latter still remain where they were, and are remarkable for their good sense and hospitality. They have a particular attachment to the Roman Catholic religion, the French, by their priests, having taken uncommon pains to instruct them. During my stay here I held frequent conferences with the different nationsof Indians assembled at this place, with whom I settled matters to their general satisfaction. September 26th. Set out from Detroit for Niagara; passed Lake Erie along the north shore in a birch canoe, and arrived the 8th of October at Niagara. The navigation of the lake is dangerous for batteaux or canoes, by reason that the lake is very shallow for a considerable distance from the shore. The bank, for several miles, high and steep, and affords a harbor for a single batteau. The lands in general, between Detroit and Niagara, are high, and the soil good, with several fine rivers falling into the lake. The distance from Detroit to Niagara is computed at three hundred miles. WASHINGTON'S TOUR TO THE OHIO IN 1770. It will be seen by the succeeding chapter that a spirit of emigration to the Ohio valley began to be felt throughout many localities of the east soon after the quietude which followed the Indian treaties of 1765; that as early as 1769 the Zanes penetrated to the banks of the river at the present site of Wheeling; and that during the following year actual settlements were made by them and others within the limits of the present Pan Handle of West Virginia. The glowing accounts of the western country circulated throughout the east, made it a promising field for enterprise and speculation. No less a person than George Washington made a visit to the Ohio in 1770, for the purpose of investigating the character of this region of the country, perhaps in the interest of other parties as well as himself. As it is our purpose to give all important documents bearing upon the history of this locality, we present in this connection the journal of his tour. WASHINGTON'S JOURNAL OF HIS TOUR TO THE OHIO IN .1770. Journal kept by George Washington, from October 5th, to December 1st, 1770, on a tour down the Ohio, for the purpose of viewing lands to be apportioned among the officers and old soldiers who had served in the French war. October 5th, 1770. Began a journey to the Ohio, in company with Dr. Craik, his servant and two of mine, with a led horse and baggage. Dined at Towlston's and lodged in Leesburg. distance from Mount Vernon about forty-five miles. Here my portmanteau horse failed. 6th. Fed our horses on the top of the ridge, and arrived at my brother Samuel's on Worthington's Marsh, a little after they had dined, the distance being about thirty miles ; from hence I dispatched a messenger to Colonel Stephens, apprising him of my arrival and intended journey. 7th. My portmanteau horse being unable to proceed, I left him at my brother's, and got one of his, and proceeded to Samuel Pritchard's in Cacapehon. Pritchard's is a pretty good house, there being fine pasturage, good fences, and beds tolerably clean. 8th. My servant being unable to travel, I left him at Pritchard's with Dr. Craik, and proceeded myself with Valentine Crawford to Colonel Cresap's, in order to learn from him, being just arrived from England, the particulars of the grant said to be lately sold to Walpole and others, for a certain tract of country on the Ohio. The distance from Pritchard's to Cresap's, according to computation, is twenty-six miles. 9th. Went up to Romney in order to buy work horses, and with Dr. Craik and my baggage, arrived there about twelve o'clock. 10th. Having purchased two horses, and recovered anther which had been gone from me near-three years, I dispatched my boy Silas with my two riding horses home, I proceeded on my journey, arriving at one Wise's (Mr. Turner's) mill, about twenty-two miles it being reckoned seven to the place where Cox's fort formerly stood, ten to one Parker's, and five afterwards. 11th. The morning being wet and heavy we did not set off till eleven o'clock, and arrived that night at one Kiliman's, on a branch of George's creek, distance ten and a half measured miles from the branch of the Potomac, where we. crossed at the lower end of my deceased brother Augustine's land, known by the name of Pendergrass'. This crossing is two miles from the aforesaid mill and the road bad, as it likewise is at Killman's, the country being very hilly and stony. From Killman's to Fort Cumberland is the same distance that it is to the crossing above mentioned, and the road from thence to Joliff's by the Old Town, much better. 12th. We left Killman's early in the morning, breakfasted at the Little Meadow ten miles off, and lodged at the Great Crossing twenty miles further, which we found a tolerable good day's work. The country we traveled over to-day was very mountainous and stony, with but very little good land, and that lying in spots. 13th. Set out about sunrise, breakfasted at the Great Meadows, thirteen miles, And reached Captain Crawford's about five o'clock. The land from Gist's to Crawford's is very broken, though not mountainous, in spots exceedingly rich, and in general free from stone ; Crawford's is very fine land, lying on the Youghiogheny, at a place commonly called Stewart's Crossing. 14th. At Captain Crawford's all day. Went to see a coal mine not far from his house on the banks of the river. The coal seemed of the very best kind, burning freely and abundance of it. 15th. Went to view some land which Captain Crawford had taken up for me near the Youghiogheny, distance about twelve miles. This tract which contains about one thousand six hundred acres, includes some as fine land as ever I saw, and a great deal of rich meadow ; it is well watered, and has a valuable mill-seat, except that the stream is rather too slight, and, it is said, not constant more than seven or eight months in the year ; but on account of the fall and other conveniences, no place can exceed it. In going to this land, I passed through two other tracts which Captain Crawford had taken up for my brothers Samuel and John. I intended to have visited the land which Crawford had purchased for Lund Washington this day also, but time falling short, I was obliged to postpone it.. Night came on before I got back to Crawford's, where I found Colonel Stephens. The lands which I passed over to-day, were generally hilly, and the growth chiefly white oak, but very good notwithstanding; and what is extraordinary and contrary to HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 55 the property of all other lands I ever saw before, the hills are the richest land; the soil the sides and summits of them being as black as coal, and the growth walnut and Cherry. The flats are not so rich, and a good deal more mixed with stone. 16th. At Capt. Crawford's till evening, when I went to Mr. John Stephenson's, on my way to Pittsburgh, and lodged. This day I was visited by one Mr. Ennis, who had traveled down the Little Kanawha, almost from the head to the mouth, on which he says the lands are broken, the bottoms neither very wide nor rich, but covered with beech. At the mouth the lands are good, and continue so up the river. About Wheeling and Fisher's creek, there is according to his account, a body of fine land. I also saw a son of Capt. John Harden's, who said he had been from the mouth of Little Kanawha to the Big; but his description of the land seemed to be so vague and indeterminate, that it was much doubted whether he ever was there or not. 17th. Dr. Craik and myself, with Capt. Crawford and others arrived at Fort Pitt, distance from the crossing, forty-three and a half measured miles. In riding this distance we passed over a great deal of exceedingly fine land, chiefly white oak, especially from Sewickly creek to Turtle creek, but the whole broken; resembling, as I think all the lands in this country do, the Lowdon lands. We lodged in What is called the town, distant about three hundred yards from the fort, at one Semplie's, who keeps a very good house of public entertainment. The houses, which are built of logs, and ranged in streets, are on the Monongahela, and I suppose may be about twenty in number, and inhabited by Indian traders. The fort is built on the point near the rivers Allegheny and Monongahela, but not so near the pitch of it as Fort Duquesne stood. It is five sided and regular, two of which near the land are of brick, the other stockade. A moat encompasses it. The garrison consists of two companies of Royal Irish, commanded by Captain Edmondson. 18th. Dined in the fort with Colonel Croghan, and the officers of the garrison; supped there also, meeting with great civility from the gentlemen, and engaged to dine next day with Col. Croghan, at his seat, about four miles up the Allegheny. 19th. Received a message from Col. Croghan that the White Mingo and other chiefs of the Six Nations had something to say to me, and desiring that I would be at his house at about eleven, where they were to meet. I went up and received a speech, with a string of wampum, from the White Mingo, to the following effect: "That as I was a person whom some of them remembered to have seen, when I was sent on an embassy to the French, and most of them had heard of, they were come to bid me welcome to this country, and to desire that the people of Virginia would consider them as friends and brothers, linked together in one chain; and that I would inform the governor that it was their wish to live in peace and harmony with the white people, and that though there had. been some -unhappy differences between them and the people upon our frontiers, they were all made up, and they hoped forgotten; and concluded with saying that their brothers of Virginia did not come among them and trade, as the inhabitants of the other provinces did, from whence they were afraid that we did not look upon them with as friendly an eye as they could wish." To this I answered, after thanking them for their friendly welcome, "that all the injuries and affronts that had passed on either side were now totally forgotten, and that I was sure nothing was more wished and desired by the people of Virginia than to live in the strictest friendship with them; that the Virginians were a people not so much engaged in trade as the Pennsylvanians, which was the reason of their not being so frequently among them; but that it was passible they might for the time to come have stricter connections with them, and that I would acquaint the government with their desires." After dining at Col. Croghan's we returned to Pittsburgh, Col. Croghan with us, who intended to accompany us part of the way down the river, having engaged an Indian called Pheasant and one Joseph Nicholson, an interpreter, to attend us the whole voyage; also a young Indian warrior. 20th. We embarked in a large canoe, with sufficient store of provisions and necessaries, and the following persons, besides. Dr. Craik and myself, to wit: Capt. Crawford, Joseph Nicholson, Robert Bell, William Harrison, Charles Morgan and Daniel Rendon, a boy of Capt. Crawford's, and the Indians, who were in a canoe by themselves. From Fort Pitt we sent our horses and boys back to Capt. Crawford's, with orders to meet us there again on the 14th day of November. Col. Croghan, Lieut. Hamilton and Mr. Magee set out with us. At two o'clock we dined at Mr. Magee's, and encamped ten miles below, and four above Logstown. We passed several large islands, which appeared to be very good, as the bottoms also did on each side of the river alternately; the hills on one side being opposite the bottoms on the other, which seem generally to be about three or four hundred yards wide, and vice versa. 21st. Left our encampment about six o'clock, and breakfasted at Logstown, where we parted with Colonel Croghan and company about nine o'clock. At eleven we came to the mouth of the Big Beaver creek, opposite to which is a good situation for a house, and above it, on the same side, that is the west, there appears to be a fine body of land. About five miles lower down, on the east side, comes in Raccoon creek, at the mouth of which, and up it, appears to be a body of good land also. All the land between this creek and the Monongahela, and for fifteen miles back, is claimed by Colonel Croghan, under a purchase from the Indians, which sale he says is confirmed by his Majesty. On this creek, where the branches thereof interlock with the waters of Shurtee's creek, there is according to Colonel Croghan's account, a body of fine, rich, level land. This tract he wants to sell, and offers it at five pounds sterling per hundred acres, with an exemption of quit-rents for twenty years ; after which, to be subject to the payment of four shillings and two-pence sterling per hundred acres ; provided he can sell it in ten thousand acre lots. At present, the unsettled state of this country renders any purchase dangerous. From Raccoon creek to Little Beaver creek, appears to me to be little short of ten miles, and about three miles below this, we encamped; after hiding a barrel of biscuit on an island, to lighten our canoe. 22d. As it began to snow about midnight, and continued pretty steadily, it was about half-past seven before we left the encampment. At the distance of about eight miles, we came to the mouth of Yellow creek, opposite, or rather below which, appears to be a long bottom of very good land, and the ascent to the hills apparently gradual. There is another pretty large bottom of very good land about two or three miles above this. About eleven or twelve miles from this, and just above what is called the Long Island, which, though so distinguished, is not very remarkable for length, breadth, or goodness, comes in on the east side of the river, a small creek, or run, the name of which I could not learn; and a mile or two below the island, on the west side, comes in Big Stony creek, not larger in appearance than the other, on neither of which does there seem to be any large bottoms or bodies of good land. About seven miles from the last mentioned creek, twenty-eight from our last encampment, and about seventy-five from Pittsburgh, we came to the Mingo Town, situated on the west side of the river, a little above .Cross creek. This place contains about twenty cabins, and seventy inhabitants of the Six Nations. Had we set off early, and kept constantly at it, we might have reached lower than this place to-day; as the water in many places ran very swift, in general more so than yesterday. The river from Fort Pitt to Logstown, has some ugly rifts and shoals, which we found somewhat difficult to piss, whether from our inexperience of the channel, or not, I cannot undertake to say. From Logstown to the mouth of Little Beaver Creek, is much the same kind of water; that is, rapid in some places, gliding gently along in others, and quite still in many. The water from Little Beaver creek to Mingo Town, in general, is swifter than we found it the preceding day, and without any shallows; there being some one part or another always deep, which is a natural consequence, as the river in all the distance from Fort Pitt to this town, has not widened at all, nor do the bottoms appear to be any larger. The hills which come close to the river opposite to each bottom are steep; and on the side in view, in many places, rocky and cragged; but said to abound in good land on the tops. These are not a range of hills, but broken and cut in two, as if there were frequent water courses running through, which, however, we did not perceive to be the case. The river abounds in wild geese, and several kinds of ducks, but in no great quantity. We killed five wild turkeys to-day. Upon our arrival at the Mingo Town, we received the very disagreeable news of two traders being killed at a town called the Grape-Vine Town, thirty-eight miles below this; which caused us to hesitate whether we should proceed, or wait for further intelligence. 23rd. Several imperfect accounts coming in, agreeing that only one person was killed, and the Indians not supposing it to be done by their people, we resolved to pursue our passage, till we could get a more distinct account of this transaction. Accordingly, about two o'clock we set out with the two Indians, who were to accompany us in our canoe, and after about four miles came to the mouth of a creek on the east side. The 56 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. Cross creeks, as they are called, are not large; that on the east side is the biggest. At the Mingo Town we found and left more than sixty warriors, of the Six Nations, going to the Cherokee country, to proceed to war against the Catabas. About ten miles below the town, we came to two other cross creeks; that on the west is the larger, and called by Nicholson* French creek. About three miles, or a little more, below this, at the lower point of some islands, which stand contiguous to each other, we were told by the Indians, that three men from Virginia had marked the land from hence all the way to Red Stone; that there was a body of exceedingly fine land lying about this place, and up opposite to the Mingo Town, as also down to the mouth of Fishing creek. At this place we encamped. 24th. We left our encampment before sunrise, and about six miles below it, we came to the mouth of a small creek, coming in from the eastward, called by the Indians Split-Island creek, from its running in against an island. On this creek there is the appearance of good land. Six miles below this again, we tame to another creek, on the west side, called by Nicholson, Wheeling ; and about a mile lower down appears to be another small water coming in on the east side, which I remark, because of the scarcity of them, and to show how badly furnished this country is with mill-seats. Two or three miles below this is another run on the west side, up which is a near way by land to Mingo Town ; and about four miles lower, comes in another on the east, at which place is a path leading to the settlement at Redstone. About a mile and a half below this comes in Pipe creek, so called by the Indians from a stone which is found here, out of which they make pipes. Opposite to this, that is, on the east side, is a bottom of exceedingly rich land;' but as it deems to be low, I am apprehensive that it is subject to be overflowed. This bottom ends where the effects of a hurricane appear, by the destruction and havoc among the trees. Two or three miles below the Pipe creek, is a pretty large creek on the west side, called by Nicholson, Fox-Grape-Vine, by others Captina creek, on which, eight miles up, is the town called Grape-Vine town ; and at the mouth of it is the place where it was said the trader was killed. To this place we came about three o'clock in the afternoon, and finding no body there, we agreed to encamp, that Nicholson and one of the Indians might go up to town, and inquire into the truth of the report concerning the murder. 25th. About seven o'clock, Nicholson and the Indian returned ; they found no body at the town but two old women, the men being hunting ; from these they learned that the trader was not murdered, but drowned in attempting to cross the Ohio ; and that only one boy, belonging to the traders, was in these parts ; the trader, his father, being gone for horses to take home their skins. About half an hour after seven, we set out from our encampment, around which, and up the creek is a body of fine land. In our passage down to this place, we saw innumerable quantitles of turkeys, and many deer watering and browsing on the shore side, some of which we killed. Neither yesterday nor the day before did we pass any rifts, or very rapid water, the river gliding gently along ; nor did we perceive any alteration in the general face of the country, except that the bottoms seemed to be getting a little longer and wider, as the bends of the river grew larger. About five miles from the Vine creek, comes in a very large creek to the eastward, called by the Indians, Cut creek, from a town or tribe of Indians, which they say was cut off entirely in a very bloody battle between them and the Six Nations. This creek empties just at the lower end of an island, and is seventy or eighty yards wide ; and I fancy it is the creek commonly called Wheeling, by the people of Redstone. It extends, according to the Indians account, a great way, and interlocks with the branches of Split-Island creek, abounding in very fine bottoms, and exceeding good land. Just below this, on the west side, comes in a small run ; and about five miles below it, on the west side also, another creek empties, called by the Indians, Broken-Timber creek; so named from the timber that is destroyed on it by a hurricane ; on the head of this, was a town of the Delawares, which is now deserted. Two miles lower down, on the same side, is another creek, smaller than the last, and bearing, according to the Indians, the same name. Opposite to these two creeks, on the east side, appears to be a large bottom of good land. About two miles below the last mentioned creek, on the east side, at the end of the bottom before mentioned, comes in a small creek. Seven miles from this is Mud- *Joseph Nicholson, the Interpreter, who accompanied Washington. dy creek, on the east side of the river, a pretty large creek, which heads with some of the waters of the Monongahela, according to the Indian's account, and is bordered by bottoms of very good land; but in general, the hills are steep, and the country broken. At the mouth of this creek, is the largest flat I have seen upon the river ; the bottom extending two or three miles up the river above it, and a mile below ; though it does not seem to be of the richest kind. About half way in the Long Reach we encamped, opposite to the beginning of a large bottom, on the east side of the river. At this place we threw out some lines, and found a catfish of the size of our largest river catfish, hooked to one of them in the morning, though it was of the smallest kind here. We found no rifts in this day's passage, but pretty swift water in some places, and still in others. We found the bottoms increased in size, both as to length and breadth, and the river more choked up with fallen trees and the bottom of the river next to the shores, rather more muddy, but in general stony, as it has been all the way down. 26th. Left our encampment at half an hour after six o'clock, and passed a small run on the west side, about four miles lower. At the lower end of Long Reach, and for some distance up it on the East side, is a large bottom, but low and covered with beech near the river shore, which is no indication of good land. The Long Reach is a straight course of the river for about eighteen or twenty miles, which appears the more extraordinary, as the Ohio in general is remarkably crooked. There are several islands in this Reach, some containing one hundred or more acres of land; but all I apprehend liable to be overflowed. At the end of this reach we found Martin and Lindsay, two traders, and from them we learned that the person drowned was one Phillips, attempting, in company with Rogers, another Indian trader, to swim the river with their horses at an improper place, Rogers himself narrowly escaping. Five miles lower down comes in a large creek from the East, right against an island of good land, at least a mile or two in length. At the North of this creek, the name of which I could not learn, except that it was called by some Ball's creek, from one Ball that hunts on it, is a bottom of good land, though rather too much mixed with beech. Opposite to this island the Indians showed us a buffalo path, the tracks of which we saw. Five or six miles below the last mentioned creek we came to the Three Islands. Below these islands is a large body of flat land, with a water course running through it on the East side, and the hills back neither so high nor steep in appearance as they are up the river. On the other hand, the bottoms do not appear rich, though much lower and wider. The bottom last mentioned is upon a straight reach of the river, I suppose six or eight miles in length. About twelve miles below the Three Islands we encamped, just above the mouth of the creek, which appears pretty large at the mouth and just above an island. All the lands from a little below the creek which I have distinguished by the name of Ball's creek, appear to be level, with some hillocks intermixed, as far as we could see into the country. We met with no rifts to-day, but some pretty strong water; upon the whole tolerably gentle: The sides of the river were a good deal incommoded with old trees, which impeded our passage a little. This day proved clear and pleasant, the only day since the 18th that it has not rained or snowed, or threatened the one or the other. 27th. Left our encampment a quarter before seven, and after passing the creek near which we lay, and another of much the same size, and on the same side; also an island about two miles in length, but not wide, we came to the mouth of the Muskingum, distant from our encampment about four miles. This river is about one hundred and fifty yards wide at the mouth; it runs out in a gentle current and clear stream, and is navigable a great way into the country for canoes. From the Muskingum to the Little Kanawha is about thirteen miles. This about as wide at the mouth as the Muskingum, but the water is much deeper. It runs up towards the inhabitants of Monongahela, and according to the Indians account, forks about forty or fifty miles from the mouth, and the ridge between the two prongs leads directly to the settlement. To this fork and above, the water is navigable for canoes. On the upper side of this river there appears to be a bottom of exceedingly rich land, and the country from hence quite up to the Three Islands level and in appearance fine. The Ohio running around it in the form of a horse shoe, forms a neck of flat land, which added to that running up the second Long Reach aforementioned, cannot contain less than fifty thousand acres in view: About six or seven miles below the mouth of the Little Kanawha, we came to a small- creek on the west side, which the HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 57 Indians called Little Hockhocking; but before we did this, we passed another small creek on the same side near the mouth of that river, and a cluster of islands afterwards. The lands for two or three miles below the mouth of the Little Kanawha, on both sides of the Ohio, appear broken and indifferent ; but opposite to the Little Hockhocking there is a bottom of good land, through which there runs a small water course. I suppose there may be, of this bottom and flat land together, two or three thousand acres. The lower end of this bottom is opposite to a small island, of which I dare say, little is to be seen when the river is high. About eight miles below Little Hock-hocking we encamped, opposite the mouth of Great Hockhocking, which, though so called, is not a large water ; though the Indians say canoes go up it for forty or fifty miles. Since we left the Little Kanawha the lands appear neither so level nor so good. The bends of the river and bottoms are longer, but not so rich as on the upper part of the river. 28th. Left our encampment about seven o'clock. Two miles below a small run comes in on the east side, through a piece of land that has a very good appearance, the bottom beginning above our encampment, and continuing in appearance wide for four miles down, where we found Kiyashuta and his hunting party encamped. Here we were under the necessity of paying our compliments, as this person was one of the Six Nation chiefs, and the head of those upon this river. In the person of Kiyashuta I found an old acquaintance, he being one of the Indians that went with me to the French, in 1753. He expressed a satisfaction at seeing me, and treated me with great kindness, giving us a quarter of a very fine buffalo. He insisted upon our spending that night with him, and, in order to retard us is little as possible, moved his camp down the river just below the mouth of a creek, the name of which I could not learn. At this place we encamped. After much counselling over night, they all came to my fire next morning with great formality ; when Kiyashuta, rehearsing what had passed between me and the Sachems at Col. Croghan's, thanked me for saying that peace and friendship with them was the wish of the people of Virginia, and for recommending it to the traders to deal with them upon a fair and equitable footing ; and then again expressed their desire of having a trade opened with Virginia, and that the governor thereof might not only be made acquainted therewith, but with their friendly disposition toward the white people. This I promised to do. 29th. The tedious ceremony, Which the Indians observe in their counsellings and speeches, detained us until nine o'clock. Opposite to the creek, just below which we encamped, is a pretty long bottom, and I believe tolerably wide but about eight or nine miles below the aforementioned creek, and just below a pavement of rocks on the west side, comes in a creek, with fallen timber at the mouth, on which the Indians say there are wide bottoms and good land. The river bottoms above, for some distance, are very good, and continue so for near ,half        mile below the creek. The pavement of rocks is only to be seen at low water. About a mile below the mouth of the creek there is another pavement of rocks on the east side, in a kind of sedgy ground. On this creek are many buffaloes, according to the Indians' account. Six miles below this comes in a small creek on the west side, at the end of a small naked island, and just above another pavement of rocks. This creek comes through a bottom of fine land, and opposite to it, on the east side of the river, appears to be a large body of fine land also. At this place begins what they call Great Bend. Two miles below, on the east side, comes in another creek, just below an island, on the upper point of which are some dead standing trees, and a parcel of white-bodied sycamore ; in the mouth of this creek lies a sycamore blown down by the wind. From hence an east line may be run three or four miles; thence a north line till it strikes the river, which I apprehend would include about three or four thousand acres of valuable land. At the mouth of this creek is the warrior's path to the Cherokee country. For two miles and a half below this the Ohio runs a northeast course, and finishes what they call the Great Bend. 30th. We set out about fifty minutes past seven, the weather being windy and cloudy, after a night of rain. After about two miles, we came to the head of a bottom, in the shape of a horseshoe, which I judge to be about six miles round ; the beginning of the bottom appeared to be very good land, but the lower part did not seem so friendly. The upper part of the bottom we encamped on, was exceedingly good, but the lower part rather thin land,. covered with beech. In it is some clear meadow land, and a pond or lake. This bottom begins just below the rapid at the point of the Great Bend. The river from this 8 - B & J. COS. place narrows very considerably, and for five or six miles is scarcely more than one hundred and fifty or two hundred yards over. The water yesterday, except the rapid at the Great Bend, and some swift places about the islands, was quite dead, and as easily passed one way as the other ; the land in general appeared level and good. About ten miles below our encampment, and a little lower down than the bottom described to lie in the shape of a horseshoe, comes in a small creek on the west side, and opposite to this on the east, begins a body of flat land, which the Indians tell us runs quite across the fork to the falls in the Kanawha, and must at least be three days' walk across if so, the flat land contained therein, must be very considerable. A mile or two below this, we landed, and after getting a little distance from the river, we came, without rising, to a pretty lively kind of land, grown up with hickory and oak of different kinds, intermingled with walnut. We also found many shallow ponds, the sides of which, abounding with grass, invited innumerable quantities of wild fowl, among which I saw a couple of birds in size between a swan and a goose, and in color somewhat between the two, being darker than the younger swan, and of a more sooty color. The cry of these birds was as singular as the birds themselves; I never heard any noise resembling it before. About five miles below this, we encamped in a bottom of good land, which holds tolerably flat and rich for some distance. 31st. I sent the canoe down about five miles, to the junction of the two rivers, that is, the Kanawha with the Ohio, and set out upon a .hunting party to view the land. We steered nearly east for about eight or nine miles, then bore southwardly and westwardly, till we came to our camp at the confluence of the rivers. The land from the rivers appeared but indifferent, and very broken ; whether these ridges may not be those that divide the waters of the Ohio from the Kanawha, is not certain, but I believe they are ; if so, the lands may yet be good ; if not, that which lies beyond the river bottoms, is worth but little. November 1st. Before eight o'clock we set off with our canoe up the river, to discover what kind of lands lay. upon the Kanawha. The land on both sides of this river, just at the mouth, is very fine ; but on the east side, when you get towards the hills, which I judge to be about six or seven hundred yards from the river, it appears to be wet, and better adapted for meadow than tillage. This bottom continues up the east side for about two miles; and by going up the Ohio, a good tract might be got of bottom land, including the Old Shawanee Town, which is about three miles up the Ohio, just above the mouth of a creek. We judged we went up the Kanawha about ten miles to-day. On the east side, appear to be some good bottoms, but small, neither long nor wide, and the hills back of them rather steep and poor: 2nd. We proceeded up the river with the canoe about four miles farther, and then encamped, and went a hunting ; killed five buffaloes, and wounded some others, three deer, &c. This country abounds in buffalo, and wild game of all kinds, as also in all kinds of wild fowl, there being in the bottom a great many small, grassy ponds, or lakes, which are full of swans geese, and ducks of different kinds. Some of our people went up the river four. or five mites higher, and found the same kind of bottom on the west side ; and we are told by the Indians, that it continued to the falls, which they judged to be fifty or sixty miles higher up. This bottom, next the water, in most places is very rich as you approach to the hills, you come to a thin white-oak land, and poor. The hills, as far as we could judge, were from half a mile to a mile from the river, poor and steep in the parts we saw, with pine growing on them. Whether they are generally so or not, we cannot tell, but I fear they are. 3rd. We set off down the river, on our return homewards, and encamped at the mouth. At the beginning of the bottom, above the junction of the rivers, and at the mouth of a branch of the east side, I marked two maples, an elm, and a hoop-wood tree, as a corner of soldiers' land, if we can get it, intending to take all the bottom from hence to the rapids in the Great Bend in one survey. I also marked at the mouth of another run, lower down the west side, at the lower end of the long bottom, an ash and hoop-wood, for the beginning of another of the soldiers' surveys, to extend up so as to include all the bottom in a body on the west side. In coming from our last encampment up the Kanawha, I endeavored to take the courses and distances of the river by my pocket compass, and by guessing. 4th. After passing these hills, which may run on the river near a mile, there appears to be another pretty good bottom on the east side. At this place we met a canoe going to Illinois with sheer and at this place also, that is, at the end of the 68 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. bottom from the Kanawha, just as we came to the hills, we met with a sycamore about sixty yards from the river, of a most extraordinary size; it measuring three feet from the ground, forty-five feet round, lacking two inches; and not fifty. yards from it was another, thirty-one feet round. After passing this bottom, and about a mile of hills, we entered another bottom and encamped. This bottom reaches within about a half mile of the rapid, at the point of the Great Bend. 5th. I sent off the canoe with our baggage, and walked across the neck on foot, with Captain Crawford; the distance, according to our walking, about eight miles, as we kept a straight course under the foot of the hills, which run about south-east, and we were two hours and a half in walking it. This is a good neck, the soil being generally good, and in places rich. There is a large proportion of meadow ground, and the land as high, dry, and level as one could wish ; the growth in most places, beech intermixed with walnut, but more especially with poplar, of which there are numbers very large. The land towards the upper end is a black oak, and very good. Upon the whole, a valuable tract might be had here, and I judge the quantity to be about four thousand acres. After passing this bottom and the rapid, as also some hills, which jut pretty close to the river, we came to that bottom before remarked on the 29th ultimo. A little above this bottom we encamped ; the afternoon being rainy, and the night wet. 6th. We left Our encampment a little after daylight, and after about five miles we came to Kiyashuta's hunting camp, which was now removed to the mouth of the creek, noted October 29th, for having fallen timber at the mouth of it, in a bottom of good land. By the kindness and idle ceremony of the Indians, I was detained at Kiyashuta's camp all the remaining part of the day; and having a good deal of conversation with him on the subject of land, he informed me that it was further from the mouth of the Great Kanawha to the fall of the river, than it was between the two Kanawhas; that the bottom on the west side, which begins near the mouth of the Kanawha, continues all the way to the falls without the interposition of hills, and widens as it goes, especially from a pretty large creek that comes in about ten or fifteen miles higher up than where we were; that in the fork there is a body of good land, and at a considerable distance above this, the river forks again at an island, and there begins the reed, or cane to grow; that the bottoms on the east side of the river are also very good, but broken with hills; and that the river is easily passed with canoes to the falls, which cannot be less than one hundred miles, but further, it is not possible to go with them; that there is but one ridge from thence to the settlements upon the river above, on which it is possible for a man to travel, the country between being so much broken with steep hills and precipices. —[Here for the want of the legibility of the MSS. Journal, a hiatus of ten days occurs.] 17th. By this morning the river had fallen in the whole, twenty-two or twenty-three feet, and was still lowering. About eight o'clock we set out, and passing the lower Cross creek, we came to a pretty long and tolerably wide and good bottom, on the east side of the river; then came in the hill, just above which is Buffalo creek. About three o'clock we came to the Mingo town, without seeing our horses, the Indian who was sent express for them, having passed through only the morning before; being detained by the creeks, which were too high to ford. Here we resolved to wait their arrival, which was expected to-morrow; and here' then will end our water voyage along a river, the general course Of which from Beaver creek to the Kanawha is about southwest, or near as I could determine; but, in its windings through a narrow vale, extremely serpentine; forming on both sides of the river alternately necks of very good bottoms, some exceedingly fine, lying for the most part in the shape of a half moon, and of various sizes. There is very little difference in the general width of the river from Fort Pitt to Kanawha; but in the depth I believe the odds are considered in favor of the lower parts, as we found no shallows below the Mingo town, except in one or two places, where the river was broad, and there I do not know but there might have been a deep channel in some parts of it. Every here and there are islands, some larger and some smaller, which, operating in the nature of locks or steps, occasions pretty still water above, but for the most part strong and rapid water alongside of them. However, none of these so swift but that a vessel may be rowed or sent up with poles. When the river is in its natural state, large canoes, that will carry five or six thousand weight or more, may be worked against the stream by four hands, twenty or twenty-five miles a day; and down a good deal more. The Indians who are very dexterous, even their women, in the management of canoes, have their hunting camps and cabins all along the river, for the convenience of transporting their skins to market. In the fall, so soon as the hunting season comes on; they set out with their families for this purpose and in hunting will move their camps from place to place, till by the spring they get two or three hundred or more miles from their towns; then catch beaver on their way up, which frequently brings them into the month of May, when the women are employed in planting. The men are at market, and in idleness, till the autumn again, when they pursue the same course. During the summer months they live- a poor and perishing life. The Indians who reside upon the Ohio, the upper parts of it at least, are composed of Shawanese, Delawares, and some of the Mingoes, who, getting but little part of the consideration that was given for the lands eastward of the Ohio, view the. settlements of the people upon their river with an uneasy and jealous eye, and do not scruple to say, that they must be compensated for their right if the people settle thereon, notwithstanding the cession of the Six Nations. On the other hand, the people of Virginia and elsewhere are exploring and marking all the lands that are valuable, not only on the Redstone and other waters on the Monongahela, but along the Ohio as low as the Little Kanawha ; and by next summer I suppose they will get to the Great Kanawha, at least. How difficult it may be to ,contend with these people afterwards, is easy to be judged, from every day's experience of lands actually settled, supposing these settlements to be made; than which nothing is more probable, if the Indians permit them, from the disposition of the people at present. A few settlements in the midst of some of the large bottoms, would render it impracticable-to get any large quantity of land together; as the hills all the way down the river, as low as I went, come pretty close, or steep and broken, and incapable of settlement, though some of them are rich, and only fit to support the bottoms with timber and wood. The land back of the bottoms, as far as I have been able to judge, either from my own observations or from information, is nearly the same, that is, ex- ceedingly uneven and hilly; and I presume there are no bodies flat, rich land to be found till one gets far enough from the river to head the little runs and drains that come through the hills, and the sources of the creeks and their branches. This, it seems, is the case with the lands upon the Monongahela and Youhiogheny, and I fancy holds good upon this river, till you get into the flat lands, below the falls. The bottom land differs a good deal in quality. That highest up the river in general, is richest, though the bottoms are neither so wide nor so long, as those below. Walnut, cherry, and some other kinds of wood, neither tall nor large, but covered with grape-vines, with the fruit of which this country at this instant abounds, are the growth of the richest bottoms; but on the other hand, these bottoms appear to me to be the lowest and most subject to floods. The soil of this is good, but inferior to either of the other kinds; and beech bottoms are objectionable on account of the difficulty of clearing them, as their roots spread over a large surface of ground, and are hard to kill. 18th. Agreed with two Delaware Indians to take up our canoe to Fort Pitt, for the doing of which I was to pay six dollars, and give them a quart tin can. 19th. The Delawares set off with the canoe, and our horses not arriving, the day appeared exceedingly long and tedious. Upon conversing with Nicholson, I found he had been two or three times to Fort Chartres, on the Illinois, and I got from him an account of the lands between this place and that, and upon the Shawanese river, on which he had been hunting. 20th. About one o'clock our horses arrived, having been prevented from getting to Fort Pitt by the freshets. A two we set out and got about ten miles; the Indians traveling with us. 21st. Reached Fort Pitt in the afternoon; distance from our last encampment, about twenty-five miles, and as near as I can guess, thirty-five from the Mingo town. The land between the Mingo town and Pittsburgh, is of different kinds. For four or five miles after leaving the first mentioned place, we passed over steep, hilly ground, covered with white oak, and a thin shallow soil. This was succeeded by a lively white oak land, less broken; and this again by rich land, the growth of which was chiefly white and red oak, mixed; which lasted with some interval of different ridges, all the way to Pittsburgh. It was very observable, that as we left the river, the land grew better, which is a confirmation of the accounts I had before received, that the good bodies of land lie upon the heads of the runs and creeks; but in all my travels through this country, I have seen HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 59 no large body of level land. On the branches of Raccoon creek, there appears to be good meadow ground; and on Chartier's creek, over both of which we passed; the land looks well. The country between the Mingo town and Fort Pitt, appears to be well supplied with springs. 22d. Stayed at Pittsburgh all day. Invited the officers and some other gentlemen to dinner with me at Semple's among whom was one Dr. Connelly, nephew to Col. Croghan, a very sensible and intelligent man, who had traveled over a good deal of this western country both by land and water, and who confirms Nicholson's account of the Shawanee river, up which he had been near four hundred miles. This country, I mean on the Shawanee river, according to Dr. Connelly's description, must be exceeding desirable on many accounts. The climate is fine, the soil remarkably good; the lands well watered with good streams, and level enough for any kind of cultivation. Besides these advantages from nature, it has others not less important to a new settlement, particularly game, which is so plentiful as to render the transportation of provisions thither, bread only excepted, altogether unnecessary. Dr. Connelly is so much delighted with the lands and climate on that river that he wishes for nothing more, than to induce one hundred families to go there and live, that he might be among them. A new and most desirable government might be established there, to be bounded, according to his account, by the Ohio northward and westward, by the ridge that divides the waters of the Tennessee or Cherokee river southward and westward, and by aline to run from the Falls of the Ohio, or above, so as to cross the Shawanee river above the fork of it. Dr. Connelly gives much the same account of the land between Fort Chartres, in the Illinois country, and Post St. Vincent, that Nicholson does. except in the article of water, which the Doctor says is bad, and in the summer scarce, there being little. else than stagnant water to be met with. 23d. After settling with the Indians and people that attended me down the river, and defraying the sundry expenses accruing at Pittsburgh, I set off on my return home ; and, after dining at the widow Mier's, on Turtle creek, reached Mr. John Stephenson's in the night. 24th. When we came to Stewart's crossing at Crawford's, the river was too high to ford, and his canoe gone adrift. However, after waiting two or three hours, a canoe was got, in which we crossed and swain our horses. The remainder of this day I spent at Capt. Crawford's ; it either raining or snowing hard all day. 25th. I set out early in order to see Lund Washington's land; but the ground and trees being covered with snow, I was able to form but an indistinct opinion of it ; though, upon the whole, it appeared to be a good tract of land. From this I went to Mr. Thomas Gist's and dined, and then proceeded to the Great Crossings at Hogland's, where I arrived about eight 26th Reached Killman's, on George's creek, where we met several families going over the mountain to live ; some without having any places provided. The snow upon the Allegheny mountains was near knee deep: 27th. We got to Col. Cresap's at the Old Town, after calling at Fort Cumberland and breakfasting, with one Innis, at the new store opposite. 28th. The Old Town creek was so high as to wet us in crossing it, and when we came to Cox's the river was impassable ; we were obliged, therefore, to cross in a canoe, and swim our horses. At Henry Enoch's, at the forks of Cacapehon, we dined, and lodged at Kinker's. 29th. Set out early, and reached my brother's by one o'clock. Dr. Craik, having business at Winchester, went that way, and was to meet me at Snicker's the next morning by ten o'clock. 30th. According to appointment the Doctor and I met, and after breakfast at Snicker's, we proceeded to West's where we arrived at or about sunset. December 1st. Reached home ; having been absent nine weeks and one day. CHAPTER XI. 1764-1774. TRANQUILITY SUCCEEDS THE TREATY OF 1764 INDUCES EMIGRATION- MOVEMENTS FOR SETTLEMENT ON THE MONONGAHELA BY CRESAP AND OTHERS, AND ON THE OHIO BY EBENEZER ZANE, IN 1767—FINAL SETTLEMENT AT WHEELING BY COL. ZANE IN 1769 -EMIGRATION OF DAVID SHEPARD, M'COLLOCHS AND OTHERS IN 1770—SETTLEMENTS AT SHORT CREEK, WEST LIBERTY, YELLOW ('REEK, BAKER'S BOTTOM, BUFFALO, GRAVE CREEK AND CAPTINA-GOSPEL PREACHED ON WHEELING CREEK IN 1772-GROWTH OF SETTLEMENT AT WHEELING-EMIGRATION OF JOHN CALDWELL AND CAPT. MICHAEL CRESAP IN 1774 - PRECURSORY EVENTS OF THE DUNMORE WAR-INDIANS KILLED NEAR WHEELING-MASSACRE OF INDIANS AT BAKER'S BOTTOM BY GREATHOUSE, INCLUDING LOGAN'S FAMILY-CRAWFORD'S LETTER TO WASHINGTON CONCERNING THESE EVENTS-MURDER OF BALD EAGLE- CONTEMPORANEOUS ACCOUNTS-EXPECTATIONS OF WAR-SETTLERS FLY FROM THE BORDER. Prior to the treaty concluded by Col. Boquet in 1764, with the Indian tribes thent concluded then inhabiting those portions of Virginia and Pennsylvania west of the Alleghenies, these mountains had formed a sort of boundary line between the white and the red man. The comparative tranquility which succeeded the treaty, for a few years, afforded the opportunity which was promptly seized by some of the more adventurous and enterprising settlers of Virginia and Maryland, to penetrate the defiles of the mountains, and attempt the hazardous venture of establishing settlements on the borders of the Ohio and Monongahela rivers. These efforts proved successful, and thence forward the Ohio became the boundary line between the civilized and savage races. But it was only after long years of bloody and bitter struggle, and amid privations and hardships unnumbered that the land was finally rescued from its savage possessors. The men by whom these results were achieved belonged to a class striking and peculiar in its character. While the frontiersmen of our American civilization have always been remarkable for qualities that seemed to fit them specially fbr the duties which fell to their lot, it is conceded that, in a pre-eminent degree, "the best examples have perhaps been among the settlers of Western Virginia, and the hardy progeny who have sprung from that generous stock."* With courage to undertake the most hazardous and daring enterprises ; fortitude to sustain fatigue, and hunger, and pain; bravery to face danger and death in their most forbidding aspects ; a mind naturally quick, vigorous and penetrating ; futile in expedient, self-reliant, accurate in judgment, the Virginia pioneer united the virtues of frankness, generosity, hospitality, and a straight forward honesty Of purpose which was without disguise. "He was, as occasion called, a farmer, a hunter, and a warrior by turns." † "His fringed and fanciful hunting shirt, his deerskin leggins, his gaily embroidered moccasins, his tomahawk and scalping-knife, his bullet-pouch, powder-horn and ready rifle, made up his personal equipment of comfort and defence. ‡ "From him have sprung those hardy men whose struggles and sufferings on the bloody ground of Kentncky will always form a striking page in American history, and that band of adventurers before whose headlong charge, in the valley of Chihuahua, neither breastworks nor batteries, nor five fold odds could avail for a moment." § "Well versed in woodcraft, unsurpassed as marksmen, and practiced in all the wiles of Indian war."  these men seem the embodiment of all the qualities which fitted them to lead the van, and open up the unbroken wilderness to be the home of a race which should bring in its train the multiplied blessings of civilized life. Their wives were brave and noble women—" proper mates for men stamped with such energy and fortitude in the iron mintage of border trial." ¶ To these noble men and women, who redeemed the land from its savage condition; who stood for years the fire of continuous warfare with a merciless and unrelenting foe; who "caused the wilderness to bloom, and blossom, as the rose "; and who, by their courage, and fortitude, with indomitable energy and enterprise, laid the foundations of what has since become the mag- *Parkman's conspiracy of Pontiac. †Parkman's conspiracy of Pontiac. ‡Logan and Cresap by Brantz Mayer. §Parkman. Parkman. ¶ Brantz Mayer. 60 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. nificent empire of the West, is due our highest tribute of praise. They were the avant coureurs of that mighty tide of emigration which, in subsequent years, burst the barriers of the Alleghenies, and filled the fertile plains and valleys of the west with a teeming population. Posterity rises to do them honor, and chronicle, with loving hand, the story of their toils, privations, sacrifices and deeds of noble daring. Among the earliest, and most prominent of these attempts to effect a settlement on the broad and fertile lands of the Ohio and its tributaries—which proved such a magnet of attraction to the frontier settlers of Virginia and Maryland—was that at Redstone Old Fort, in 1767, by Abram Tegard, Capt. Cresap and others, and the simultaneous movement towards the Ohio below Fort Pitt, made by Col. Ebenezer Zane and his companions the same season. Though the latter movement did not reach an immediate consummation, it led, shortly after, to the settlement of Wheeling by Col. Zane, at which place he became the original founder and proprietor. Situated at the terminus of the most distinctly marked trail, leading from the eastern frontier to the western border, Redstone was soon a rallying point of the pioneers, and noted, to the early settlers, as the place of embarkation for western emigrants. The settlement at Wheeling, also, became widely known for its favorable location, and as the first and principal station between Fort Pitt and the "dark and bloody ground of Kentucky." This locality, embracing the territory now comprised in the Virginia Pan-Handle and the counties of Jefferson and Belmont in Ohio, was destined soon to become the theatre of conflict between the whites and Indians, where were enacted events which will always form one of the most interesting and thrilling chapters in the annals of the American frontier. It was in December, 1767, that Col. Zane, "who was among the first to explore the country from the South Branch of the Potomac, through the Allegheny glades, to the Ohio river, set out on an expedition, thither to make a location. He was accompanied on that excursion by Isaac Williams, two men named Robinson, and some others; but setting off "rather late in the season, and the weather being very severe, they were compelled to return, without having penetrated to the Ohio river."* While crossing the glades they were overtaken by a violent snow storm. This is always a cold and stormy region, but at this time the snow fell to an unusual depth, and put a stop to i their further progress. It was followed by intensely cold weather, which, with the great depth of snow, disabled them from supplying the necessities of their camp by hunting, and they were compelled to subsist upon the peltries of the animals killed in the early part of their journey. Before they were able to retrace their steps homeward, they were much reduced in health and spirits. "On their way home, such was the extremity of the cold, that one of the Robinsons died of its effects, Williams was much frost-bitten, and the whole party suffered exceedingly. † "The succeeding spring, 1768, Col. Zane finally left his home on the South Branch, with his family and household goods, accompanied by two younger brothers, some negro slaves and other laborers, to found a new home somewhere in these Western wilds. Taking the trail of the Indian traders from Fort Cumberland, his journey brought him to the waters of the Monongahela, at Redstone Old Fort, now Brownsville, Pa. Here he remained a year, but not liking the country, nor the quality of the land in that vicinity, he concluded to make a wider excursion in search of a more eligible location. Leaving his family at Redstone he pushed forward through an unbroken wilderness, in company with his brothers Jonathan and Silas, carrying a pack of meal, which, together with the game their guns and dogs could provide, furnished their means of subsistence. After many days journeying they struck the headwaters of Wheeling creek. Col. Zane at once concluded to follow the course of the stream, as it would necessarily conduct them to an outlet into larger waters, where he might find the location he desired. Approaching the mouth of the creek, he climbed the neighbor-. ing hill to obtain a wider outlook and determine his course. When he gained its summit and caught the first sight of the majestic river rolling at its base, then saw the broad expanse of rich bottom lands, the island, and the opposite shore, covered with the primeval forest and bright with the morning sun, he burst into an exclamation of delight, and promptly decided to stake out his claim and pitch his tent in this favored spot. " He was accustomed in after years to describe the impression of this scene as like a vision of Paradise. The sun had just *Withers' Chronicles of Border Warfare.  † Ibid. dissipated the rising mists of a beautiful September morning, and his delighted vision swept over the wide and varied landscape glowing in all its pristine loveliness, before ever the hand of man had marred its fair visage. Innumerable waterfowl sported on the broad bosom of the river, the timid deer quenched his early thirst at its banks, the dense foliage of the forests gleamed in the morning light, the birds sang from every bough, and all nature seemed to lend her every grace and charm to decorate the scene and enchant the sense. "Descending to the river, the brothers set about constructing a log raft with which to pass over to the other side. Their tomahawks soon supplied them with the necessary timber, which they lashed together with hickory withes. Long and slender poles for navigating their rude craft were readily procured from the surrounding forests, and, without much difficulty, they succeeded in ferrying themselves across to the opposite shore. Here, on instituting an examination, they were surprised to find an island, where they had expected a large and compact body of land connected with and forming part of the western shore. They were so much pleased with its situation and appearance, as well as with the evidences of its fertility, that they immediately commenced blazing trees to mark the boundaries of their claim, and took possession in the usual method of making what is called 'an improvement.' Returning to the eastern side they marked out other claims of the choicest land, and set about such `improvements' as would confirm their title until the regular State patent could be obtained. When a rude cabin had been built, sufficient clearing made, and all the preparations made for future occupancy, it was determined to leave Silas Zane in charge of their interests while the others returned to Redstone for the family, household goods, horses and cattle, with which they were to begin a new life in the wilderness. Thus, in September, 1769, was laid the foundations of what is now the large, populous and prosperous City of Wheeling. " When navigation opened in the spring, Col. Zane embarked with his family and their effects in the rough description of boats then used by emigrants for his new home. He was accompanied by Jonathan Zane, Isaac Williams, some domestic servants and laborers, who had charge of the live stock, which were transported in separate boats. On their arrival they at once sought the place agreed upon. as a rendezvous with Silas Zane and were very much alarmed at finding no trace of him. They instituted a careful search along up the creek, supposing he had been scared away by the Indians, and that he might still be lurking somewhere in the neighborhood. When they reached the forks of the creek they came upon him, while making an excursion for supplies, and found he had become alarmed at the abundant signs of the presence of Indians and had concealed himself as far as he could from their regular thoroughfares of travel. The brothers returned to their cabin, and by diligent work made an extensive clearing both on the island and the eastern side of the river.* They severally proceeded to select positions for their future residence. Col. Zane chose for his an eminence above the mouth of Wheeling creek, near to the Ohio and opposite a beautiful and considerable island in that river. The spot selected by him is now (1831) occupied by his son, Noah Zane, Esq. and is nearly the centre of the present flourishing town of Esq., Silas Zane commenced improving on Wheeling creek, where Col. Moses Shepherd now lives, and Jonathan resided with his brother Ebenezer. Several of those who accompanied the adventurers likewise remained with Col. Zane in the capacity of laborers. † "These gentlemen were descendants of a Mr. Zane who accompanied William Penn, to his province of Pennsylvania and from whom one of the principal streets in Philadelphia derived its name. Their father was possessed of a bold and daring spirit of adventure, which was displayed on many occasions in the early part of his life. Having rendered himself obnoxious to the society of Friends (of which he was a member), by marrying without the pale of that society, he moved to Virginia and settled on the South Branch, where the town of Moorefield has been since erected. One of his sons (Isaac) was taken by the Indians when he was only nine years old, and carried in captivity to Mad river in Ohio. Here he continued till habit reconciled him to his situation, when he married a squaw, became a chief and spent the remainder of his life with them. He was never known to wage war against the whites, but was on several occasions of infinite service by apprising them of meditated attacks of the Indians. His descendants still reside in Ohio. *W. C. Brockunier —Centennial Historical Sketch in Daily Intelligencer July 4, 1876. † Withers' Chronicles. HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 61 "The brothers, Ebenezer, Silas and Jonathan, who settled Wheeling, were also men of enterprise, tempered with prudence, and directed by sound judgment. Ready at all times to resist and punish the aggression of the Indians, they were scrupulously careful not to provoke them by acts of wanton outrage, such as were then, too frequently committed along the frontier. To the bravery and good conduct of these three brothers the Wheeling settlement was mainly indebted for its security and preservation during the war of the revolution."* In 1770 other families emigrated from the South Branch to the Wheeling settlement, many whose names became identified with the early history of the country. Prominent among them ":were Col. David Shepherd, father of Moses Shepherd, John Wetzel, the father of Lewis Wetzel, and the McCollochs" † — " four brothers Abraham, George, Samuel and John, and several sisters, one of whom, Elizabeth, was the wife of Col. Ebenezer Zane." ‡ "Soon after this other settlements were made at different points, both above and below Wheeling, and the country on Buffalo Short, and Grave creeks, and on the Ohio river, became the abode of civilized man. Among those who were first to occupy above Wheeling, were George Lefler, John Doddridge, Benjamin Biggs, Daniel Greathouse, Joshua Baker and Andrew Swearinger. Benjamin Tomlinson also settled opposite Yellow creek and Joseph Tomlinson at Grave creek. "The settlement thus made constituted a kind of advance guard, through which an Indian enemy would have to penetrate before they could reach the interior, others were less reluctant to occupy the country between them and the Alleghany mountains. Accordingly various settlements were soon made in it by adventurers from different parts of Maryland, Pennsylvania and Virginia; and those places in which settlements had been previously effected, received considerable accessions to their population."§ Such were the beginnings of the earliest and principal settlements on the border of the Ohio within the jurisdiction of Virginia. Hundreds flocked to them from all parts of the country, so soon as their success was established. Exchanging the comforts of civilized life, with all its arts and refinements, for the rude cabin of the frontier, the labor and hardship incident to a new and unsettled country, and the dread proximity of savage tribes where treachery and cruelty were the best known traits of their barbarous natures. Some difficulties were experienced by the infant settlers from incursions of the Indians, who would carry off their hogs or cattle and horses, but in the main friendly relations were Preserved with them, and the affairs of the settlement pros- the ered until succeeding events stirred up the bad passions of The savages, who, many times afterwards, sought its destruction. The GOSPEL PREACHED ON WHEELING CREEK IN 1772—EXTRACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF REV. DAVID JONES' TOUR TO THE WESTERN INDIANS. The first occasion on which the gospel was preached on Wheeling creek, according to authentic account, was in the summer of 1772—just two years after the arrival of the family of Ebenezer Zane. The minister was the Rev. David Jones, then residing at Freehold, New Jersey, and who made two visits to the nations of Indians on the west side of the Ohio in the years 1772 and 1773. He kept a journal of his missions, from which we extract the facts here related. After arriving at Fort Pitt, he set out from that place on the 9th of June, 1772, to descend the Ohio in a canoe in company with George Rogers Clark and several others. The first place he mentions after leaving Fort Pitt is"a place called the Mingo town, where some of that nation yet resides." He then adds : "Some of this town were wont to plunder canoes, therefore we passed them as quietly as possible, and were so happy as not to be discovered by any of them." He then descended to Grave creek, where he met some Indians, and from thence to Captina. We quote from his journal as follows : "Saturday June 13th. Moved to a creek, by the Indians called Caapteenin, i. e., Captain's creek. This creek comes into the the river from the west side and is supposed to be about seventy-five miles E. S. E. from Newcomerstown, which is the chief town of the Delaware Indians. We encamped opposite to Caapteenin on the east side of the Ohio. Here were some families of Indians —we went over and conversed with them, and in the evening some of them returned the visit. Mr. Owens was well acquainted with some of them, and let them know what sort of a *Wither's Chronicles. † Withers. ‡ Doddridge. § Withers. man I was. They all showed respect to me; even when some of them afterwards were drunk, they were civil to me, and would take me by the hand and say 'You be minsta.' Here we spent the Lord's Day ; in the evening instructed what Indians came over. The most intelligent orator is called Frank Stephens. He could speak no English." The party then set out for the Little Kanawha, where they arrived son the 18th, and remained there until the 24th, when they started on their return up the river. Arriving at Grave creek, they left their canoes and started across the country for Ten Mile creek, on the Monongahela, reaching that place on the 2d of July. After remaining a few days they started to return to the Ohio and resume their journey back to Fort Pitt. We again quote from Jones' journal : "Tuesday, July 14th, in company with Messrs. Clark, Higgins and my interpreter, set out for Fort Pitt; and, as it was some time before the Indians would be at Fort Pitt, took another tour through the deserts to Ohio. Preached on the Lord's day in a cabin near to a creek called Wheeling to about fifteen auditors. In the afternoon, having sent word, a few Indians met me, one of which was Frank Stephens. Having all set down on deerskins presented to us for that purpose by the Indians, addressed them on these subjects, viz : 1. The state in which GOD created man. 2. His fall. 3. The promise of a savior; his coming and sufferings. 4. The work of GOD in renewing our souls to qualify us for heaven, and enabling us to believe on the Savior. On this occasion was very sensible of the great difficulties of speaking on such important subjects to these poor heathens, who were strangers even to the historical accounts thereof." GROWTH OF THE SETTLEMENT AT WHEELING. In the early part of 1774, a year memorable as that of the Dunmore War and the general opening of hostilities between the whites and the Indians, the settlement at Wheeling received considerable and notable accessions to its population, and became moreover a rendezvous— perhaps from its central and favorable location—for those persons who were largely engaged in entering lands on the borders of Kentucky and the Ohio, with reference to its future value when it should come into market. Among these emigrants was Mr. John Caldwell, from Baltimore, who became one of the leading and influential citizens of the place. Capt. Michael Cresap, whose name unfortunately and unjustly became connected with a dastardly outrage which occurred shortly afterwards, also removed to Wheeling in the early part of this year. The son of Colonel Thomas Cresap, of Maryland, who had been well and favorably known as an Indian trader near Fort Cumberland and subsequently at Redstone, through some means became financially involved, and sought to mend his fortunes by new ventures in the West. "Urged by necessity, as well as by a laudable ambition, and allured by the rational and exhilarating prospect before him, he saw, or thought he saw, in the rich bottoms of the Ohio an ample fund, if he succeeded in obtaining a title to those lands, not only to redeem his credit and extricate him from difficulty, but to afford a respectable competency for his rising family. Under this impression, and with every rational prospect of success, early in the year 1774 he engaged six or seven active young men at the rate of £2 10s. per month, and, repairing to the wilderness of the Ohio, commenced the business of building houses and clearing lands and, being among the first adventurers into this exposed and dangerous region, he was enabled to select some of the best and richest of the Ohio levels."* In April of this year, while Cresap was engaged with the party of men in his employ, making improvements on lands he had taken up near Middle Island creek, he received word which put an end to his agricultural experiments. Other traders, surveyors, or "land jobbers" as they were sometimes called, were also, at that time, largely engaged in the same enterprise of improving and taking up, or locating new lands in the vicinity below. Col. Zane and party were at the mouth of the Sandy, and Col. George Rogers Clark, who afterwards became so celebrated in western annals, was with a party of hardy pioneers at the mouth of Little Kanawha, where they had engaged to meet other parties, and, together, descend the river to Kentucky. PRECURSORY EVENTS OF THE DUNMORE WAR. Reports of mischief and danger from the Indians, which were current along the river—claimed as coming from the In- * Jacob's Life of Cresap, p. 49, as quoted by Brantz Mayer. 62 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. dian towns—reached the ears of these pioneers. This decided some of them to remain at home, so that only eighty or ninety assembled at the rendezvous. A small party of hunters, encamped below Clark's emigrants, are stated to have been fired upon by the Indians, which seemed to give some confirmation to the rumors afloat. Accordingly, the whole band was regularly enrolled, and it was determined to attack the Indian town of Horsehead Bottom, on the Scioto, but at that time none of the party was sufficiently experienced in Indian warfare to be willing to assume command of the expedition. Knowing, however, that Michael Cresap was on the river, about 15 miles above, they decided to secure his services as their leader, and despatched a messenger forthwith to bring him down. The messenger met him on his way to the camp, and within a short time a council was called, and very much to their surprise their new leader discouraged the enterprise. He told them that while there were doubtless suspicious circumstances connected with the movements of the savages, yet no war was declared, and if the whites were the aggressors, war would result, and they might be blamed. He advised them all to return to Wheeling, a convenient point to obtain intelligence of what was going forward, and that a few weeks would determine the matter, leaving them ample time—as it was early. spring—if the Indians should prove not to be hostile, to prosecute their settlement in Kentucky. The advice seemed good and was adopted, and in two hours the whole party was under way. Col. Zane and the others engaged in making improvements and locating lands also ascended. the Ohio to Wheeling about the same time. The return of such a large body of settlers and jobbers, together with the flying rumors of impending hostilities, so alarmed the inhabitants of the neighboring country that they flocked into the camp at Wheeling from every direction, refusing all offers of protection from scouting parties if they would return to their plantations. The arrival of these men at Wheeling was soon known at Fort Pitt and the surrounding country, of which, at that time, Virginia claimed jurisdiction. Lord Dunmore's officer, at this post, was the notorious John Connelly, who held the commission of Royal Captain Commandant of West Augusta, comprising all the district of Virginia west of the Blue Ridge. "When Connelly heard of the pioneers approach to Wheeling, he sent a message to the party, informing it that war was to be apprehended, and requesting that it Would remain in position a short time, inasmuch as messages had been sent to the Indians and a few days would solve the doubt. Before a complying answer could reach Fort Pitt, however, a second express arrived from Connelly, addressed to Captain Cresap, apprizing him that the messengers had returned from the Indians, that war was inevitable, that the savage's would strike as soon as the season permitted, and begging him to use his influence with the party to cover the country with scouts until the inhabitants could fortify themselves. This message reached Cresap about the 21st of April, and its reception was the signal for open hostilities against the Indians.* A council was called, and the letter read, and war was formally declared on the 26th of April. "It being reported about this time that a canoe containing two Indians and some traders was coming down the river, and then not far from the place, Captain Cresap proposed taking a party to go up the river and kill the Indians. The project was vehemently opposed by Col. Zane, the proprietor of the place. He stated to the Captain that the killing of those Indians would inevitably bring on a war, in which much innocent blood would be shed, and that the act in itself would be an atrocious murder and a disgrace to his name forever. His good counsel was lost. The party went up the river. On being asked at their return what had become of the Indians, they coolly answered, `they had fallen overboard into the river.' Their canoe, on being examined', was found bloody, and pierced with bullets." † On the same day, or the day afterwards, some canoes of Indians were discovered on the river, keeping under the cover of an island, to screen themselves from observation. They were chased by Captain Cresap and party about fifteen miles down the river to Pipe creek, driven ashore, and, a battle ensuing, three of them were killed and scalped, and some stores and Indian plunder captured. Cresap's party had three men wounded, one of whom died shortly after. This was the first blood shed, and a war inaugurated which brought forth a fearful vengeance. * Brantz Mayer in Logan and Cresap. See also letter of G. R. Clark. † Doddridge. The same night, according to the account of Colonel George Rogers Clark, who was of the party, "On our return to camp a resolution was formed to march next day and attack Logan's camp, on the Ohio, about thirty miles above Wheeling. We actually marched about five miles, and halted to take some refreshments. Here the impropriety of executing the proposed enterprise was argued, the conversation was brought forward by Cresap himself. It was generally agreed that those Indians had no hostile intentions,' as it was a hunting camp, composed of men, women and children with all their stuff with them. This we knew, as I, myself, and others then present had been at their camp about four weeks before that time, on our way down from Pittsburgh. In short, every person present, particularly Cresap, (upon reflection) was opposed to the projected measure. We returned, and on the same evening decamped and took the road to Redstone. It was two days after this that Logan's family was killed, and, from the manner in which it was done, it was viewed as a horrid murder by the whole country."* The camp of Indians, above referred to as "Logan's Camp," was situated close to the mouth of Yellow creek and about 30 miles above Wheeling. Directly opposite was the cabin of Joshua Baker, who sold rum to the Indians, and who consequently had frequent visits from them. Although this encampment had existed here a considerable time, the neighboring whites do not seem to have felt any apprehension of danger from their close proximity. On the contrary, they were known to have their squaws and families with them, and to be simply a hunting camp. The report of Cresap's attack on the two parties of Indians in the neighborhood of Wheeling, having reached Baker's, may have induced the belief, as was subsequently claimed, that the Indians at Yellow creek would immediately begin hostilities in reprisal. Under this pretext Daniel Greathouse and his brothers gathered a party of about twenty men to attack the Indian encampment and capture their plunder. Unwilling to take the risk of an open attack upon them, he determined to accomplish by stratagem what might otherwise prove a disastrous enterprise. Accordingly, the evening before the meditated attack, he visited their camp, in the guise of friendship, and, while ascertaining their numbers and defences, invited them with apparent hospitality to visit him at Baker's, across the river. On his return, he reported the camp as too strong for an open attack, and directed Baker, when the Indians should come over whom he had decoyed, to supply them all the rum, they wanted, and get as many of them drunk as he could. Early in the morning of the 30th. of April, a canoe load of Indians, consisting of eight persons, came over—three squaws, a child, and four unarmed men, one of whom was the brother of Logan, the Mingo chief. Going into Baker's cabin, he offered them rum, which they drank and became excessively drunk—except two men, one of whom was Logan's brother, and one woman, his sister. These refused taking any liquor. No whites, except Baker and two companions, appeared in the cabin. During the visit, it is said by John Sappington, Logan's brother took down a hat and coat belonging to Baker's brother-in-law, put them on, and strutted about, using offensive language to the white man—Sappington. Whereupon, becoming irritated, he siezed his gun and shot the Indian as he went out the door. The balance of the men, who, up to this time, remained hidden, now sallied forth, and poured in a distructive fire, slaughtering most of the party of drunken and unresisting savages. "The woman attempted to escape by flight, but was also shot down; she lived long enough however, to beg mercy for her babe, telling them it was akin to themselves." † Immediately on the firing, two canoes of Indians hurried across the river. They were received by the infuriated whites, who were ranged along the river bank, and concealed by the undergrowth, with a deadly fire which killed two Indians in the first canoe. The other canoe turned and fled. After this two other canoes, containing eighteen warriors, armed for the conflict, came over to avenge their fellows. Cautiously approaching the shore they attempted to land below Baker's cabin. The movements of the Rangers, however, were too quick for them and they were driven off with the loss of one man. They returned the fire of the whites but without effect. The Indian loss was ten killed and scalped by these miscreants including the mother, sister and brother of Logan. * General George Rogers Clarke's statement as quoted in Mayer's Logan and Cresap. See also Appendix. † Statement of Judge Jolly, appendix B. HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 63 This horrible and bloody massacre cast an indelible stain of infamy upon the name of every person in any way connected with it. Cotemporary letters, and chronicles of this event, speak of it as a shameless, and atrocious murder, and as the inciting cause of the terrible war which. followed, accompanied with all those horrid cruelties which savage ferocity could invent. Well knowing the consequences which would follow from this barbarous act when the tidings of it should reach the Indian towns and settlements, the miscreants who had perpetrated it immediately decamped and started for the interior settlements. Judge Jolly states that they "came to Catfish camp (now Washington, Pa.,) on the evening of the next day, where they tarried until the day following. I very well recollect my mother feeding and dressing the babe; chirruping to the little innocent and its smiling. 'However they took it away and talked of sending it to its supposed father, Col. George Gibson, of Carlisle, Pa., who was then, and had been for many years, a trader among the Indians."* A letter published at Philadelphia, May 23, 1774, gives an account of an interview with the Greathouse party on the 3d of May, only three days subsequent to the massacre, from which the following is an extract: "Capt. Crawford and Mr. Neville, of Virginia, from Pittsburgh, informed us that on the 3d inst., on their way there, they met a number of inhabitants moving off their places, and with them a party who produced several Indian scalps, and said they got them as follows "—describing the affair at Baker's Bottom: "Among the unfortunate sufferers was an Indian woman, wife of a white man, one of the traders; and she had an infant at her breast, which these inhuman butchers providentially spared, and took with them. Mr. Neville asked the man who had the infant if he was not near enough to have taken its mother prisoner without killing her? He replied that he was about six feet from her when he shot her exactly in the forehead, and cut the hoppase with which the child's cradle hung at her back; and he thought to have knocked out its brains, but remorse prevented him on seeing the child fall with its mother. This party further informed them that after they had killed these Indians they ran off with their families, and that they thought the whole country was fled, as Cresap, who was the perpetrator of the first offense, was then also on his way to Redstone." † The correspondence of William and Valentine Crawford, with General Washington, recently published from the Washington papers on file in the Department of State, furnishes a graphic picture of the wide-spread consternation and panic among the border settlers, which immediately followed these occurrences. They are a valuable contribution to the history of these events, gathered, as they were, from immediate actors in the tragedy, and within a few days after its occurrence, and they conclusively settle all questions of date and responsibility concerning. the Yellow creek massacre. The Crawfords were the gentlemen to whom Washington had entrusted the survey and sale of his western lands, and they kept him fully advised of everything that happened on the frontier within their knowledge. Subsequently William Crawford became the unfortunate commander of the ill-fated expedition against the Indians of Upper Sandusky, in 1782, perishing horribly amid flames and tortures, such as only savage malignity and barbarity could devise. The correspondence referred to is as follows : WILLIAM CRAWFORD TO WASHINGTON. MAY, 8, 1774. "SIR : " I suppose by this time various reports have reached you. I have given myself some trouble to acquaint myself with the truth of matters ; but there are some doubts remaining as to certain facts ; however, I will give you the best account I can. The surveyors that went down the Kanawha, as report goes, were stopped by the Shawanese Indians, upon which some of the white people attacked some Indians and killed several, took thirty horse-loads of skins near the mouth of Scioto; on which news and expecting an Indian war, Mr. Cresap and some other people fell on some other Indians at the mouth of Pipe creek, killed three and scalped them. Daniel Greathouse and some others fell on some at the mouth of Yellow creek and killed and scalped ten, and took one child about two months old, which is now at my house. I have taken the child from a * Statement of Judge Jolly, Appendix B. † See Appendix A. woman it had been given to. Our inhabitants are much alarmed, many hundreds having gone over the mountain, and the whole country evacuated as far as the Monongahela ; and many on this side of the river are gone over the mountain. In short, a war is every moment expected. We have a council now with the Indians. What will be the event I do not know. " I am now setting out for Fort Pitt at the head of one hundred men. Many others are to meet me there and at Wheeling, where we shall wait the motions of the Indians and shall act accordingly."* * * * * * * * * * VALENTINE CRAWFORD TO WASHINGTON. "JACOB'S CREEK, May 7, 1774. " DEAR SIR : I am sorry to inform you the Indians have stopped all the gentlemen from going down the river. In the first place, they killed one Murphy, a trader, and wounded another; then robbed their canoes. This alarmed the gentlemen very much; and Major Cresap took a party of men and waylaid some Indians in their canoes, who were going down the river, and shot two of them and scalped them. He also raised a party, took canoes and followed some Indians from Wheeling down to the Little Kanawha; when, coming up with them, he killed three and wounded several. The Indians wounded three of his men, only one of whom is dead ; he was shot through, while the others were but slightly wounded. On Saturday last, about 12 o'clock, one Greathouse and about twenty men fell on a party of Indians at the mouth of Yellow creek, and killed ten of them. They brought away one child a prisoner, which is now at my brother William Crawford's." † * * * * * * * * There was formerly some doubt about the exact date of these occurrences, John Sappington stating it from memory many years after the event, dates it on the 24th of May ; Benj. Tomlinson says the 3d or 4th of May, while Col. Ebenezer Zane placed it at the last of April. These discrepancies are now cleared away, and the exact date fixed beyond a peradventure by the letter of Valentine Crawford, as Saturday, April 30th, 1774. There is, however, an error of fact in Valentine Craw-ford's letter, which it may be well to note here. Writing from rumor about Cresap's operations, he fixes one of his actions at Little Kanawha. It should have been Pipe creek or Captina. We append below Col. Zane's statement of these transactions made in reply to inquiries of Hon. John Brown, one of the Senators in Congress from Kentucky: In addition to the murders committed upon the Indians in this immediate vicinity, other outrages were perpetrated further up and down the river. A man named John Ryan killed three Indians., on the Ohio, Monongahela and Cheat rivers. Several were killed at South Branch, while on a friendly visit to that country. This was done by two associates, Henry Judah and Nicholas Harpold. The instances of injustice done to. these children of the forest, were numerous. Among many such at that time, was also the murder of Bald Eagle, an Indian of notoriety, not only among his own nation, but also with the inhabitants of the frontier, with whom he was in the habit of associating and hunting. In one of his visits among them, he was discovered alone and murdered, solely to gratify a most wanton thirst for Indian blood. After the commission of this most outrageous enormity, he was seated in the stern of a canoe, and with a piece of corn cake thrust into his mouth, set afloat on the Monongahela. In this situation he was seen descending the river by several, who supposed him to be as usual returning from a friendly hunt with the whites in the upper settlements, and who expressed some astonishment that he did not stop to see them. The canoe floating near to the shore, below the mouth of George's creek, was observed by a Mrs. Province, who had it brought to the bank, and the friendly, but unfortunate old Indian, decently buried. Not long after the murder of Bald Eagle, another outrage of a similar nature was committed on a peaceful Indian, in the vicinity of, Pittsburgh, for which the person was apprehended and taken to Winchester for trial. But the fury of the populace did not suffer him to remain there awaiting that event. The prison doors were forced, the irons knocked off and he again set at liberty. But the three murders committed upon the Indians above Wheeling, and at Captina and Yellow creek, following so quickly in succession, seem to have been the acts which, more than * Washington-Crawford Letters, edited by C. W. Butterfield, Esq. † Ibid 64 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. all others, goaded the savages to take up the hatchet and precipitate the war for revenge which followed. The whole family of the celebrated, but unfortunate Logan, were comprehended in these massacres, and from the firm and sincere friend of the whites, which he had always been, and the efficient advocate of peace, he was suddenly changed by these lawless acts, into an active, daring, and most desperate enemy. While there can be little doubt that an occasional outrage was committed by Indians along the border prior to the events just narrated,* and that they viewed with suspicion and distrust the large immigration to the new lands in Kentucky, then just opening up for settlement, yet the current opinion of those contemporary with, and having full knowledge of these occurrences, as is witnessed by their correspondence and published statements, strongly indicates that peaceable and friendly relations would have been maintained and the terrible results of the ensuing war avoided, but for these wanton murders by Greathouse and others. Such share of the blame as might attach to Cresap for the killing of the two parties near Wheeling, he always claimed belonged to his superior officer, Dr. Connelly, whose circular letter directed or authorized his conduct in the matter. Among the denunciations against Connelly, published by an indignation meeting held at Pittsburgh June 25, 1774, one specifies this very act. "The distressed inhabitants of this place have just cause to charge their present calamity and dread of an Indian war entirely to the tyrannical and unprecedented conduct of Doctor John Connelly. * * * * * "2d. Michael Cresap, in vindication of his own conduct, alleges that it was in consequence of a circular letter said Connelly directed to the inhabitants on the Ohio that he murdered the Indians," etc. † * * * * * So strongly were the border people impressed with the certainty of retaliation by the Indians, and that a merciless and cruel warfare would soon be waged upon them, that they immediately and spontaneously abandoned their homes. The trails literally swarmed with settlers returning East to the protection of their fortifications. Crawford writes to Washington on the 6th of May, 1774, "I am sorry to inform you that the disturbance between the white people and the Indians has prevented my going down the river," etc. * * "It has almost ruined all the settlers." * * "There were more than one thousand people crossed the Monongahela in one day." ‡ Even flocks and herds were sent off, and, on the 13th May, Crawford writes, "We this day received some cows from Wheeling." § An attempt was made to pacify the Indians. Commissions were sent to propitiate them,  smooth over the difficulties, and arrange for a meeting of chiefs with the authorities at Pittsburgh. In the meantime the panic subsided a little, and some of the settlers returned to their homes to prepare and plant their crops. In Crawford's letter of the 13th of May, he says, " Several of the inhabitants of that part (Wheelng) are gone back and are planting their corn. "David Sheppard, who lives down at Wheeling, moved his family up to my house, but he has gone back himself, and is planting his corn." a The meeting at Fort Pitt was attended by a few Delawares and Senecas, who professed a desire for peace, but the Shawanese and Mingoes did not vouchsafe an appearance, and the wrath of Logan would not be assuaged until he had glutted his vengeance, and appeased the manes of his slaughtered kindred by a hecatomb of victims. b Such were the precursory events of the Dunmore war, whose full details are narrated in a subsequent chapter. The fire, now smouldering, was soon to burst forth in crimson flames along the whole border, only to be quenched in blood. APPENDIX A. AN EARLY ACCOUNT OF THE OUTRAGES. The following document is an account of some of these outrages published in Philadelphia soon after the scenes were en- * See Redstone letter, Appendix C and E. † See Appendix F.  ‡ Washington-Crawford letters.  § Washington-Crawford letters. McKee's Journal, Appendix D, and Washington-Crawford letters a Washington—Crawfords Letters,  b Letter of Devereux Smith—Appendix E. acted, and seems to have a more special bearing on the murder of the two Indians in the canoe above Wheeling than any statement we have seen: " PHILADELPHIA, May 23, 1774. "By intelligence from Pittsburgh of the 1st of May, we learn that about the 26th of April, as one Stevens with two Indians (a Shawanese and a Delaware), were going down the Ohio in a canoe (that had been a few days before robbed by three men and a woman of the Cherokee nation, after they had killed one white man and wounded another), lie discovered a canoe with people near Whaling, coming up the river, which he suspected to be Indians, and strove to avoid them by making to the opposite shore, when they were fired upon twice, and the two Indians in his canoe killed; but he could not perceive who it was that fired, as the enemy lay concealed in the bushes. He then threw himself into the river, and observed the canoe that was coming up to contain white men. He made towards it, and found therein Col. Michael Cresap and some other men, who pretended entire ignorance of his misfortune, although he, the said Stephens declares that, from several circumstances, suspects the murder was committed by persons in confederacy with Cresap, as he had heard him threaten to put every Indian to death he should meet with on the river; and that if he could get a number of men together sufficient for the undertaking he was determined to mark a small Indian village on Yellow creek. " We also learn that Major Macdonald, of Virginia, on his return to Pittsburgh from the Big Kanawha, gives account that a skirmish had happened between some Virginians and Indians, in which some were killed on both sides, which had occasioned the surveyor's and grantees of land from that colony to return ; and that on his way to Pittsburgh, on the 27th of April, he stopped at the house of Colonel Cresap, near Whaling, where one Mahon came and informed him that fourteen Indians, in five canoes, had called at his house going down the river, and asked him for provisions, which he refused, telling them that two of their brethren, the day before, had been killed by the white people, which these Indians heard nothing of be- fore, and proceeded down the river. That upon this news, Cresap collected fifteen men, followed and overtook them at the mouth of a small creek, where they had hauled up the canoes, and were waiting with expectation of being attacked as a consequence of what they had heard. That Cresap, spying the canoes, fired among them, upon which a skirmish ensued, and the Indians retired, after the loss of one man on each side, and left in the canoes sixteen kegs of rum, and some saddles and bridles. "Captain Crawford and Mr. Neville, of Virginia, from Pittsburgh, informed us that about the 3d instant, on their way there, they met a number of inhabitants moving off their places, and with them a party who produced several Indian scalps, and said they got them as follows: That a number of Indians encamped at the mouth of Yellow creek, opposite to which two men named Greathouse and Baker, with some others, had assembled themselves, at a house belonging to the said Baker, and invited two men and two women of the Indians over the river to drink with them, when, after making them drunk, they killed and scalped them ; and two more Indian men came over, who met with the like fate. After which six of their men came over to seek their friends, and on approaching the bank where the white men lay concealed, perceived them and endeavored to retreat back, but received a fire from the shore, which killed two Indians, who fell in the river; two fell dead in the canoe, and a fifth was so badly wounded that he could hardly crawl up the bank.' Among the unfortunate sufferers was an Indian woman, wife of a white man, one of the traders; and she had an infant at her breast, which these inhuman butchers providentially spared and took with them. Mr. Neville asked the man who had the infant if he was not near enough to have taken its mother prisoner without killing her? He replied that he was about six feet from her when he shot her exactly in the forehead, and cut the hoppase with which the child's cradle hung at her back; and he thought to have knocked out its brains, but remorse prevented him, on seeing the child fall with its mother.* This party further informed them that after they had killed these Indians they ran off with their families, and that they thought the whole country was fled, as Cresap, who was the perpetrator of the first offence, was then also on his way to Redstone." * This woman was Logan's sister. The child was afterwards taken to the house of William Crawford. See Washington-Crawford letters. HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 765 APPENDIX B. A PERSONAL RECOLLECTION OF THE YELLOW CREEK MASSACRE. The following statement of the murder of Logan's family and the other Indians at the mouth of Yellow creek, is a personal recollection from the pen of Judge Jolley, who was for many years a resident of Washington county, Ohio, and who saw the Greathouse party the day after the unfortunate affair. It was first published in Silliman's journal in 1836: " I was about sixteen years of age, but I very well recollect what I then saw, and the information that I have since obtained, was derived from (I believe) good authority. In the spring of the year 1774, a party of Indians encamped on the northwest of the Ohio, near the mouth of the Yellow creek. A party of whites, called 'Greathouse's party,' lay on the opposite side of the river. The Indians came over to the white party, consisting, I think, of five men and one woman, with an infant. The whites gave them rum, which three of them drank, and in a short time they became very drunk. The other two men and the woman refused to drink. The sober Indians were challenged to shoot at a mark, to which they agreed ; and as soon as they emptied their guns, the whites shot them down. The woman attempted to escape by flight, but was also shot down ; she lived long enough, however, to beg mercy for her babe, telling them that it was a kin to themselves. The whites had a man in the cabin, prepared with a tomahawk for the purpose of killing the three drunken Indians, which was immediately done. The party of men then moved off for the interior settlements, and came to 'Catfish camp' on the evening of the next day where they tarried until the day following. I very well recollect my mother feeding and dressing the babe; chirruping to the little innocent, and its smiling. However, they took it away, and talked of sending it to its supposed father, Col. George Gibson, of Carlisle, Pa., ‘who was then, and had been for many years, a trader among the Indians.’ The remainder of the party at the mouth of Yellow creek, finding that their friends on the opposite side of the river were massacred, attempted to escape by descending the Ohio; and, in order to prevent being discovered by the whites, passed on the west side of Wheeling Island and landed at Pipe creek, a small stream that empties into the Ohio a few miles below Grave creek, where they were overtaken by Cresap with a party of men from Wheeling.* They took one Indian scalp, and had one white man (Big Tarrener) badly wounded. They, I believe, carried him in a litter from Wheeling to Redstone. I saw the party on their return from their victorious campaign. The Indians had for some time before these events thought themselves intruded upon by the Long Knife,' as they at that time called the Virginians, and many of them were for war.. "'However, they called a council, in which Logan acted a conspicuous part. He admitted their grounds of complaint, but at the same time reminded them of smile aggressions on the part of the Indians, and that by a war they could but harrass and distress the frontier settlements for a short time; that the "Long Knife" would conic like the trees in the woods, and that ultimately they should be driven from the good lands which they now possessed. He therefore strongly recommended peace. To him they all agreed; grounded the hatchet, and everything wore a tranquil appearance, when behold the fugitives arrived from Yellow creek, and reported that Logan's father, brother and sister were murdered! Three of the nearest and dearest relations of Logan had been massacred by white men. The consequence was, that this same Logan, who a few days before was so pacific, raised the hatchet with a declaration. that he would not ground it until he had taken ten for one, which I believe he completely fulfilled, by taking thirty scalps and prisoners in the summer of 1774. The above has often been related to me by several persons who were at the Indian towns at the time of the council. alluded to, and also when the remains of the party came in from Yellow creek. Thomas Nicholson in particular, has told me the above and much more. Another person (whose name I cannot recollect) informed me that he was at the towns when the Yellow creek Indians came in, and that there was great lamentations by all the Indians of that place. Some friendly Indians advised him to leave the Indian settlements, which he did. Could any rational person believe * Cresap did not live at Wheeling, but happened to be there at that time with a party of men, who had, with himself, just returned from an exploring expedition down the Ohio, for the purpose of selecting and appropriating lands (called in the West " locating lands ") along the river in choice situations ; a practice at that early day very common, when Virginia Claimed both sides of the stream, including what is now the State of Ohio.—Hildreth. 9-B. & J. COS. at the for a moment that the Indians came to Yellow creek with hostile intentions, or that they had any suspicion of similar intentions on the part of the whites, against them? Would five men have crossed the river, three of them become in a short time dead drunk, while the other two discharged their guns, and thus put themselves entirely at the mercy of the whites ; or would they have brought over a squaw with an infant pappoose, if they had not reposed the utmost confidence in the friendship of the whites ? Every person who is at all acquainted with Indians knows better, and it was the belief of the inhabitants who were capable of reasoning on the subject that all the depredations committed on the frontiers, by Logan and his party, in 1774, were as a retaliation for the murder of Logan's friends at Yellow creek. It was well known that Michael Cresap had no hand in the massacre at Yellow creek." APPENDIX C. LETTERS AND DOCUMENTS ON THE INDIAN OUTRAGES. In addition to Doddridge's account of the causes which led to the Dunmore war we herewith present an extract from a letter dated at Redstone, October, 1774, which will be found in the American Archives, vol. 1, page 1016: " It will not be improper to investigate the cause of the Indian war which broke out in the spring, before I give you a sketch of the history of the expedition which his Excellency Lord Dunmore, has carried on successfully against the Shawanese, one of the richest, proudest, and bravest of the Indian nations. In order to do this, it is necessary to look back as far as the year 1764, when Colonel Bouquet made peace with that nation. The Shawanese never complied with the terms of that peace; they did not deliver up the white prisoners; there was no lasting impression made upon them by a stroke from the troops employed against them that campaign; and they barely acquiesced in some articles of the treaty by command of the Six Nations. The Red Hawk, a Shawanese chief, insulted Colonel Bouquet with impunity; and an Indian killed the Colonel's foot-man the day after the peace was made. This murder not being taken notice of, gave rise to several daring outrages committed immediately after. In the year following, several murders were committed by the Indians on New river; and soon after, several men employed in the service of Wharton and Company, were killed on their passage to Illinois, and the goods belonging to the company carried off. Sometime after this outrage, a number of men employed to kill meat for the garrison of Fort Chartres, were killed, and their rifles, blankets, &c., carried to the Indian. towns. These repeated hostilities and outrages being committed with impunity, made the Indians bold and daring. Although it was not the Shawanese alone that committed all these hostilities, yet, letting one nation pass with impunity, when mischief is done, inspires the rest of the tribes with courage; so that the officers commanding his Majesty's troops on the Ohio at that time, not having power or spirit to pursue the Indians, nor address to reclaim them, mischief became familiar to them; they were sure to kill and plunder whenever it was in their power, and indeed they panted for an opportunity. It is probable you will see Lord Dunmore's speech to some chiefs of the Six Nations, who waited on his Lordship; it mentions the particular murders and outrages committed by them every year successively, since they pretended to make peace with Colonel Bouquet. The most recent murders committed by the Indians before the white people began to retaliate, were that of Captain Russell's son, three more white men, and two of his negroes, on the 15th of October, 1773; that of a Dutch family on the Kanawha, in June of the same year; and one Richard, in July following; and that of Mr. Hogg and three white men, on the Great Kanawha, early in April 1774. Things being in this situation, a message was sent to the Shawanese, inviting them to a conference, in order to bury the tomahawk and brighten the chain of friendship. They fired upon the messengers, and it was with difficulty they escaped with their lives. Immediately on their return, letters were written by some gentlemen at Fort Pitt, and dispersed among the inhabitants on the Ohio, assuring them that a war with the Shawanese was unavoidable, and desiring them to be on their guard, as it was uncertain where the Indians would strike first. In the mean time, two men, of the names of Greathouse and Baker, sold some rum near the mouth of Yellow creek, and with them some Indians got drunk, and were killed. Lord Dunmore has 66 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. ordered that the manner of their being killed be inquired into. Many officers and other adventurers who were down the Ohio, in order to explore the country and have lands surveyed, upon receiving the above intelligence, and seeing the letters from the gentlemen at Fort Pitt, thought proper to return. Captain Michael Cresap was one of these gentlemen. On their return to the river, they fell in with a party of Indians and being apprehensive that the Indians were preparing to attack them, as appeared by their maneuvers, the white people being the smallest number, thought it advisable to have the advantage of the first fire, whereupon they engaged, and after ex- changing a few shots, killed two or three Indians and dispersed the rest; hostilities being then commenced on both sides, the matter became serious." APPENDIX D. EXTRACT TAKEN FROM ALEXANDER M'KEE, ESQR'S., JOURNAL OF TRANSACTIONS WITH THE INDIANS AT PITTSBURGH, &C., FROM THE 1ST OF MAY TO THE 10TH OF JUNE, 1774. May 1st, 1774. Information having been given that sundry depredations had been committed upon several Indian parties ring down the river from this place (Pittsburgh) by the white inhabitants settled upon the Ohio, near Wheeling and Yellow creek, the following message was dispatched to King Custaloga, Captains White Eyes, Pipe and such other chiefs as were most contiguous to this place : "Brethren : We are under the necessity, from some disagreeable intelligence which we have just received, of calling upon your immediate attendance at this place, where we shall have some things of importance to communicate to you, which intimately concerns the welfare of us both ; this will be sufficient, we expect, to induce your speedy appearance here, as delays upon those occasions may be attended with the most dangerous consequences." A string of white wampum. 3d. A meeting held at Col. Croghan's house, at which was present Captain Connelly, the commandant of the militia, and several inhabitants of Pittsburgh, with Kuyashuta, the White Mingo, and a deputation of Six Nation Indians, who were here upon their way with speeches from Sir William Johnson to the Huron and Wabash confederacy. "Brethren : We are sorry to inform you that we have lately received accounts of some outrages being committed upon several of your people going down. the Ohio by some ill-disposed white persons settled upon it, and we take the earliest opportunity of making you acquainted with what we have heard in order to convince you that we discountenance so barbarous a breach of our friendship with you ; and we can assure you that it has not been done with the intent or knowledge of the government; and we make no doubt your brother, the Governor of Virginia, when he becomes fully acquainted with the circumstances of the unhappy loss you have sustained in so many of your people, that he and his wise men will fall upon the most salutary measures of doing you every justice that can be expected. In the meantime, we have to recommend to you in the most earnest manner your affording every assistance in your power to accommodate this unfortunate breach which has happened, as you must be sensible that a general difference between us must be attended with the greatest calamity on both sides." A belt of wampum. APPENDIX E. The following letter from Devereux Smith, dated at Pittsburgh, and found in the Pennsylvania archives, adds to the accumulation of documents upon the subject : DEVEREUX SMITH TO DR. WM. SMITH, OF PHILADELPHIA. PITTSBURGH, June 10th, 1774. SIR :-I returned to this place the 11th of May, and found my family in the greatest confusion, owing to the appearance of an Indian war and the tyrannical treatment they received from Dr. Connelly, in my absence. Before I was illegally taken from my family the 10th of April, I understood from the Shawanese chiefs at a council with Mr. McKee, the Indian agent under Sir William Johnson, that they were very much dissatisfied at the rapid progress the Virginians had made down the Ohio in settling the lands below ti purchase, viz : below Scioto river, which they looked upon as great encroachment on their liberties and properties. The also expressed their surprise to see a number of armed me assembled at this place with their colors, at different firm making a warlike appearance, and said that after the fir muster of the 25th of January, some of the military fired their camps near the mouth of the Saw Mill run. These Shawanese chiefs were sent for by Mr. Croghan, last summer, and came here the 25th of December, and remained till the first of April, during which time they often complaine to the inhabitants of this place that Mr. Croghan had sent fc them to do business, and kept them in great distress for want c provisions and clothing, upon which the inhabitants were a some expense supplying them during their stay, and whe they were going home made a collection of goods for them in order to send them off satisfied. On the 15th of April Mr. William Butler sent off a canoe loaded with goods for the Shawanee town, and on the 16th it was attacked about forty miles from here by three Cheroke Indians, who had waylaid them on the river bank. The killed one white man and wounded another, and a third mad his escape; they plundered the canoe of the most valuable par of the cargo and made off; but, as they were Cherokees, w were sure they did this for the sake of plunder alone, therefore thought no more of it than the loss. As Mr. Butler was unde the necessity of sending people to assist in bringing his pelts from the Shawanee town, he sent off another canoe on the 24t1 of April in care of two Indians who were well known to b good men, and two white men. On the 27th, about ninety miles from here, they were fired upon from the shore and boti the Indians were killed by Michael Cresap and a party he hat with him. They also scalped the Indians. Mr. Cresap the] immediately followed the above mentioned Shawanese chief some small distance lower down where they were encamped and fired upon them, killed one and wounded two more. The Indians fled to the Delaware towns, which were the nearest and are greatly exasperated at this treatment, as they did no expect any such thing from the English. About that sam time a party headed by one Greathouse, barbarously murderer and scalped nine Indians at the house of one Baker, near Yellow creek, about fifty-five miles down the river. Owing to these cruelties committed by Cresap and Great house, the inhabitants of Raccoon and Weiling* fled from tha settlement, and are chiefly gone to Virginia. After Cresap ha( been guilty of these cruelties he returned to Maryland, but ha since come back with a party of men. Cresap wrote to Con nelly and Mr. M'Kee, threatening that if they did not give him security that the Indians would not do any mischief fo six months, that he, Cresap, would immediately proceed ti commit further hostilities against the Indians. About the 21s of April, Connelly wrote a letter to the inhabitants of Weiling that he had been informed by good authority that the Shawanese were ill disposed towards the white men, and that he therefore required and commanded them to hold themselves in readiness to repel any insults that might be offered by them. This letter fell into the hands cif Cresap, and he says that it was in .consequence of this letter and the murders committed by the Cherokees on Mr. Butler's people that he committed the hostilities above mentioned. I am informed that the 6th of May, Mr. Croghan sent Capt. White-Eyes, of the Indian chiefs, in company with some of our traders to acquaint the Shawanese and Delawares that the outrages had been committed by some of our ill disposed people and without the least countenance from the government. This Indian promised to use his best endeavors to accommodate matters, and returned here the 24th of May and brought with him ten white men, who had been protected by the Delawares eight days in their towns, and guarded safe to this place. He also brought a speech from the Delawares, from which we have great reason to believe they are not inclined for war; we also believe that they will endeavor to preserve the lives of the traders that are now amongst the Shawanese; he had also brought from the Shawanese chief, called the Hardman, an answer to a speech sent to them by Mr. Croghan, upon this occasion, in which he signifies that the Shawanese are all warriors, and will not listen to us until they have satisfaction of us for what injuries they have received from the Virginians. White-Eyes informs us that a Mingo man called Logan, whose family had been murdered in the number, had raised a party to cut off the Shawanee town traders, at the canoe bottom * Wheeling. HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 67 at Hawkhawkin (Hockhocking) creek, where they were pressing their peltry; but we have heard since that the Shawanese have taken them under their care until matters are further settled; but God knows what fate they have met with. We hope they are all alive, and, if they be so, they have a chance to come in if the outrageous behavior of the Virginians does not prevent them. The 6th of this month we had account from Muddy creek, which empties into the river Monongahela near Cheat river; that the Indians had killed and scalped one man, his wife and three children, and that three more of the same man's children were missing. It has since been confirmed. We suppose this to be Logan's party, and that they will do more mischief before they return. About the 20th of May one Campbell, lately from Lancaster, was killed and scalped, near New- comerstown, and one Proctor at Weiling, by a party of Shaw- anese and Mingoes. The Virginians in this part of the country seemed determined to make war with the Indians, at any rate the one-half of this country is returned already to all intents and purposes, which a few months ago was in a flourishing way. Connelly has embodied upwards of one hundred men and will have this fort in good order in a short time. He is gathering in all the provisions he possibly can get from the country, which he says will be paid by the government of Virginia. The militia have by Connelly's orders, shot down the cattle and hogs belonging to the inhabitants as they please. They also press horses, and take by force any part of our property they think proper; and tell us that they have authority so to do, therefore, you may judge our situation at present. Before I returned from Virginia, about the 5th of May, Mr. Connelly sent an armed guard of men to my house, who attempted to take away a quantity of blankets and bags by force. Mr. William Butler, who lived at my house at that time, had a great dispute with them in defence of my property, and put them out with great difficulty, on which they complained to Connelly, who immediately dispatched a party of twelve men to the house in order to put their villainous scheme in execution, on which my wife locked her doors. Connelly came at the same time, began to abuse Mr. Butler and my wife. He also threatened to send Mr. Butler to Virginia in irons, and take every farthing's worth of property from him, damned my wife, telling her the same time that he would let her know that he commanded here, &c., &c., &c. On the 27th day of May, Mr. McKee and I rode out about seven miles from town, and on our return were met on the road by a man from Mrs. McKee, who came to tell us that Connelly had sent a party of men to pull down Mr. McKee's house. When we came home, we found a guard of six armed men pulling down two out-houses in Mr. McKee's back yard; he ordered them to desist, saying that he would defend his people at the risk of his life; Connelly which the men agreed to wait until we would talk to M onnelly about the matter. We walked toward the fort with that intention, but were met by one Aston (a captain of Connelly's), at the head of about thirty armed men, followed by Connelly. Aston approached, and in a blasphemous manner accosted Mr. McKee, ordering the Virginia sheriff to seize him. Upon which the sheriff; Aston and several others seized him in a violent manner. Aston presenting a rifle at Mr. McKee, threatened to shoot him down, which some of the by-standers prevented. Connelly came up at the same time, in a great rage, telling Mr. McKee that he would send him to Virginia in irons. He endeavored to expostulate with him, but all to no purpose, but told him that he would tear down his dwelling house if he thought proper. He also accused Mr. McKee with being refractory on many occasions, and a fomenter of sedition, &c., &c., in opposition to the colony of Virginia, and that he had encouraged his servants to abuse one of his men, who was then present, calling the man to prove what he had asserted, but the man cleared Mr. McKee and his servants, saying that it was a man of Mr. Spear's who had struck him. Connelly being then confuted before upwards of sixty persons, said it was all as one of the magistrate's servants. Aston attempted to run the muzzle of his gun at Mr. McKee's face, but was prevented. In the meantime Connelly suffered a foresworn rascal (one Riely) to shake a stick at Mr. McKee, and abuse him in an outrageous manner, without bringing him to an account for so doing. In this manner Connelly enforces all his laws. On the seventh of this month, one Christy returned to this place from Williamsburg, and brought Connelly a packet from Lord Dunmore; he also brought some late newspapers, in which we had an account of the House of Burgesses being dissolved by Lord Dunmore. It happened that Mr. McKee told this news to a neighbor man, and that same evening Connelly came to his house, accompanied by one of his officers, and began to abuse him in a most blasphemous and outrageous manner, accusing him of being the cause of a meeting amongst his men, and alleged that he had asserted that there was no provision made by the House of Burgesses for the payment of the men under his command. Connelly continued to threaten Mr. McKee with confinement. He read a paragraph of a letter to us, in which Lord Dunmore acquaints him of the commissioners from Philadelphia being at Williamsburg, and that the proposals they made in regard to a temporary line, were so extravagant that nothing could be done in it; but that Connelly might settle a line at present with the magistrates of this country, allowing it to be twelve or at least ten miles east of this place. We told him that no magistrate in this country could pretend to do anything of the kind, without instructions from the government of Pennsylvania. At this time the magistrates had raised a number of men in behalf of the government for the protection of the frontiers, and prevent the country from being entirely depopulated. About thirty of them were stationed at the Bullock Pens, seven miles east of this town. Connelly told us that he was determined to go or send out a party the next day to dispossess our men of that post, and if they did not behave themselves he would not suffer one Pennsylvanian to live on this side of Laurel Hill. "12th. Mr. Connelly proposed to march from this place tomorrow with' 200 men, to build a stockade fort at Wheeling creek, and another near Hawkhawkin creek, and says he will send parties at the same time against the Shawanese towns; and I am of opinion that they will make no distinction between Shawanese and Delawares, as they are determined to have a general war. " Mr. Croghan has set off this morning to Williamsburg, as he says, to represent the state of this country to Lord Dunmore and council, as also to acquaint them of Mr. Connelly's rash .conduct at this place, which he seems to disapprove of. "We are this day informed, that the three children before mentioned that were missing near Muddy creek, were found dead and scalped; and two other men in sight of a fort that was lately built on Dunkard creek, up the river Monongahela, all supposed to be done by Logan's party. " The inhabitants of the town are busily employed in stockading it round about, yet we have no reason to expect anything better than ruin and destruction. " Mr. McKee wrote to Governor Penn, from Stormtown, the 5th of May, informing him of our enlargement; I also wrote to you and Dr. Smith, at the same time; but these letters were since returned to us here by Col. Wilson, as also the Governor's letter, which we have answered. I would be glad to hear the candid opinion of the Governor and council, concerning these extraordinary disturbances. " I am, sir, your most obliged and humble servant, "DEVEREUX SMITH." "To Dr. WILLIAM SMITH." APPENDIX F. INDIGNATION MEETING AT PITTSBURGH. On the 25th of June, 1774, an indignation meeting was held by the citizens of Pittsburgh in consequence of the conduct of Dr. Connelly, who was commandant of the place, under Lord Dunmore, and among other proceedings the following remarks were made : "PITTSBURGH, PITTSBURGH, June 25, 1774. "The distressed inhabitants of this place, have just cause to charge their present calamity and dread of an Indian war, entirely to the tyrannical and unprecedented conduct of Dr. John Connelly, whose designs (as we conceive) is to better his almost desperate circumstances, upon the distress of the public, and the ruin of our fortunes, as will appear from the following facts: 1st. On the 25th day of January last, a number of disorderly persons assembled themselves here, in consequence of his advertisements, as militia, who, when dispersing, wantonly or maliciously fired upon some friendly Indians in their huts, on the Indian shore, which conduct, together with so unexpected an appearance of so many people in arms at a time that they expected no hostile intention on our part, greatly alarmed them, as appeared by a complaint made by them at, a council with Alexander McKee, Esq., Indian agent, and some of the inhabitants of this place, a few days after. 68 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. "2d. Michael Cresap, in vindication of his own conduct, alleges that it was in consequence of a circular letter said Connelly directed to the inhabitants on the Ohio that he murdered the Indians, and that in a manner, that savage ferocity could scarcely equal, and in cold blood, without the least provocation, amongst whom were some Delawares, that had been employed by Mr. William Butler to carry goods, and hand to the relief of his brother, who was at that time in the Indian country, all of which property they have been deprived of to a considerable amount; also, every part of said Connelly's conduct to our friendly Indians, convinces us that he means to force them to war, as he both refuses to protect, and endeavors to murder those that, at the risk of their lives, came with our traders to protect them, and to deliver assurances of their friendship to the public, which can be produced if required." DODDRIDGE'S ACCOUNT. The following is Doddridge's account of the precursory events to the Dunmore campaign : "In the month of April, 1774, a rumor was circulated that the Indians had stolen several horses from some land jobbers on the Ohio and Kanawha rivers. No evidences of the fact having been adduced leads to the conclusion that the report was false. This report, however, induced a pretty general belief that the Indians were about to make war upon the frontier settlements, but for this apprehension there does not appear to have been the slightest foundation. In consequence of this apprehension of being attacked by the Indians, the land jobbers ascended the river, and collected at Wheeling. On the 27th of April it was reported in Wheeling that a canoe containing two Indians and some traders was coming down the river and then not far from the place. On hearing this the commandant of the station, Captain Cresap, proposed taking a party to go up the river and kill the Indians. This project was vehemently opposed by Colonel Zane, the .proprietor of the place. He stated to.the captain that the killing of those Indians would inevitably bring on a war, in which much innocent blood would be shed, and that the act itself would be an atrocious murder, and a disgrace to his name forever. His good counsel was lost. The party went up the river. On being asked, at their return, what had become of the Indians ? they coolly answered that They had fallen overboard into the river!" Their canoe, on being examined, was found bloody and pierced with bullets. This was the first blood which was shed in this war, and terrible was the vengeance which followed. "In the evening of the same day, the party hearing that there was an encampment of Indians at the mouth of Captina, went down the river to the place, attacked the Indians and killed several of them. In this affair one of Cresap's party was severely wounded. "The massacre at Captina, and that which took place at Baker's, about forty miles above Wheeling, a few days cater that at Captina, were unquestionably the sole causes of the war of 1774. The last perpetrated by thirty-two men, under the command of Daniel Greathouse. The whole number killed at this place and on the river opposite to it was twelve, besides several wounded. This horrid massacre was effected by an hypocritical statagem which reflects the deepest dishonor on the memory of those who were agents in it. " The report of the murders committed on the Indians near Wheeling induced a belief that they would immediately commence hostilities, and this apprehension furnished the pretext for the murder above related. The ostensible object for raising the party under Greathouse was that of defending the family of Baker, whose house was opposite to a large encampment of Indians at the mouth of Yellow creek. The party were concealed in ambuscade while their commander went over the river, under the mask of friendship, to the Indian camp to ascertain their number. While there an Indian woman advised him to return home speedily, saying that the Indians were drinking and angry on account of the murder of their people down the river, and might do him some mischief. On his return to his party he reported that the Indians were too strong for an open attack. He returned to Baker's and requested him to give any Indians who might come over in the course of the day as much rum as they might call for, and get as many of them drunk as he possibly could. The plan succeeded. Several Indian men, with two women, came over the river to Baker's, who had previously been in the habit of sell- ing rum to the Indians. The men drank freely and became intoxicated. In this state they were all killed by Greathouse and a few of his party. I say "a few of his party," for it is but justice to state that not more than five or six of the whole number had any participation in the slaughter at the house. The rest protested against it as an atrocious murder. From their number being by far the majority they might have prevented the deed; but, alas! they did not. A little Indian girl alone was saved from the slaughter .by the humanity of some one of the party, whose name is not known. "The Indians in the camps, hearing the firing at the house, sent a canoe with two men in it to inquire what had happened. These two Indians were both shot down as soon as they landed on the beach. A second larger canoe was then manned with a number of. Indians in arms, but in attempting to reach the shore, some distance below the house, were received by a well-directed fire from the party, which killed the greater number of them and compelled the survivors to return. A great number of shots were exchanged across the river, but without damage to the white party, not one of whom was even wounded. The Indian men who were murdered were all scalped. The woman who gave the friendly advice to the commander of the party when in the Indian camp was amongst the slain at Baker's house. "The massacres of the Indians at Captina and Yellow creek comprehended the whole of the family of the famous but unfortunate Logan, who before these events had been a lover of the whites and a strenuous advocate for peace; but in the conflict which followed them, by way of revenge. for the death of his people, he became a brave and sanguinary chief among the warriors. "The settlers along the frontiers, knowing that the Indians would make war upon them for the murder of their people, either moved off to the interior, or took up their residence in forts. The apprehension of war was soon realized. In a short time the Indians commenced hostilities along the whole extent of our frontiers. "Express was speedily sent to Williamsburg, the then seat of government of the colony of Virginia, communicating intelligence of the Certainty of the commencement of an Indian war. The assembly was then in session, A plan for a campaign for the purpose of putting a speedy conclusion to the Indian hostilities was adopted between the Earl of Dunmore, the governor of the colony, and General Lewis, of Botetourt county. General Lewis was appointed to the command of the southern division of the forces to be employed on this occasion, with orders to raise a large body of volunteers and drafts from the southeastern counties of the colony with all dispatch. These forces were to rendezvous at Camp Union, in the Greenbriar country. The Earl of Dunmore was to raise another army in the northern counties of the colony, and in the settlements west of the mountains and assemble them at Fort Pitt, and from thence descend the river to Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, the place appointed for the junction of the two armies for the purpose of invading the Indian country and destroying as many of their villages as they could reach in the course of the season."  APPENDIX G. AFFIDAVIT OF RICHARD (AFTERWARD GENERAL) BUTLER,. TAKEN BEFORE ARTHUR ST. CLAIR, GIVING AN "ACCOUNT OF THE RISE OF THE INDIAN WAR," 1774. "There is perhaps no more interesting document bearing upon the events of this period than the following affidavit of Richard Butler, taken before Arthur St. Clair, dated August 23d, 1774. St. Clair was at that time a Justice of the Peace of Westmoreland county, Pa., and Butler had been an Indian Agent, and trader among the Shawanese. Both these men afterward became prominent generals in the army, conspicuous in the Revolution, and both were together at the head of the western army for a period subsequently. General Butler descended the Ohio at the head of American forces designed for western service in 1785. In his journal he speaks of having met Col. Ebenezer Zane at Wheeling, and frequently mentions Isaac Zane, who accompanied him as a hunter and scout, to whom he awards special credit for killing deer, bear and buffalo for the sustenance of his troops. In St. Clair's campaign of 1791, Butler was second in command, and was killed in the defeat of November 4th. The affidavit will be found in Pennsylvania archives, vol. IV., page 568, and is as follows: ACCOUNT OF THE RISE OF THE INDIAN WAR, 1774. " As there is many different opinions concerning. the Indian war it is the duty of every well meaning person to declare what HISTORY OF BELM0NT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES. OHIO - 69 they know concerning it, the rise of it, and their opinion with, regard to the intent of the natives. Therefore I do here briefly d- eclare all I know of the matter, likewise the manner that the Shawanese Tribe behaved while I was amongst them, and the treatment their people received while at Pittsburgh, after escorting the property of the different traders to this place. "Firstly. Through the last winter they were as friendly as I have known them this four years past, and in general paid their debts as their ability would admit very well to me. " Secondly. They were preparing for a great summer hunt, which I cannot interpret into any hostile intent by them. " Thirdly. When they heard of my canoe being robbed, and one of my hands killed and one wounded by the Cherokees there was some of the head men and many of the people much concerned for my loss and the mischief done to the people. " Fourthly. When they heard of one of their head men being murdered on the Ohio on his way home from Pittsburgh, it gave some uneasiness to think that one of their head men should be so served; but charged it to the account of some ill-minded people, and seemed to be content that mischief was not the general intent of the English towards them, therefore in their own way they buried his memory with a dance and presents to his name. "Fifthly. A second canoe of mine was attacked, and one Compass, a Delaware Indian shot dead in her, that Mr. Wm. Butler had hired to take his cargo and hands to me; the hands escaped, but my property was all made away with and lost to me, which was to a considerable amount. "Sixthly. The barbarous murder near Yellow creek, on the Ohio, of an Indian family called Logan, alarmed the Shawanese very much, and I think the traders and their people would have suffered by a few of the Mingoes that lived on the Scioto near to the Shawanese were it not for the pacific intent and interposition (I mean the friendly intent of the Shawanese.) "Seventhly. On hearing the news of said murder three Mingo men and one boy, and one of the Shawanese people, the son (as they say of an old negro called Caesar), set off to the Hockhocking with an intent to murder and rob us in revenge; on hearing which the Shawanese head men sent four of their own people and one Mohickon man to preserve us from the danger that threatened us, which they did faithfully ; for when the war party came to our camp they took them in and talked with them, and at length prevailed on them to turn home, which they did, and three of the Shawanese escorted me and one Robt. George to the towns, and the nephew of one of the principal head men and the Mohickon man stayed to preserve the people that stayed with our peltry and horses until our return, which was in about eight days ; but said Mingoes getting drunk on the way home they left us and turned back, and stole some of my horses, which was all they could get done owing chiefly the vigilance of the Shawanese men and two Mingoes called McClelans that we had hired to stay there. " Eighthly. When we were ready to come away the Cornstalk, a head man, sent his brother to escort us all the way to Pittsburgh, although the report of Logan and his party of relations and friends having gone to war had reached the lower towns before we came away, in revenge for the loss of his mother and other relations. One of the above named McClelans, a. Mingo and the Mohickon man came with us, and behaved in a careful, faithful and friendly manner the whole way. The Cornstalk sent a speech, by the advice of several of their head men, addressed to the Governors of Pennsylvania, Virginia and the commandant at Pittsburgh, entreating them to put a stop to any further hostilities, and they would endeavor to .do the same. Ninthly. When we arrived here, the 16th of June, I waited on the commandant, Doctor Connelly, and requested that he might afford protection to the three Friend Indians that had so faithfully protected us, but he positively refused it. A few days after I presented him with the speech and again prayed his protection, but was again refused, and he declared in a very ill-natured manner that he would not speak to them in the presence of Devr. Smith, Esq. "Tenthly. The Sunday following an armed party of near forty men went out, as we were informed, to take these poor Indians, but the traders thought it so horrid an act, and acting in violation of all laws of friendship, with trouble got them away in safety, and made them handsome presents for their friendship and fidelity, and sent them away well satisfied with us. "Eleventhly. We were informed that a party fired upon them near the mouth of Beaver creek, and wounded the Mohickon man, it is thought by one William Lin and his party, who, we are likewise creditably informed, intended to murder and rob the traders as we came up the river. "These facts I think was sufficient to bring on a war with a Christian instead of a savage people, and I do declare it was my opinion that the Shawanese did not intend a war this season, let their future intentions be what they might ; and I do likewise declare that I am afraid from the proceedings of the chief of the white people in this part of the country that they will bring on a general war, as there is so little pains taken to restrain the common people whose prejudice leads them to greater lengths than ought to be shown by civilized people, and their superiors take too little if any pains, and I do think are much to blame themselves in the whole affair. " RICHARD BUTLER. "Sworn and subscribed the 23d of August, 1774, before me, " AR. ST. CLAIR." CHAPTER XII. LOGAN, THE MINGO CHIEF—MURDER OF HIS FAMILY—RETALIATION OF THE SAVAGES AGAINST THE WHITES—LOGAN'S WARFARE AND KINDNESS TO PRISONERS—HIS SPEECH—HIS LATER CAREER AND DEATH—DISCUSSION AND DOCUMENTS IN REFERENCE TO THE SPEECH OF LOGAN, THE MURDER OF HIS FAMILY, AND THE ALLEGED CONNECTION OF CRESAP—THE PAPERS FROM JEFFERSON'S NOTES ON VIRGINIA—OTHER EVIDENCE, LETTERS, AND DOCUMENTS—THE TOMB OF MICHAEL CRESAP. THE massacre of the Indians at Baker's Bottom, opposite A Yellow creek, has long since become an interesting event w in American history, and the eloquent speech in relation thereto attributed to the Indian named Logan, has for many years made the name of that famous chief a household word throughout the land. The speech of Logan, so touching and full of eloquence, had the effect to awaken a sympathy for his wrongs in many American hearts, and this gave rise to considerable discussion at different times in various publications throughout the country. The speech has been quoted and admired, wherever the English language was understood, and the discussions which arose in American books, periodicals, and newspapers exposed the circumstances connected with the murder of these Indians by the lawless whites, and made notorious the atrocious character of the transaction. This involved several questions of importance, notably among them the alleged connection and responsibility of Capt. Michael Cresap, and we propose to devote considerable space to the subject in order to enable every reader considerable space tothe subject in orderto enable every reader the best possible facility for arriving at correct conclusions. In the first place it will be appropriate to give a sketch of the life of this famous Indian. SKETCH OF LOGAN-TAH-GAH-JUTE. The name of Logan, inseparably connected with the later Indian period of the Ohio Valley, was originally identified with the central part of the State of Pennsylvania, embracing the counties of Northumberland, Union, Snyder, Mifflin, Centre and Clinton. Throughout these counties it is perpetuated in the names of townships, villages, streams and mountain gaps through which he had his ancient paths. Logan was a son of the celebrated Cayuga chief, Shikellinny, who dwelt for many years at Shamokin, (now Sunbury, in Northumberland county, Pa.,) having been placed there by the great Iroquois nation to rule over the tribes of other Indians in that region, and was there converted to the Christian religion by the Moravian missionaries. He had his son also baptized, giving him the name by which he was ever afterward known, in honor of James Logan, at that time Secretary of the Province of Pennsylvania. His Indian name was Tah-gah-jute. After reaching manhood Logan made his abode for a while in Kishacoquillas valley, in what is now Mifflin county. The place he selected for his wigwam is a few miles above Lewiston, at what is still known as "Logan's Spring." The following account of the great chief was given in 1842 by William Brown, Esq., one of the first actual settlers of the Kishacoquillas valley, to Hon. R. P. McClay, then member of the Pennsylvania state Senate: 70 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. "The first time I saw that spring," said the old gentleman, "my brother, James Reed and myself had wandered out of the valley in search of land, and, finding it very good, we were looking about for springs. About a mile from this we started a bear, and separated to get a shot at him. I was traveling along, looking about on the rising ground for the bear, when I suddenly came upon the spring; and, being dry and more rejoiced to see so fine a spring than to have killed a dozen bears, I set my rifle against a bush, rushed down the bank, and laid down to drink. Upon putting my head down I saw reflected in the water on the opposite side the shadow of a tall Indian. I sprang to my rifle, when the Indian gave a yell, whether for peace or war I was not just then sufficiently master of my faculties to determine; but, upon seizing my rifle and facing him, he knocked up the pan of his gun, threw out the priming, and extended his open palm toward me in token of friendship. After putting down our guns we again met at the spring and shook hands. This was Logan, the best specimen of humanity I ever met with, either white or red. He could speak a little English, and told me there was another white hunter a little way down the stream, and offered to guide me to his camp. There I first met your father. We remained together in the valley a week, looking for springs and selecting lands, and laid the fouudation of a friendship which never has had the slightest interruption. " We visited Logan at his camp at Logan's Spring,' and he and your father shot at a mark, nearly the whole of one afternoon, at a dollar a shot. Logan lost four or five rounds and acknowledged himself beaten. When we were about to leave him, he went into his hut and brought out as many deer skins as he had lost dollars, and handed them to Mr. McClay, who refused to receive them, alleging that we had been his guests, and did not come to rob him ; that the shooting had only been a trial of skill, and the bet merely nominal. Logan drew himself up with great dignity, and said : We bet to make you shoot your best ; me gentleman, and me take your dollar if me beat.' So he was obliged to take the skins or affront our friend, whose nice sense of honor would not permit him to receive even a horn of powder in return. " The next year," said the old gentleman, " I brought my wife and camped under a big walnut tree on the bank of Tea creek, until I had built a cabin near where the mill now stands. Poor Logan (and the big tears coursed each other down his cheeks) soon after went into the Allegheny, and I never saw him again." The above was confirmed by a daughter of Mr. Brown, and the following added : "Logan supported his family by killing deer, dressing the skins and selling them to the whites. He had sold quite a parcel to a tailor, who dealt extensively in buckskin breeches, receiving his pay in wheat. When this was taken to the mill it was found so worthless that the miller refused to grind it. Logan attempted in vain to obtain redress from the tailor. Failing in this, he took the matter before his friend Brown, then a magistrate, who heard the case and awarded a decision in favor of the chief. A writ was given to Logan to hand to the constable, with the assurance that that would bring the money for the skins. But the untutored Indian could not comprehend by what magic the little paper would force the tailor, against his will, to pay the debt. The magistrate took down his own commission, with the arms of the king upon it, and explained to him the principles and operations of civil law. Logan listened attentively and exclaimed : Law good ! Make rogues pay.' " The following incidents in the life of Logan are gathered from various sources : " When another and a younger daughter of Judge Brown (afterward General Potter's wife,) was just beginning to walk, her mother happened to express her regret that she could not get a pair of shoes to give more firmness to her little step. Logan stood by and said nothing. He soon after asked Mrs. Brown to let the little girl go up and spend the day at his cabin. The heart of the mother was alarmed at the proposition; but she knew the delicacy of an Indian's feelings—and she knew Logan, too—and with secret reluctance, but apparent cheerfulness, she complied with his request. The hours of the day wore very slowly away, it was nearly night, and her little one had not returned. But just as the sun was going down, the trusty chief was seen coming down the path with his charge ; and in a moment more the little one trotted into her mother's arms, proudly exhibiting a beautiful pair of moccasins on her little feet—the product of Logan's skill." Logan left Kishacoquillas valley in 1771, because of the number of whites who had settled in it, and the consequent scarcity of game. He no longer could obtain subsistence for himself and family with his rifle and determined to remove to a country where white settlers were few and game plenty. He came. to the banks of the Ohio, and for a time the curtain drops over his history. It is claimed that he dwelt for a time at the Mingo town, an ancient village of the Senecas, that once stood near the mouth of Cross creek, in what is now Jefferson county, but we have not been able to find anything authentic upon the subject. Heckwelder, the well known Moravian missionary, found him located near the mouth of Big Beaver, and in conversation with him was impressed that he was a person of superior talents. Logan declared his intention to settle on the Ohio below the Big Beaver, where he might live in peace forever with the white men, and Heck welder visited his settlement in 1773, when he received every civility he could expect from the members of his family who were at home. When Logan located near the mouth of Beaver, he was joined by his relatives and some Cayugas from Fort Augusta, who recognized him as their chief, and over whom, and other Indians in the vicinity, he obtained a remarkable influence. In the spring of 1774 we find him and his followers encamped at the mouth of Yellow creek, in Jefferson county. In accordance with the usual custom of the Indians in the spring of the year they had erected their camp and the men were engaged in hunting while the women were making sugar. The massacre of his family*—an event which caused more discussion and comment than any other event in the history of the Ohio Indians—occurred at this time, and was one of the principal causes of the Dunmore war. While Logan was absent with most of the men of his tribe hunting,• a party of armed scouts, without provocation, but by intrigue and the aid of rum, decoyed the Indians from their camp across the river, and there mercilessly attacked and massacreed them, the account of which is fully recorded in the preceding chapter. Logan returned to find the mangled bodies of the slain and wounded. The heart of the noble chief was broken, and if it called for revenge, can the call be wondered at? Hitherto, Logan had observed towards the whites a course of conduct by no means in accordance with the malignity and steadfast implacability which influenced his red brethren generally ; but was, on the contrary, distinguished by a sense of humanity, and a just abhorrence of those cruelties so frequently indicted on the innocent and unoffending, as well as upon those who were really obnoxious to savage enmity. Such, indeed, were the acts of beneficence which characterized him, and so great his partiality for the English, that the finger of his brother would point to his cabin as the residence of Logan, "the friend of white men." In the course of the French war, he had "remained at home, idle and inactive;" opposed to the interference of his nation, "an advocate of peace." It is well established that when he became the enemy of the Europeans, it was because he had been wronged by the unprovoked murder of his brother, sister, and other members of his family. When his family and kindred, therefore, fell before the fury of exasperated men, a feeling of rage arose within his honest breast that had hitherto been unknown to his nature. He felt himself impelled to avenge their deaths; and exchanging the pipe of peace for the tomahawk and scalping knife of war, became active in seeking opportunities to glut his vengeance. Logan buried the bodies of his dead relatives, cared for the wounded, and then, gathering around him the men of his tribe, joined the Shawanese in the war they were commencing on the whites. His revenge was terrible. How many victims were sacrificed to it no earthly record shows. We have seen that he uttered in furious terms a determination to take ten scalps for every one of his own people that were murdered, and it is believed that he fully accomplished his purpose. RETALIATION AND DEPREDATIONS OF THE SAVAGES—LOGAN'S WARFARE—HIS KINDNESS TO PRISONERS. Information having reached Pittsburgh of the depredations committed upon the Indians near Wheeling and Yellow creek, a message was sent by the citizens at that place, at the suggestion of George Croghan, to the chiefs of the Delawares, Six Nations, and such others as were contiguous to the place, for the * Logan's family consisted of his mother, brother, sister and kindred. At that time he was not married. His brother was known by the name of John Petty. His sister was the wife of Gen. John Gibson, then an Indian trader, and the mother of the child which was spared in the massacre at Baker's, and afterward taken to the house of Col. Wm. Crawford. (See letter to Washington.) The child prisoner being Logan's niece, it follows that his relatives were not all killed. HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 71 purpose of holding a conference with them and avoid a war. In a few days a number of chiefs arrived, among whom were representatives of the Six Nations, Delawares, Shawanese, and other nations. After condoling with them, strenuous efforts were made to reconcile them to the wrongs that had been committed against them, and a general desire was expressed by the chiefs in attendance for the continuance of peace. But the conference failed to accomplish the desired object with the savages in consequence of the influence of Logan. His wrath was kindled to such a degree that he could not be appeased with words. He must avenge the loss of his kindred, and could not be changed from his purpose. After the Indian outbreak became imminent, preparation was immediately made by Virginia to raise an army, and an advance force was to be sent as quickly as possible from Wheeling to strike the Indian towns before the tribes could concentrate in great numbers for offensive hostilities. But before this force could be raised small parties of the savages appeared along the frontier at various points and applied the tomahawk, the scalping knife, and the torch with relentless fury. One of the first of these bands which penetrated and struck terror into Northwestern Virginia was a party of eight Indians led by Logan. At the head of this party he traversed the country from the Ohio to the West Fork before an opportunity is said to have afforded him any great achievement of mischief. On account of their distance from what was supposed would be the theatre of war, the inhabitants of that section felt completely secure, and seemed to possess little apprehension for their safety. Relying on the expectation that the first blow would be struck on the Ohio, and that they would have sufficient notice of this to prepare for their own security before danger could reach them, many had continued to perform the ordinary work of their farms without interruption. But terrible was the alarm when the first blow was struck by the enraged Logan and his savage followers. A reference is made to the first depredations by the Indians in the subjoined LETTER OF WILLIAM CRAWFORD TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. "SPRING GARDEN, June 8, 1774. "DEAR SIR: I received your letter by Mr. Christy dated 27th of May, and I am sorry you seem to be in confusion as well as us, as that renders our case more deplorable. Saturday last we had six persons killed on Dunkard's creek, about ten miles from the mouth of Cheat river, on the west side of the Monongahela, and there are three missing. On Sunday a man who left a party is supposed to be killed, as he went off to hunt some horses, and five' guns were heard go off. The horse he rode away returned to the house where the party was. They Set out in search of enemies, found the man's coat, and saw a number of tracks, but could not find the man. Our whole country is in forts, what is left; but the major part is gone over the mountain. With much ado I have prevailed on about a dozen of families to join me in building a fort over against my house, which has been accomplished with much difficulty and a considerable expense to me. Valentine Crawford has built another at the same rate. "It was with great difficulty any could be prevailed upon to stay, such was the panic that seized the people. If something is not done, I am much afraid the whole country must fall into the hands of the enemy. The' Delawares seem to be on our side as yet, but on them there is not much dependence. I believe an Indian war is unavoidable. I have been on a scouting party as low as Grave creek since Mr. Johnston went down to Williamsburg, but could see no signs of any parties. However, as soon as I returned, a party crossed the river that did that mischief. Fort Pitt is blockaded, and the inhabitants of the town are about picketing it in. They have about one hundred men fit for arms in town and fort, which I do not think sufficient to protect those places." Valentine Crawford also wrote Washington on the 8th of June, from Jacob's creek, from which we make the following extract relative to Indian depredations that had just been committed : "On Sunday evening, about four miles over Monongahela, the Indians murdered one family, consisting of six, and took two boys prisoners. At another place they killed three, which makes, in the whole, nine and two prisoners. If we had not had forts built there would not have been ten families left this side of the mountains besides what are at Fort Pitt. We have sent out scouts after the murderers, but we have not heard that they have fallen in with them yet. We have at this time at least three hundred men opt after the Indians, some of whom have gone down to Wheeling, and 1 believe some have gone down as low as the Little Kanawha. I am in hopes they will give the savages a storm, for some of the scouting company say they will go to their towns but they will get scalps." On the same day Valentine Crawford again wrote Washington as follows : "JACOB'S CREEK, June 8, 1774. "DEAR SIR :—Since I just wrote you, an account of several parties of Indians being among the inhabitants has reached us. Yesterday they killed and scalped one man in sight of the fort on the Monongahela—one of the inmates. There were two men sworn that they yesterday saw thirty Indians. These then met about thirty of the scouts some five miles from the place where tile savages were seen. The scouts immediately pursued them, but we have not heard further of them. The party that murdered the family, about which I wrote you in my other letter, was followed by a young man that Connelly appointed a lieutenant, with a party of about thirty men. They overtook the Indians, released some prisoners, and recovered sixteen horses and a good deal of plunder the savages had taken from people's houses, but they killed no Indians. "There have been several parties of savages seen within these two or three days, and all seem to be making toward the Laurel hill, or mountain. For that reason the people are afraid to travel the road by Gist's, but go a nigh way by Indian creek, or ride in the night.* My brother and I have concluded to take all your men and servants into pay as militia, and keep our ground until we can get help from below.† Your letter, which I have shown to several people, has been of infinite service to us, as it encourages many people to stand their ground in hopes of relief—from what you wrote. But there is one unhappy circumstance : our country is very scarce of ammunition and arms. I have, therefore, taken the liberty to write to you to get me two quarter-hundred casks of powder and send them as far as Ball's Run to my mother's, ‡ or Colonel Samuel Washington's or Keyes' ferry, where I can get them up here by pack-horses. I want no lead, as we have plenty." The depredations referred to in the foregoing letters were the work of a party of savages headed by Logan. With a party of Mingoes and Shawanese from Wakatomica, an Indian town on the Muskingum, near the present town of Dresden, Ohio, Logan at this time was attacking the settlements on Ten-mile, Dunkard, Whitely and Muddy creeks—western tributaries of the Monongahela, in what was then considered by them as Virginia territory. Up to the last of June, 1774, they had taken sixteen scalps in all—when the wrath of Logan, for the killing of his relatives, was somewhat appeased, but he soon appeared again upon the war-path. In a letter from Arthur St. Clair to Governor John Penn, of Pennsylvania, dated June 22, 1774, (see vol iv. Penn Archives) is the following post-script : " Logan is returned with thirteen scalps and a prisoner, and says he will now listen to the chiefs." A letter from Ænas Mackay to Joseph Shippen, dated July 8, 1774, (see Penn Archives, vol. iv. p. 541) contains the following : " We have no room to doubt that Dr. Connelly, by order of Lord Dunmore, sent a speech to the Shawanese, importing that Logan and his party be immediately delivered up, with the three prisoners that he had taken." "On the 12th day of July,§ as William Robinson, Thomas Hellen and Coleman Brown were pulling flax in a field opposite the mouth of Simpson's creek, Logan and his party II approached unperceived arid fired at them. Brown fell instantly; his body perforated by several balls, and Hellen and Robinson unscathed, sought safety in flight. Hellen being then an old man, was soon overtaken and made captive ; but Robinson, with the elasticity of youth, ran a considerable distance before he was overtaken ; and but for an untoward accident might have effected an escape. Believing that he was outstripping his pursuers, and anxious to ascertain the fact, he looked over his * The " road by Gist's " was the thoroughfare well known as " Braddock's road," the road generally traveled by Virginians in going over the mountains. It ran south from Jacob's creek, crossing the Youghiogheny at the home of William Crawford ; thence " by Gist's," the Great Meadows, and so on, along the line nearly of the present National road, to the north branch of the Potomac. The route by Indian creek did not cross the Youghiogheny at Stews' t's crossings, but continued along on the north side of that river. † " From below ; " that is, " from east of the mountains, in Virginia." ‡ The mother of William and Valentine Crawford had bag been a widow. Her maiden name was Onora Grimes. Crawford, her first husband, died when the two boys were young. She then married Richard Stephenson. Five suns and one daughter were born of the second marriage, when the second husband died. The mother, in her prime, was a woman of uncommon energy and great physical strength, yet kind in disposition and very attentive to her children. She died in 1776. § Withers.  These were Mingoes. 72 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. shoulder, but before he discovered the Indian giving chase, he ran with such violence against a tree, that he fell, stunned by the shock and lay powerless and insensible. In this situation he was secured with a cord; and when he revived, was taken back to the place where the Indians had Hellen in confinement, and where lay the lifeless body of Brown. They then set off to their towns, taking with them a horse which belonged to Hellen. "When they had approached near enough to be distinctly heard, Logan (as is usual with them after a successful scout) gave the scalp halloo, and several warriors came out to meet them, and conducted the prisoners into the village. Here they passed through the accustomed ceremony of running the gauntlet, but with far different fortunes. Robinson, having been previously instructed by Logan (who from the time he made him his prisoner, manifested a kindly feeling towards him), made his way, with but little interruption, to the council house; but poor Hellen, from the decrepitude of age, and his ignorance of the fact that it was a place of refuge, was sadly beaten before he arrived at it; and when he at length came near enough, he was knocked down with a war club before he could enter. After he had fallen they continued to beat and strike him with such unmerciful severity, that he would assuredly have fallen a victim to their barbarous usage, but that Robinson (at some peril for the interference) reached forth his hand and drew him within the sanctuary. When he had, however, recovered from the effects of the violent beating which he had received, he was relieved from the apprehension of further suffering by being adopted into an Indian family. A council was convoked to determine the fate of Robinson. A description of what occurred will be found in Robinson's statement, taken from Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, given in another part of this chapter. The place where Logan struck the first blow on the west fork of the Monongahela, was then called West Augusta county, and, as related by Withers, was a part of the country where no one expected to see an enemy. He had left the settlements on the Ohio river undisturbed, notwithstanding every one had expected that they would be the first to feel the burden of war, and he had gone, instead, where no one expected him, where no one was prepared to receive him, and where his blows would be most keenly felt and most disastrous. Robinson in his statement concerning his capture of himself and Hellen says: "The principal Indian of the party which took them was Capt. Logan, who soon manifested a friendly disposition to this subscriber (Robinson), and told him to be of good heart; that he would not be killed, but must go with him to his town, where he would probably be adopted in one of their families; that when he had been condemned and tied to a stake to be burned, Logan saved him, tied a belt of wampum around him as a mark of adoption, loosed him from the post, and carried him to the cabin of an old squaw, where Logan pointed out a person who, he said, was this subscriber's cousin, and he afterwards understood that the old woman was his aunt, and the two others his brothers, and he now stood in the place of a warrior of the family who had been slain at Yellow creek." The meaning of this is that he doubtless stood in the place of Logan's brother, who fell in the massacre at that place. As will be seen by Robinson's statement, Logan got him to write a letter, (the ink for which was made of gunpowder) which the chief stated he meant to carry and leave in some house where he should kill somebody. Robinson says he signed the letter with Logan's name, and that the latter then took the letter "and set out again to war." It is a curious circumstance that on the '.2d of March, 1799, nearly twenty-five years after that letter was written, Judge Harry Innes, of Frankfort, Kentucky, transmitted. to Mr. Jefferson a letter in which appeared the following paragraph : "In 1774, I lived in Fincastle county, now divided into Washington, Montgomery, and part of Wythe. Being intimate in Colonel Prescott's family, I happened, in July, to be at his house, when an express was sent to him, as the County Lieutenant, requesting a guard of the militia to be ordered out for the protection of the inhabitants residing low down on the north fork of Holston river. " The express brought with him a war-club and a note which was left tied to it, at the house of one Robertson* (whose family was cut off by the Indians, and gave rise to the application to Colonel Prescott), of which the following is a copy, then taken by me in my memorandum book : * It has been stated positively by those who were personally acquainted with the family, and who remembered the circumstances, that this is an error - the name was " Roberts," they say, and not " Robertson." " CAPTAIN CRESAP—What did you kill my people on Yellow creek for ? The white people killed my kin at Conestoga a great while ago, and I thought nothing of that. But you killed my kin again on Yellow creek, and took my cousin prisoner. Then I thought that I must kill, too; I have been three times to war since ; but the. Indians are not angry—only myself. " CAPTAIN JOHN LOGAN." " July 21, 1774." It will be seen how completely William Robinson's testimony was confirmed by Judge Innes' communication to Mr. Jefferson; and it will be seen also that Logan was prosecuting hostilities against the whites on his individual account, without connection with others, either of his own or any other tribe. But from all the evidence presented in this chapter in the discussion of the Captain's connection with the murders at Yellow creek, the reader will, we think, conclude that the weight of testimony goes to show that Logan was mistaken in making the charge against Cresap. As we have already stated, the settlers along the frontier, before the actual opening of hostilities, sent an express to Williamsburg, the then seat of government of Virginia, communicating intelligence of the uneasiness of the Indians, and of the evident certainty of the commencement of an Indian war at an early day, and appealing for protection. The General Assembly was in session when the. express from the western frontier reached Williamsburg ; and there appears to have been little delay in securing the necessary means for the effectual protection of the settlers as well for the suppression Of any general uprising among the Indians, which the latter might attempt. The war carried on by the savages against the scattered settlers lasted several months, and fearful barbarities were perpetrated upon men, women, and children. Logan is said to have made incursion after incursion, penetrating the frontier where least expected, and carrying his vengeance far into the interior, creating consternation, and causing many settlers to flee for safety to the forts, or beyond the reach of his vindictive warfare. He was undoubtedly engaged in consolidating the several tribes in the struggle; was active, both in council and in the field; was a leading spirit in the battle of Point Pleasant, in which the great warrior Cornstalk so highly distinguished himself. After this he refused to attend the council in which his countrymen concluded a peace with the Earl of Dunmore, Governor of Virginia, who had led an army against the homes of the Shawanese near Chillicothe, on the gioto river, or to assent to the treaty when it had been concluded. As will appear in the history of the Dunmore war, Virginia was prompt in her measures to raise an army of sufficient strength to severely punish the Indians, although considerable time was necessarily consumed in gathering and marching such a force, with its supplies, across the mountains and through the Wilderness to the scene of action. It will also be seen that the vigor with which the war was prosecuted by the Virginians, under Lord Dunmore, soon brought the Indians to terms, and they made overtures of peace. To secure this Lord Dunmore appointed a council on the Scioto ill 1774, and invited all the hostile chiefs to be present, Logan among the number. He refused to attend the council, but sent by the messenger the reply which has been preserved in history, become famous as a specimen of Indian oratory, and known as the celebrated speech of Logan. In Mr. Jefferson's "Notes on Virginia," while speaking of the Indians of America, he has the following remarks: " The principles of their society forbidding all compulsion, they are to be led to duty and to enterprise by personal influence and persuasion. Hence eloquence in council, bravery and address in war, become the foundations of all consequence with them. To these acquirements all their faculties are directed. Of their bravely and address in war we have multiplied proofs, because we have been the subjects on which they were exercised. Of their eminence in oratory, we have fewer examples, because it is displayed chiefly in their own councils. Some, however, we have of very superior lustre. I may challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more eminent orator, if Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a single passage superior to the speech of Logan, a Mingo chief, to Lord Dunmore when governor of this State. And, as a testimony of their talents in this line, I beg leave to introduce it, first stating the incidents necessary for understanding it. " In the spring of the year 1774, a robbery was committed by some Indians on certain land adventurers on the Ohio. The HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 73 whites in that quarter, according to their custom, undertook to punish this outrage in a summary way. Captain Michael Cresap, and Daniel Greathouse, leading on these parties, surprised at different times, traveling and hunting parties of the Indians, having their women and children with them, and murdering many. Among these were unfortunately the family of Logan, a chief celebrated in peace and war, long distinguished as the friend of the whites. This unworthy return provoked his vengeance. He accordingly signalized himself in the war which ensued. In the autumn of the same year a decisive battle was fought at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, between the collected forces of the Shawanese, Mingoes and Delawares, and a detachment of the Virginia militia. The Indians were defeated, and sued for peace. Logan, however, disdained to be seen among the suppliants. But lest the sincerity of a treaty should be disturbed, from which so distinguished a chief absented himself, he sent, by a messenger, the following speech to be delivered to Lord Dunmore: LOGAN'S SPEECH. "I appeal to any white man to say if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry and he gave him not meat, if ever he came cold and naked and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody war Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, ' Logan is the friend of the white men.' I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not even sparing my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This calling on me for revenge, I have sought it ; I have killed many ; I have fully glutted my vengeance ; for my country I rejoice at the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his live. Who is there to mourn for Logan? Not one." This treaty of peace was concluded with the hostile Indians in the month of November, 1774, on Sippo creek, a branch of the Scioto river, where the Earl of Dunmore was then encamped; but Logan indignantly refused to go to the camp for such a purpose, or to have anything to do with such a treaty. "Logan is no counselor; Logan is a warrior," he said, and contented himself with Bending by a messenger the speech which has since become so celebrated the world over. As Mr. Jefferson said, "Logan disdained to be seen among the suppliants" when the Indians sued for peace; and General John Gibson, who was formerly an Indian trader, but then was member of Governor Dunmore's staff, and, as such, was sent into the village to receive the submission of the Indians and to conclude a treaty with them, has left a deposition in which he said" that on his arrival at the towns, Logan, the Indian, came to where this deponent was sitting with the Cornstalk and the other chiefs of the Shawanese, and asked him to walk out with him; that they went into a copse of wood where they sat down together.* Here, after shedding abundance of tears, the grieved chieftain gave vent to his feelings and told his pathetic story. Gibson repeated it to the officers, who caused it to be published in the Virginia Gazette of that year. Mr. Jefferson was charged with making improvements and alterations when he published it in his "Notes on Virginia;" but from the concurrent testimony of Gibson, Lord Dunmore and several others, it appears to be as close a representation of the original as could be obtained under the circumstances. The translation is literally the same as the copy given in Mr. Jefferson's Notes, page 124, and is doubtless the version given out by himself at the time. The authenticity of the ideas, and, if not the words, at all events the style, is in some degree sustained by the other piece of Logan's composition, written by the prisoner, William Robinson, at his dictation, and which was found tied to a war club at the house of Robertson, or Roberts, in Fincastle county, Va., after the massacre of his family by the Indians, as already described. The speech has been repeated throughout North America as a lesson of eloquence in the schools, and copied upon the pages of literary journals of Great Britain and the continent. This brief effusion of mingled pride, courage and sorrow, elevated the character of the native American throughout the intelligent world, and can never be forgotten so long as touching eloquence is admired by men. * Affidavit of John Gibson, Appendix to Jefferson's Notes. 10—B. & J. COS. The poet has versified it thus: " Nor man, nor child, nor thing of living birth ; No ! not the dog, that watched my household hearth, Escaped that night of blood, upon our plains. All perished ! I alone am left on earth ! To whom nor relative nor blood remains, No ! not a kindred drop that runs in human veins." Nearly half a century after the publication of this specimen of untutored eloquence by Mr. Jefferson, in his "Notes on Virginia," the speech was wrought into poetry by being put into the mouth of Outallissi, in Campbell's " Gertrude of Wyoming." In 1797, for the first time, not only the entire transaction respecting the part which Logan had had in the war, and in the conclusion of the treaty, was stated to be false, but the speech itself was said to be a forgery by Mr. Jefferson, to aid him in proving that the man of America, physically and mentally, was equal to the man of Europe. Possibly this charge against Mr. Jefferson was prompted by the bitterness of political partisanship, which at that time was exceedingly violent; but whatever may have been its inspiration, the accused bravely repelled the assault, aptly remarking, " Wherefore the forgery? Whether Logan's or mine, it would still have been American," leaving the original argument, which it was intended to illustrate entirely unimpaired. But the evidence which was called out by the accusation completely established the fact that Logan did decline to participate with Cornstalk in the estalishment of the peace ; that' he did deliver to General Gibson—subsequently an honored judge of Allegheny county, Pennsylvania—the speech which was attributed to him; that that speech was delivered by General Gibson, in Logan's behalf, to the Earl of Dunmore; that by the latter and his officers "it was given out" in the camp, published in the official Gazette of the colony, and thence scattered over the entire civilized world. LOGAN'S LATER CAREER. We have devoted considerable research to Logan's character, and his career after the close of the Dunmore campaign. After this time he is said to have resided with the Shawanese at old Chillicothe, on the banks of the Scioto river, fifteen miles from the present city of Chillicothe, and, we believe, near the spot where his celebrated speech was delivered. After the breaking out of the revolution he went to Detroit, and, still entertaining his deep antipathy against the "Long Knives," he there entered the service of the British along with the many tribes and nations who entered into the alliance against the Americans. He is said to have captured and delivered many prisoners at Detroit and posts in Canada. In the story of the life of Simon Kenton, we have another instance of Logan's kindness to prisoners. Kenton was a captive in the hands of the savages, and was being conveyed, by some young warriors through their towns to Sandusky, where he was condemned to be burned. At a large village at the head of the Scioto, Kenton first beheld the celebrated Mingo chief. Logan walked gravely up to the place where Kenton stood, and the following short conversation ensued : " Well, young man, these young men seem very mad at you ?" " Yes, sir, they certainly are." " Well, don't be disheartened ; I am a great chief; you are to go to Sandusky—they speak of burning you there—but I will send two runners to-morrow to speak good for you." The narrative of Kenton then proceeds : Logan's form was striking and manly—his countenance calm and noble, and he spoke the English language with fluency and correctness." Kenton's spirits instantly rose at the address of the benevolent chief, and he once more looked upon himself as providentially rescued from the stake. On the following morning two runners were dispatched to Sandusky, as the chief had promised, and until their return Kenton was kindly treated, being permitted to spend much of his time with Logan, who conversed with him freely and in the most friendly manner. Logan's effort to change the decision of the savages failed, he keenly felt the disappointment and exhibited no little emotion at the fate of the prisoner whose cause he had espoused. Ken-ton's life was finally saved by the interposition of a British Indian agent from Detroit, but doubtless Logan's effort had its proportion of influence in the matter. A writer in the American Pioneer, of October, 1842, describes the capture of some families at Riddle's station, Kentucky, in 1778, who were carried to Canada by a party of Indians, where they were detained as prisoners until the close of the revolutionary war. The writer continues : " The celebrated Logan was with this party ; my brother-in-law, Captain John Dunkin, an intelligent man, had several 74 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. conversations with him on the trip. He said Logan spoke both English and French ; he told Captain Dunkin that he knew he had two souls, the one good and the other bad ; when the good soul had the ascendant, he was kind and humane ; and when the bad soul ruled, he was perfectly savage, and delighted in nothing but blood and carnage." Logan, as a man, though savage as he was, possessed some of the noblest traits of humanity, and who, unquestionably, was endowed with natural abilities of the highest order. In stature he was several inches over six feet high ; straight as an arrow, lithe, athletic and symmetrical in frame ; firm, resolute and commanding in features. His Indian name, was Tah-gah-jute, signifying short dress." Several accounts have been published respecting his later habits and final fate. Heckwelder, who resided on the Big Beaver river, " in the neighborhood of Cuscuskee," knew Logan personally, and has said of him, " I thought him a man of superior talents than Indians generally were." Referring to a conversation which he had had with Logan, before the murders at Captina and Yellow creeks, Heckwelder said: "The subject turning on vice and immorality, he confessed his too great share of this, especially his fondness for liquor. He exclaimed against the white people for imposing liquors on the Indians; he otherwise admired their ingenuity; spoke of gentlemen, but observed the Indians had but few of these as their neighbors, etc. He spoke of his friendship to the white people; wished always to be a neighbor to them; intended to settle on the Ohio river below the Big Beaver; was, to the best of my recollection, then encamped at the mouth of the Big Beaver ; urged me to pay him a visit, etc. In April, 1773, while on my passage down the Ohio, for Muskingum, I called at Logan's settlement, where I received every civility I could expect from such of the family as were at home." Heckwelder says further : " Indian reports concerning Logan after the death of his family, ran to this: That he exerted himself during the Shawanese war, then so called, to take all the revenge he could, declaring he had lost all confidence in the white people. At the time of the negotiation, he declared his reluctance in laying down the hatchet, not having, in his opinion, yet taken ample satisfaction; yet for the sake of the nation, he would do it. His expressions from time to time de-'noted a deep melancholy. Life, he said, had become a torment to him; he knew no more what pleasure was; he thought it had been better had he never existed, etc. Report further states that he became in some measure delirious; declared he would kill himself; went to Detroit; .drank very freely, and did not seem to care what he did, nor what became of himself." What Heckwelder has given as "Indian reports," concerning Logan's "reluctance in laying down the hatchet," and his revengeful spirit after the peace had been established, is contradicted by all who knew Logan. LOGAN'S DEATH. In regard to the circumstances attending Logan's death, a number of contradictory statements have been published. In addition to the statement that he died of disease at old Chillicothe, on the banks of the Scioto river, the story of his being killed between there and Detroit is told in various ways. The account that Captain Dunkin, above mentioned, gave of his death was that "Logan's brother-in-law killed him as they returned home from a council held at Detroit, on account of some misusage he had given his sister at the council." It is recorded in Howe's "Ohio Collections" that "he was murdered between Detroit and his own home, in October, 1781. He was sitting at the time, with his blanket over his head, before a camp fire, his elbows resting upon his knees, when an Indian, who had taken some offense, stole behind him and buried his hatchet in his brains." Another statement has been extensively published, claiming to be well authenticated, which reads in these words : "Some time after this war (the Shawnees') Logan, who had married a Shawanee woman, removed to near Detroit. A habit of intemperance—that curse of the red man—grew upon him, and he became quarrelsome, frequently giving way to ungovernable fits of passion. He realized his degradation and to a missionary spoke feelingly of the curse which had come upon him, declaring that he felt as if he was upon the brink of eternal fire. In one of his frenzies he struck his wife down, in the presence of her tribe. Fearing he had killed her, and knowing the Indian law of retributive justice, he fled from the camp. While on his flight he met, according to tradition, his wife's nephew and some other Indians, and thinking that this relative was about to avenge the murder, he prepared to defend himself, declaring he would kill all who opposed him. The nephew, in self-defense, shot him dead as he was dismounting from his horse." The name of this Indian is said to have been Tod-hah-dohs. The following account of his death came into the possession of the eminent historian, Lyman C. Draper, secretary of the Wisconsin Historical Society, and by him was furnished to Mr. Brantz Mayer, the author of an interesting little work entitled "Logan and Cresap." In his communication to Mayer upon the subject, Draper says: "In August, 1781, Maj. Charles Cracraft, of ' Washington county, Pa., and twelve men, descending the Ohio, as a part of Gen. G. R. Clarke's intended expedition against Detroit, were intercepted near the mouth of the Great Miami, by a large body of Indians, and made prisoners. Maj. Cracraft's son, Wm. Cracraft, has furnished me his recollections of his father's relation of his captivity and events connected therewith, and among them the following about Logan, which he communicated to me under date of October 1st, 1853, by whichyou will perceive I did not possess it when you prepared and published your original work on Logan and Cresap in 1851. I will give it in the plain narrative communicated to me, and if you have occasion to use it you must put it in shape: " I think in my last letter to you mention was made of an acquaintance had by my father, at the time of his captivity with Alexander Macomb, a resident near Detroit, and father of the late Gen. Alexander Macomb, of the United States army' [where (Mr. Cracraft mentions elsewhere) his father was ever kindly treated and furnished with reading matter to while away the tedium of his captivity, having given his parole not to run away, nor pass more than three miles beyond the limits of Detroit]. At that time a certain William McMillen, who had been taken prisoner by the celebrated Indian chief and warrior, Logan, was in the employ of Mr. Macomb, working on his farm, and there my father became acquainted with McMillen, and learned from him much of Logan's life and history. It appears that Logan and McMillen had hunted together before the war, and McMillen was made prisoner by Logan and his party near Clover Lick, on the Greenbrier fork of the Great Kanawha river, Virginia, and taken to Detroit and retained there, and with the privilege of personal freedom by remaining in or near the post of Detroit. It appears that McMillen was a favorite of Logan, for the latter called often to see him when returning to Detroit with scalps and prisoners. "'I will give you as near as possible the relation given by my father as to Logan's death. Many years before my father's decease, I had read Jefferson's account of Logan with much interest, which accounts for my recollection a the narrative given me by my father. And now to the narrative: " 'It appears that Logan in one of his trips to Detroit, and I might say, his last one, with scalps and prisoners, after having made disposition of them according to the then British regulations, got into an Indian drunken frolic and became so troublesome that Captain Bawbee, the commi nary of the Indian department, kicked him out of the store use. Logan took it in high dudgeon, and the next day he we ,t to Mr. Macomb's residence to hunt up William McMillen ; and, after meeting him and passing the usual salutations, Logan said: 'Bill, I want to have a talk with you, and wish you to meet me at the Spring Wells, below Detroit, signifying the time by pointing to where the sun would be in the horizon. McMillen acceded to his request and at the appointed time met Logan at the Spring Wells. "Logan commenced by giving an account of the abuse he had received from the British at the hands of Bawbee. 'Bill,' said he, addressing McMillen, ' Why, Bawbee kicked me out of his house and called me a dog ! Bill, I won't fight for the British any more; they have treated me very bad. Now, Bill, take this tomahawk, and tell how many prisoners, and how many scalps I have taken from the Big Knives [the Virginians.] for the British.' Logan had made a notch-record on one side of his hatchet handle for each prisoner taken, and on the other side for each scalp. McMillen said he counted them, and they exceeded seventy. ' Now, Bill,' continued Logan, 'I would go back to the Big Knives, if I thought they would not kill me, and would kill and take as many of the British as I have done of the Big Knives; but I dare not go. Bill, I can kill as many bucks as any Indian on the Scioto river; I will go home, and hunt deer, raccoon and beaver.' And, from the narration, it seems that Logan soon left Detroit for his home on the heads of the Scioto; and meeting some of his nation on his