HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 75 journey homeward, who had some rum, he became boozy again, and then pursued his way to his camp, and in passing the Indian wigwam of the squaw whom he claimed for his cousin, he asked her fop something to eat. She said they had nothing. Logan called her a liar, and took his wiping-stick or ramrod and gave her a severe whipping, calling her a lazy bitch, then mounted his horse and made off. The husband of the squaw coming home, and finding his wife still crying, and learning the cause of her trouble, and the course that Logan had gone, and knowing that he would have to make a circuitous route to avoid a swamp, took a nearer way, and got ahead of Logan, and lay in ambush until he came near, and then shot. At the crack of the rifle, Logan sprang from his horse, with his gun in one hand, while with the other he struck himself on the breast, at the same time advancing a few steps towards the place where the concealed Indian lay, exclaiming, I am a man V and fell to the ground to rise no more. Thus ended the life of Logan, the once mighty Mingo chief and warrior, whose name and acts had carried dismay and terror to the frontier settlers.' " DISCUSSION AND DOCUMENTS IN REFERENCE TO THE SPEECH OF LOGAN-THE MURDER OF HIS FAMILY, AND THE ALLEGED CONNECTION OF CRESAP. After the lapse of many years, the speech of Logan, as has been fully stated, became more and more widely circulated ; it was extensively read and admired, and became a theme of recitation in public exhibitions along with the most eloquent passages of ancient and modern poets and orators. At length in 1797, Luther Martin, a very able lawyer, a son-in-law of Michael Cresap, in obedience to the injunctions of a relative as he alleged, and perhaps in some measure under the influence epolitical feelings, addressed the following letter to Mr. Fen- l, a public declaimer, through the Philadelphia Gazette edited by William Cobbet. "MR. FENNEL- By the late Philadelphia papers I observe, Sir, that in your readings and recitations, moral, critical, and entertaining,' among your other selections you have introduced The Story of Logan, the Mingo Chief.' In doing this, I am satisfied you were not actuated by &desire to wound the feelings of a respectable family in the United States, or by a wish to give a greater publicity to a groundless calumny. You found that story and speech in Jefferson's Notes on Virginia; you found it related with such an air of authenticity, that it cannot be surprising that you should not suspect it to be a fiction. "But, sir, philosophers are pretty much the same, from old Shandy, who in support of a system sacrificed his aunt Dinah, to De Warville and Condorcet, who for the same purpose would have sacrificed a world. "Mr. Jefferson is a philosopher; he too had his hypothesis to establish, or, what is much the same thing, he had the hypothesis of Buffon to overthrow. "When we see him employed in weighing the rats and mice of the two worlds, to prove that those of the new are not exceeded by those of the old—when, to establish that the body of the American savage is not inferior in form or in vigor to the body of an European, we find him examining minutely every part of their frame, and hear him declare that, though the wrist and the hand of the former are smaller than those parts of the latter, yet, les organs de la generation ne font plus foibles ou plus petits ;'—and that he hath not only as many hairs on his body, but that the same parts which are productive of hair in the one, if left to themselves, are equally productive of hair in the other :—when we see him so zealous to establish an equality in such trifles, and to prove the body of his savage to be formed on the same modula with the 'Homo sapiens Europoeus,' how much more solicitous may we suppose him to have been to prove that the mind of this savage was also formed on the same modula. "Than the man whom he has calumniated, he could scarcely have selected a finer example to establish the position that the human race in the western world are not belittled in body or mind; but that unfortunately that man was not born in America. "For the want of better materials he was obliged to make use of such as came to his hands; and we may reasonably conclude, whatever story or speech he could pick up calculated to destroy the hypothesis of Buffon, or to establish his own, especially in so important a point, instead of -being scrutinized minutely, would be welcomed with avidity. And great and respectable as the authority of Mr. Jefferson may be thought, or may be in reality, I have no hesitation to declare, that from an examinstion of the subject, I am convinced the charge exhibited by him against Colonel Cresap is not founded in truth ; and also, that no such specimen of Indian oratory was ever exhibited. "That some of Logan's family were killed by the Americans I doubt not ; whether they fell the victims of justice, of mistake, or of cruelty, rests with those by whom they fell. But in their death Colonel Cresap, or any of his family, had no share. And in support of this assertion I am ready to enter the lists with the author of the Notes on Virginia. "No man, who really knew the late Colonel Cresap, could have believed the tale. He was too brave to be perfidious or cruel. He was a man of undaunted resolution; a man of whom it might be said, with as much propriety as I believe was ever said of man, 'that he knew not fear.' "Courage, hospitality, candor and sincerity were the prominent features of his character. These also are the leading traits in his descendants. "Immediately after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle he established himself at Old Town, on the north branch of the Potomac, only fifteen miles this side of Fort Cumberland, and one hundred and forty miles to the westward of Baltimore town. What must have been the situation of himself and his family on so distant a frontier, during the war which terminated in the year seventeen hundred and sixty-three, and during the troubles which preceded that war, may be easily conceived by those who have any knowledge whatever of the situation, at that time of the settlements of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia. "After the defeat of General Braddock, a company raised and commanded by his eldest son, Thomas Cresap, and in a great measure supplied with arms and other necessaries by the Colonel himself, attacked the invading savages, and drove them over the mountains; but this victory was embittered by the loss of their gallant leader; he and one of the Indian chiefs fell by wounds mutually inflicted, and expired together. Soon after this event, Colonel Cresap, and his then eldest. son, raised another company, at their own expense, crossed the mountains, and defeated. the Indians with considerable slaughter. After the inhabitants of that part of the country where he resided had generally fled from their houses, and retired to the neighborhood of Conococheaque, he remained with his family at his house near Old Town, which he had surrounded with a stockade, for twelve months or upwards. When at last he was induced to withdraw from so dangerous a situation, removing with his books and papers, accompanied by a few of the former inhabitants, who had been in his neighborhood collecting their cattle, and were driving them down the country, he was attacked by the Indians who lay in ambush for him, and four of his party were killed on the spot; the Indians were, however, repulsed with considerable loss, and he had the good fortune to escape unhurt. " That Colonel Cresap and his family were frequently and actively engaged in the conflicts which took place between us and the Indians, is well known. That some of the Indians-have fallen by their hands, is not denied; but those were not in the number of our friends. " To the Indians who were attached to our cause his doors were ever open. At his house was their frequent rendezvous ; there often they met messengers from the then governors of Virginia and Maryland ; there they were often furnished with arms, with ammunition, and with provisions, and not unfrequently out of his own stores, and at his own expense. " It was to those savages, who were employed by the French nation (before it became our very good friend and ally) to ravage their frontiers and butcher the peaceful inhabitants, that he and his family were terrible. And to those they were terrible, though not " as the fires of heaven." " But, perhaps, it was from the facts which I have here stated, that Mr. Jefferson considered himself authorized to say : " Colonel Cresap was infamous for the many murders he had committed on the mulch injured Indians." And lest some future philosopher, in some future Notes on Virginia, might be tempted to call him also " infamous for his many murders of the much injured Britons," may, perhaps, have been his motive for flying with such precipitation from the seat of his government, not many years since, when the British army invaded that state. "As to Logan; lightly would I tread over the grave even of the untutored savage ; but justice obliges me to say, I am well assured that the Logan of the wilderness—the real Logan of nature—had but little, if any more likeness to the fictitious Logan of Jefferson's Notes, than the brutified Caffre of Africa to the enlightened philosopher of Monticello. 76 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO " In what wilderness Mr. Jefferson culled this fair flower of aboriginal eloquence ; whether he has preserved it in the same state in which he found it ; or, by transplanting it into a more genial soil, and exposing it to a kinder sun, he has given it the embellishments of cultivation, I know not. " There are many philosophers so very fond of representing savage nature in the most amiable and most exalted point of view, that we feel ourselves less surprised when we see them become savages themselves. To some one of this class of philosophers, I doubt not it owes its existence. " Yet, but for Jefferson, " it would have breathed its poisons in the desert air." Whatever was the soil in which it first sprung up, it soon would have withered and died unnoticed or forgotten, had not he preserved it in his collection. From thence the authors of the Annual Register have given their readers a drawing as large as nature. The Rev. Mr. Morse, in his Geography, and Mr. Lendrum, in his History of the American Revolution, have followed their example ; and you, sir, are now increasing its celebrity by exhibiting it to thronging spectators, with all its coloring, retouched and heightened by the flowing pencil of a master. " Do you ask me how I am interested in this subject ? I answer, the daughter of Michael Cresap was the mother of my children. I am influenced also by another motive not less powerful. My much lamented and worthy relation, who died on the expedition against the western insurgents, bequeathed to me as a sacred trust, what, had he lived, he intended to have performed himself, to rescue his family from this unmerited opprobrium. " Do you ask me, why have I so long neglected this duty ? I answer, because for a long time past every feeling of my mind has been too much engrossed by the solicitude, though an unavailing solicitude, of preserving the valuable life of one of that family, to attend to any objects which could bear a postponement. The shock is now past. I begin to recall my scattered thoughts to other subjects ; and finding the story of Logan in the catalogue of your readings, it instantly brought me to the recollection of a duty, which I have hastened thus far to fulfill. "And now, sir, to conclude, I arrogate to myself no authority of prohibiting the story and speech of Logan from being continued in your readings and recitations ; this I submit to your sentiments of propriety and justice; but from those sentiments I certainly have a right to expect, that, on its conclusion, you will inform your hearers, it is at best but the ingenious fiction of some philosophic brain ; and when hereafter you oblige an audience with that story and speech, that with the poison you will dispense the antidote, and by reading to them this letter, also oblige your very humble servant. "LUTHER MARTIN." " March 29, 1797." To Mr. James Fennel. Mr. Jefferson finding his veracity and integrity thus impeached, addressed letters to various persons, who might be supposed to have some knowledge of the matter, and received a mass of testimony which is published in an appendix to a later edition of his " Notes on Virginia." As the bulk of this testimony has no bearing upon the authorship of the celebrated speech, we shall only remark, that while it disapproves entirely the charge against Cresap, as to any participation in the outrage at Yellow creek, it seems to implicate him in the killing of other Indians lower down the Ohio. But as to the matter most material to Mr. Jefferson's reputation, it settles beyond controversy, that such a speech was taken from Logan to Lord Dunmore. This was enough to acquit the author of the " Notes on Virginia" of all unfairness in the matter. In this connection we give the following documents and letters from the APPENDIX TO JEFFERSON'S NOTES ON VIRGINIA, RELATIVE TO THE MURDER OF LOGAN'S FAMILY. A Letter to Governor Henry, of Maryland. PHILADELPHIA, December 31st, 1797. DEAR SIR:-Mr. Tazewell has communicated to me the enquiries you have been so kind as to make, relative to a passage in the Notes on Virginia, which has lately excited some newspaper publications. I feel, with great sensibility, the interest you take in this business, and with pleasure, go into explanations with one whose objects I know to be truth and justice alone. Had Mr. Martin thought proper to suggest to me, that doubts might be entertained of the transaction respecting Logan, as stated in the Notes or Virginia, and to enquire on what grounds the statement was founded, I should have felt myself obliged by the enquiry, have informed him candidly of the grounds, and cordially have cooperated in every means of investigating the fact, and correcting whatsoever in it should be found to have been erroneous. But he chose to step at once into the newspapers, and in his publications there and the letters he wrote to me, adopted a style which forbade the respect of an answer. Sensible, however, that no act of his could absolve me from the justice due to others, as soon as I found that the story of Logan could be doubted, I determined to inquire into it as accurately as the testimony remaining, after a lapse of twenty odd years, would permit; and that the result should be made known, either in the first new edition which should be printed in the Notes on Virginia, or by publishing an appendix. I thought that so tar as that work had contributed to impeach the memory of Cresap, by handing on an erroneous charge, it was proper it should be made the vehicle of retribution. Not that I was at all the author of the injury. I had only concurred, with thousands and thousands of others, in believing a transaction on authority which merited respect. For the story of Logan is only repeated in the Notes on Virginia, precisely as it had been current for more than a dozen years before they were published. When Lord Dunmore returned from the expedition against the Indians, in 1774, he and his officers brought the speech of Logan, and related the circumstances connected with it. These were so affecting, and the speech itself so fine a morsel of eloquence, that it became the theme of every conversation, in Williamsburgh particularly, and generally, indeed, wheresoever any of the officers resided or resorted. I learned it in Williamsburgh; I believe at Lord Dunmore's; and I find in my pocket-book of that year (1774) an entry of the narrative, as taken from the mouth of some person, whose name, however, is not noted, nor recollected, precisely in the words stated in the Notes on Virginia. The speech was published in the Virginia Gazette of that time (I have it myself in the volume of Gazettes of that year) and though in a style by no means elegant, yet it was so admired that it flew through all the public papers of the continent, and through the magazines and other periodical publications of Great Britian; and those who were boys at that day will now attest that the speech of Logan used to be given them as a school exercise for repetition. It was not till about thirteen or fourteen years after the newspaper publications that the Notes on Virginia were published in America. Combating, in these, the contumelious theory of certain European writers, whose celebrity gave currency and weight to their opinions, that our country, from the combined effects of soil and climate, degenerated animal nature, in the general, and particularly the moral faculties of man, I considered the speech of Logan as an apt proof of the contrary, and used it as such; and I copied, verbatim, the narrative I had taken down in 1774, and the speech as it had been given us in a better translation by Lord Dunmore. I knew nothing of the Cresaps, and could not possibly have a motive to do them an injury with design. I repeated what thousands had done before, on as good authority as we have fox most .of the facts we learn through life, and such as, to this moment, I have seen no reason to doubt. That any body questioned it, was never suspected by me, till I saw the letter of Mr. Martin in the Baltimore paper. I endeavored then to recollect who among my cotemporaries, of the same circle of society, and consequently of the same recollections, might still be alive. Three and twenty years of death and dispersion had left very few. I remembered, however, that Gen. Gibson was still living, and knew that he had been the translator of the speech. I wrote to him immediately. He, in answer, declares to me, that he was the very person sent by Lord Dunmore to the Indian town; that, after he had delivered his message there Logan took him out to a neighboring wood, sat down with him, and rehearsing, with tears, the catastrophe of his family, gave him that speech for Lord Dunmore; that he carried it to Lord Dunmore; translated it for him ; has turned to it in the Encyclopedia, as taken from the Notes on Virginia, and finds that it was his translation I had used, with only two or three verbal variations of no importance. These, I suppose, had arisen in the course of successive copies. I cite Gen. Gibson's letter by memory, not having it with me; but I am sure I cite it substantially right. It establishes, unquestionably, that the speech of Logan is genuine, and, that being established, it is Logan himself who is author of all the important facts. "Col. Cresap," says he, "in cold blood and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not sparing even my women and children. There runs HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 77 not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature." The person and the fact, in all its material circumstances, are here given by Logan himself. Gen. Gibson, indeed, says that the title was mistaken; that Cresap was a captain, and not a colonel. This was Logan's mistake. He also observes that it was on the Ohio, and not on the Kanawha itself, that his family was killed. This is an error which has crept into the traditionary account; but surely of little moment in the moral view of the subject. The material question is: Was Logan's family murdered, and by whom? That it was murdered has not, I believe, been denied; that it was by one of the Cresaps, Logan affirms. This is a question which concerns the memories of Logan and Cresap; to the issue of which I am as indifferent as if I had never heard the name of either. I have begun and shall continue to inquire into the evidence additional to Logan's, on which the fact was founded. Little, indeed, can now be heard of, and that little dispersed and distant. If it shall appear on inquiry that Logan has been wrong in charging Cresap with the murder of his family, I will do justice to the memory of Cresap, as far as I have contributed to the injury, by believing and repeating what others had believed and repeated before me. If, on the other hand, I find that Logan was right in his charge, I will vindicate, as far as my suffrage may go, the truth of a -chief, whose talents and misfortunes have attached to him the respect and commiseration of the world. "I have gone, my dear sir, into this lengthy detail to satisfy a mind, in the candor and rectitude of which I have the highest confidence. So far as you may incline to use the communication for rectifying 'the judgments of those who are willing to see things truly as they are, you are free to use it. But I pray that no confidence which you may repose in any one, may induce you to let it go out of your hands, so as to get into a newspaper. Against a contest in that field I am entirely decided. I feel extraordinary gratification, indeed, in addressing this letter to you, with whom shades of difference in political sentiment have not prevented the interchange of good opinion, nor cut off the friendly offices of society and good correspondence. This political tolerance is the more valued by me, who considers social harmony as the first of human felicities, and the happiest moments, those which are given to the effu- sions of the heart. Accept them sincerely, I pray you, from one who has the honor to be, with sentiments of high respect and attachment. Dear Sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant, THOMAS JEFFERSON. The Notes on Virginia were written, in Virginia, in the years 1781 and 1782, in answer to certain queries proposed to me by Mons. de Marbois, then secretary of the French legation in the United States; and a manuscript copy was delivered to him. A few copies, with some additions, were afterwards, in 1784, printed in Paris, and given to particular friends. In speaking of the animals of America, the theory of M. de Buffon, the Abbe Raynal, and others presented itself to consideration. They have supposed there is something in the soil, climate and other circumstances of America which occasions animal nature to degenerate, not excepting even the man, native or adoptive, physical or moral. This theory, so unfounded and degrading to one-third of the globe, was called to the bar of fact and reason. Among other proofs adduced in contradiction of this hypothesis, the speech of Logan, an Indian chief, delivered to Lord Dunmore in 1774, was produced as a specimen of the talents of the aboriginals of this country, and particularly of their eloquence; and it was believed that Europe had never produced anything superior to this morsel of eloquence. In order to make it intelligible to the reader, the transaction, on which it was founded, was stated, as it had been generally related in America at the time, and as I had heard it myself, in the circle of Lord Dunmore and the officers who accompanied him; and the speech itself was given as it had, ten years before the printing of that book, circulated in the newspapers through all the then colonies, through the magazines of Great Britain, and periodical publications of Europe. For three and twenty years it passed uncontradicted; nor was it ever suspected that it even admitted contradiction. In 1797, however, for the first time, not only the whole transaction respecting Logan was affirmed in the public papers to be false, but the speech itself suggested to be a forgery, and even a forgery of mine, to aid me in proving that the man of America was equal in body and in mind to the man of Europe. But wherefore the forgery; whether Logan's or mine, it would still have been American. I should indeed consult my own fame if the suggestion, that this speech is mine, were suffered to be believed. He would have a just right to be proud who could with truth claim that composition. But it is none of mine, and I yield it to whom it is due. On seeing, then, that this transaction was brought into question I thought it my duly to make particular inquiry into its foundation. It was the more my duty, as it was alleged that, by ascribing to an individual therein named, a participation in the murder of Logan's family, I had done an injury to his character which it had not deserved. I had no knowledge personally of that individual. I had no reason to aim an injury at him. I only repeated what I had heard from others, and what thousands had heard and believed as well as myself; and which no one, indeed, till then, had been known to question. Twenty-three years had now elapsed since the transaction took place. Many of those acquainted with it were dead, and the living dispersed to very distant parts of the earth. Few of them were even known to me. To those, however, of whom I knew, I made application by letter; and some others, moved by a regard for truth and justice, were kind enough to come forward, of themselves, with their testimony. These fragments of evidence, the small remains of a mighty mass which time has consumed, are here presented to the public in the form of letters, certificates, or affidavits, as they came to me. I have rejected none of these forms, nor required other solemnities from those whose motives and characters were pledges of their truth. Historical transactions are deemed to be well vouched by the simple declarations of those who have borne a part in them, and especially of persons having no interest to falsify or disfigure them. The world will now see whether they, or I, have injured Cresap by believing Logan's charge against him; and they will decide between Logan and Cresap, whether Cresap was innocent and Logan a calumniator? In order that the reader may have a clear conception of the transactions, to which the different parts of the following declarations refet, he must take notice that they establish four different murders. 1. Of two Indians, a little above Wheeling. 2. Of others at Grave Creek,* among whom were some of Logan's relations. 3. The massacre at Baker's bottom, on the Ohio, opposite the mouth of Yellow creek, where were other relations of Logan. 4. Of those killed at the same place, coming in canoes to the relief of their friends. I place the numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, against certain paragraphs of the evidence, to indicate the particular murder to which the paragraph relates, and present also a small sketch or map of the principal scenes of these butcheries, for their more ready comprehension. Extract of a letter from the honorable Judge Innes, of Frankfort in Kentucky, to Thomas Jefferson, dated Kentucky, near Frankfort, March 2d, 1799. I recollect to have seen Logan's speech in 1775, in one of the public prints. That Logan conceived Cresap to be the author of the murder of Yellow creek, it is in my power to give, perhaps, a more particular information, than any other person you can apply to. In 1774, I lived in Fincastle county, now divided into Washington, Montgomery and part of Wythe. Being intimate in Colonel Preston's family, I happened in July to be at his house, when an express was sent to him as the county lieutenant, requesting a guard of the militia to be ordered out for the protection of the inhabitants residing low down on the north fork of Holston river. The express brought with him a war club, and a note which was left tied to it at the house of one Robertson, whose family were cut off by the Indians, and gave rise for the application to Colonel Preston, of which the following is a copy, then taken by me in my memorandum book : "CAPTAIN CRESAP :—What did you kill my people on Yellow creek for ? The white people killed my kin at Conestoga, a great while ago ; and I thought nothing of that. But you killed my kin again, on Yellow creek, and took my cousin prisoner. Then I thought I must kill too; and I have been three times to war since ; but the Indians are not angry, only myself. " CAPTAIN JOHN LOGAN." With great respect, I am, Dear Sir, Your most obedient servant, HARRY INNES. " July 21, 1774." ALLEGHENY COUNTY, SS : STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA : Before me, the subscriber, a justice of the peace in and for said county, personally appeared John Gibson, Esquire, an asso- * Mr. Jefferson appears to give the name of Grave Creek to Captina. 78 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. ciate judge of same county, who being duly sworn, deposeth and saith that he traded with the Shawanese and other tribes of Indians then settled on the Scioto in the year 1773, and in the beginning of the year 1774, and that in the month of April, of the same year, he left the same Indian towns, and came to this place in order to procure some goods and provisions ; that he remained here only a few days, and then set out in company with a certain Alexander Blaine and M. Elliot, by water to return to the towns on the Scioto, and that one evening as they were drifting in their canoes near the Long Reach on the Ohio, they were hailed by a number of white men on the south-west shore, who requested them to put ashore, as they had disagreeable news to inform them of; that we then landed on shore, and found amongst the party, a Major Angus McDonald, from West Chester, a Doctor Woods from the same place, and a party as they said of 150 men. We then asked the news. They informed us that some of the party who had been taken up, and improving lands near the Big Kanawha river, had seen another party of white men, who informed them that they and some others had fell in with a party of Shawanese, who had been hunting on the south-west side of the Ohio, that they had killed the whole of the Indian party, and that the others had gone across the country to Cheat river with the horses and plunder, the consequence of which, they apprehended, would be an Indian war, and that they were flying away. On making inquiry of them when this murder should have happened, we found that it must have been some considerable time before we left the Indian towns, and that there was not the smallest foundation for the report, as there was not a single man of the Shawanese, but what returned from hunting long before this should have happened. We then informed them that if they would agree to remain at the place we then were, one of us would go to Hockhocking river with some of their party, where we should find some of our people making canoes, and that if we did not find them there, we might conclude that everything was not right. Dr. Wood and another person then proposed going with me; the rest of the party seemed to agree, but said they would send and consult Captain Cresap, who was about two miles from that place. They sent off for him, and during the greater part of the night they behaved in the most disorderly manner, threatening to kill us, and saying the damned traders were worse than the Indians and ought to be killed. In the morning Captain Michael Cresap came to the camp. I then gave him the information as above related. They then met in council, and after an hour or more Captain Cresap returned to me, and informed me that he could not prevail on them to adopt the proposal I had made to them, that as he had a great regard for Captain R. Callender, a brother-in-law of mine with whom I was connected in trade, he advised me by no means to think of proceeding any further, as he was convinced the present party would fall on and kill every Indian they met on the river, that for his part he should not continue with them, but go right across the country to Redstone to avoid the consequences. That we then proceeded to Hocking and went up the same to the canoe place, where we found our people at work, and after some days we proceeded to the towns on the Scioto by land. On our arrival there, we heard of the different murders committed by the party on their way up the Ohio. This deponent further saith that in the year 1774, he accompanied Lord Dunmore on the expedition against the Shawanese and other Indians on the Scioto, that on their arrival within fifteen miles of the towns, \they were met by a flag, and a white man of the name of Elliot, who informed Lord Dunmore that the chiefs of the Shawanese had sent to request his Lordship to halt his army and send in some person who understood their language ; that this deponent, at the request of Lord Dunmore and the whole of the officers with him, went in ; that on his arrival at the towns, Logan, the Indian, came to where this deponent was sitting with the Cornstalk and the other chiefs of the Shawanese, and asked him to walk out with him ; that they went into a copse of wood, where they sat down, when Logan, after shedding abundance of tears, delivered to him the speech, nearly as related by Mr. Jefferson in his notes on the State of Virginia; that he, the deponent, told him then that it was not Col. Cresap who had murdered his relations, and that although his son, Captain Michael Cresap, was with the party who killed a Shawanese chief and other Indians, yet he was not present when his relations were killed at Baker's near the mouth of Yellow creek on the Ohio; that this deponent on his return to camp delivered the speech to Lord Dunmore ; and that the murders perpetrated as above were considered as ultimately the cause of the war of 1774, commonly called Cresap's war.  JOHN GIBSON. Sworn and subscribed the 4th of April, 1800, at Pittsburgh, before me,  JER. BAKER." Extract of a letter from Col. Ebenezer Zane, to the Honorable John Brown, one of the Senators in Congress from Kentucky, dated Wheeling, Feb. 4th, 1800. I was myself, with many others, in the practice of making improvements on lands upon the Ohio, for the purpose acquiring rights to the „same. Being on the Ohio at the mouth of Sandy creek, in company with many others, news circulated that the Indians had robbed some of the land jobbers. This news induced the people generally to ascend the Ohio. I was among the number. On our arrival at Wheeling, being informed that there were two Indians with some traders near and above Wheeling, a proposition was made by the then Captain, Michael Cresap, to way-lay and kill the Indians upon the river. This measure I opposed with much violence, alledging that the killing of those Indians might involve the country in a war. But the opposite party prevailed, and proceeded up the Ohio with Captain Cresap at their head. In a short time the party returned, and also the traders, in a canoe; but there were no Indians in the company. I inquired what had become of the Indians, and was informed by the traders and Cresap's party that they had fallen overboard. I examined the canoe, and saw much fresh blood and some bullet holes in the canoe. This fully convinced me that the party had killed the two Indians and thrown them into the river. On the afternoon of the day this action happened, a report prevailed that there was a camp or party of Indians on the Ohio below and near Wheeling. In consequence of this information, Captain Cresap with his party, joined by a number of recruits, proceeded immediately down the Ohio for the purpose, as was then generally understood; of destroying the Indians above mentioned. On the succeeding day, Captain Cresap and his party returned to Wheeling, and it was generally reported by the party that they had killed a number of Indians. Of the truth of this report I had no doubt, as one of Cresap's party was badly wounded, and the party had a fresh scalp and a quantity of property, which they called Indian plunder. At the time of the last mentioned transaction, it was generally reported that the party of Indians down the Ohio were Logan and his family; but I have reason to believe that this report was unfounded. Within a few days after the transaction above mentioned, a party of Indians were killed at Yellow creek. But I must do the memory of Captain Cresap the justice to say that I do not believe that he was present at the killing of the Indians at Yellow creek. But there is not the least doubt in my mind, that the massacre of Yellow creek was brought on by the two transactions first stated. All the transactions, which I have related, happened in the latter end of April, 1774: and there can scarcely be a doubt that they were the cause of the war which immediately followed, commonly called Dunmore's war. I am with much esteem, yours, &c.,  EBENEZER ZANE. The Certificate of William Huston, of Washington county, in the State of Pennsylvania, communicated by David Riddick, Esquire, Prothonotary of Washington county, Pennsylvania, who in the letter inclosing it, says: "Mr. William Huston is a man of established reputation in point of integrity." I, William Huston, of Washington county, in the State of Pennsylvania, do hereby certify to whom it may concern, that in the year 1774, I resided at Catfish's camp, on the main path from Wheeling to Redstone; that Michael Cresap, who resided on or near the Potomac river, on his way up from the river Ohio, at the head of a party of armed men, lay some time at my cabin. I had previously heard the report of Mr. Cresap having killed some Indians, said to be the relations of Logan, an Indian chief. In a variety of conversations with several of Cresap's party, they boasted of the deed; and that in the presence of their chief. They acknowledged that they had fired first on the Indians. They had with them one man on a litter, who was in the skirmish. I do further certify that, from what I learned from the party themselves, I then formed the opinion, and have not had any reason to change the opinion since, that the killing, on the part of the whites, was what I deem the grossest murder. I further certify that some of the party, who afterwards killed some HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 79 women and other Indians at Baker's bottom, also lay at my cabin, on their march to the interior part of the country; they had with them a little girl, whose life had been spared by the interference of some more humane than the rest. If necessary I will make affidavit to the above to be true. Certified at Washington, this 18th day of April, Anno Domini 1.798. WILLIAM HUSTON. The Certificate of Jacob Newland, of Shelby county, Kentucky, communicated by the Honorable Judge Irma, of Kentucky. In the year 1774, I lived on the waters of Short creek, a branch of the Ohio, twelve miles above Wheeling. Sometime in June or in July of that year, Capt. Michael Cresap raised a party of men, and came out under Col. McDaniel, of Hampshire county, Virginia, who commanded a detachment against the Wappotommaka towns on the Muskingum. I met with Capt. Cresap, at Redstone fort, and entered his company. Being very well acquainted with him, we conversed freely; and he, among other conversation, informed me several times of falling in With some Indians on the Ohio some distance below the mouth of Yellow creek, and killed two or three of them; and that this murder was before that of the Indians by Greathouse and others, at Yellow creek. I do not recollect the reason which Capt. Cresap assigned for committing the act, but never understood that the Indians gave any offence. Certified under my hand this 15th day of November, 1799, being an inhabitant of Shelby county and State of Kentucky. JACOB NEWLAND. The Certificate of John Anderson, a merchant in Fredericksburg, Virginia; communicated by Mann Page, Esq., of Mansfield, near Fredericksburg, who, in the letter accompanying it, says: "Mr. John Anderson has for many years past been settled in Fredericksburg, in the mercantile line. I have known him in prosperous and adverse situations. He has always shown the greatest degree of equanimity, his honesty and veracity are unimpeachable. These things can be attested by all the respectable part of the town and neighborhood of Fredericksburg." Mr. John Anderson, a merchant in Fredericksburg, says, that in the year 1774, being a trader in the Indian country, he was at Pittsburgh, to which place he had a cargo brought up the river in a boat navigated by a Delaware Indian and a white man. That on their return down the river, with a cargo, belonging to Messrs. Butler, Michael Cresap fired on the boat, and killed the Indian, after which .two men of the name of Gate- the and others of the name of *Tumblestone, who lived on he opposite side of the river from the Indians, with whom they were on the most friendly terms, invited a party of them to come over and drink with them ; and that, when the Indians were drunk, they murdered them to the number of six, among whom was Logan's mother. That five other Indians, uneasy at the absence of their friends, came over the river to inquire after them; when they were fired upon, and two were killed, and the others wounded. This was the origin of the war. I certify the above to be true to the best of my recollection. JOHN ANDERSON. Attest :—DAVID BLAIR, 30th June, 1798. The Deposition of James Chambers, communicated by David Riddick, Esq., Prothonotary of Washington county, Pennsylvania, who in the letter inclosing it, shows that he entertains the most perfect confidence in the truth of Mr. Chambers. Washington county, sc. Personally came before me, Samuel Shannon, Esq., one of the Commonwealth Justices for the County of Washington, in the State of Pennsylvania, James Chambers, who, being sworn ac- cording to law, deposeth and saith that in the spring of the year 1774, he resided on the frontier near Baker's bottom on the Ohio; that he had an intimate companion, with whom he sometimes lived, named Edward King; that a report reached him that Michael Cresap had killed some Indians near Grave creek, friends to an Indian known by the name of Logan; that other of his friends following down the river, having received intelligence, and fearing to proceed, lest Cresap might fall in with them, encamped near the mouth of Yellow creek, opposite Baker's bottom that Daniel Greathouse had determined to kill them; had made the secret known to the deponent's companion, Ring; that the deponent was earnestly solicited to be of the * The popular pronunciation of Toinlinson, which was the real name. party, and, as an inducement, was told that they would get a great deal of plunder; and further, that the Indians would be made drunk by Baker, and that little danger would follow the expedition. The deponent refused having any hand in killing unoffending people. His companion, King, went with Greathouse, with divers others, some of whom had been collected at a considerable distance under an idea that Joshua Baker's family was in danger from the Indians, as war had been commenced between Cresap and them already; that Edward King, as well as others of the party, did not conceal from the deponent the most minute circumstances of this affair; they informed him that Greathouse, concealing his people, went over to the Indian encampments and counted their number, and found that they were too large a party to attack with his strength; that he then requested Joshua Baker, when any of them came to his house, (which they had been in the habit of) to give them what rum they could drink, and to let him know when they were in a proper train, and that he would then fall on them; that accordingly they found several men and women at Baker's house; that one of these women had cautioned Greathouse, when over in the Indian camp, that he had better return home, as the Indian men were drinking, and that, having heard of Cresap's attack on their relations down the river, they were angry, and, in a friendly manner, told him to go home. Greathouse, with his party, fell upon them and killed all except a little girl, which the deponent saw with the party after the slaughter; that the Indians in the camp, hearing the firing, manned two canoes, supposing their friends at Baker's to be attacked, as was supposed; the party under Greathouse prevented their landing by a well-directed fire, which did execution in the canoes; that Edward King showed the deponent one of the scalps. The deponent further saith, that the settlements. near the river broke up, and he, the deponent, immediately repaired to Catfish's camp, and lived some time with Mr. William Huston; that not long after his arrival, Cresap, with his party, returning from the Ohio, came to Mr. Huston s and tarried some time; that in various conversations with the party, and in particular with a Mr. Smith, who had one arm only, he was told that the Indians were acknowledged and known to be Logan's friends which they had killed, and that he heard the party say that Logan would probably avenge their death. They acknowledged that the Indians passed Cresap's encampment on the bank of the river in a peaceable manner, and encamped below him; that they went down and fired on the Indians, and killed several ; that the survivors flew to their arms and fired on Cresap, and wounded one man, whom the deponent saw carried on a litter by the party; that the Indians killed by Cresap were not only Logan's relations, but of the women killed at Baker's one was said and generally believed to be Logan's sister. The deponent further saith, that On the relation of the attack by Cresap on the unoffending Indians, he exclaimed in their hearing, that it was an atrocious murder, on which Mr. Smith threatened the deponent with the tomahawk ; so that he was obliged to be cautious, fearing an injury, as the party appeared to have lost, in a great degree, sentiments of humanity as well as the effects of civilization. JAMES CHAMBERS. Sworn and subscribed at Washington, the 20th day of April, Anno Domini, 1798, before SAMUEL SHANNON. WASHINGTON COUNTY, SC. I, David Reddick, prothonotary of the Court of Common Pleas, for the county of Washington, in the State of Pennsylvania, do certify that Samuel Shannon, Esq., before whom the within affidavit was made, was, at the time thereof, and still is, a Justice of the Peace in and for the county of Washington aforesaid; and that full credit is due to all his judicial acts as such as well in courts of justice as thereout. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and affixed the seal of my office at Washington, the 26th day of April, Anno Dom. 1798. DAVID REDDICK. 80 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. The Certificate of Charles Polke, of Shelby County, in Kentucky, communicated by the Hon. Judge Innes, of Kentucky, who in the letter enclosing it, together with Newland's certificate, and his own declaration of the information given him by Baker, says, ",I am well acquainted with Jacob Newland ; he is a man of integrity. Charles Polke and Joshua Baker both support respectable characters." About the latter end of April or beginning of May, 1774, I lived on the waters of Cross creek, about sixteen miles from Joshua Baker, who lived on the Ohio, opposite the mouth of Yellow creek. A number of persons collected at my house, and proceeded to the said Baker's and murdered several Indians, among whom was a woman said to be the sister of the Indian chief, Logan. The principal leader of the party was Daniel Greathouse. To the best of my recollection the cause which gave rise to the murder was, a general idea that the Indians were meditating an attack on the frontiers. Capt. Michael' Cresap was not of the party; but I recollect that some time before the perpetration of the above fact it was currently reported that Capt. Cresap had murdered some Indians on the Ohio, one or two some distance below Wheeling. Certified by me, an inhabitant of Shelby county and State of Kentucky, this 15th day of November, 1799. CHARLES POLKE." The declaration of Hon. Judge Innes, of Frankfort, in Kentucky. On the 14th of November, 1799, I accidentally met upon the road Joshua Baker, theperson referred to in the certificate signed by Polke, who informed me that the murder of the Indians in 1774, opposite the mouth of Yellow creek, was perpetrated at his house by thirty-two men, led on by Daniel Greathouse; that twelve were killed and six or eight wounded; among the slain was a sister and other relations of the Indian chief, Logan. Baker says Captain Michael Cresap was not of the party; that some days preceding the murder at his house two Indians left him and were on their way home ; that they fell in with Capt. Cresap and a party of land improvers on the Ohio and were murdered, if not by Cresap himself, with his approbation ; he being the leader of the party, and that he had this information from Cresap. HARRY INNES. The declaration of William Robinson. William Robinson, of Clarksburg, in the county of Harrison and State of Virginia, subscriber to these presents, declares that he was, in the year 1774, a resident on the west fork of the Monongahela river, n the county then called West Augusta, and being in his field on the 12th of July, with two other men, they were surprised by a party of eight Indians, who shot down one of the others and made himself and the remaining one prisoners; the subscriber's wife and four children having been pre- viously conveyed by him for safety to a fort about twenty-four miles off; that the principal Indian of the party which took them was Captain Logan that Logan spoke English well, and very soon manifested a friendly disposition to this subscriber, and told him to be of good heart, that he would not be killed, but must go with him to his town, where he would probably be adopted in some of their families ; but above all things that he must not attempt to run away ; that in the course of the journey to the Indian town he generally endeavored to keep close to Logan, who had a great deal of conversation with him, always encouraging him to be cheerful and without fear; for that he would not be killed, but should become one of them ; and constantly impressing on him not to attempt to run away; that in these conversations he always charged Capt. Michael Cresap with the murder of his family; that on his arrival in the town, which was on the 18th of July, he was tied to a stake, and a great debate arose whether he should not be burnt ; Logan insisted on having him adopted, while others contended to burn him; that at length Logan prevailed, tied a, belt of wampum round him as the mark of adoption, loosed him from the post and carried him to the cabin of an old squaw, where Logan pointed out a person who he said was this subscriber's cousin ; and he afterwards understood that the old woman was his aunt, and two others his brothers, and that he now stood in the place of a warrior of the family who had been killed at Yellow creek ; that about three days after this, Logan brought him a piece of paper and told him he must write a letter for him, which he meant to carry and leave in some house where he should kill somebody ; that he made ink with gunpowder, and the subscriber proceeded to write the letter by his direction, addressing Captain Michael Cresap in it, and that the purport of it was, to ask " why he had killed his people ? That some time before they had killed his people at some place, (the name of which the subscriber forgets,) which he had forgiven ; but since that he had killed his people again at Yellow creek, and taken his cousin; a little girl, prisoner ; that therefore he must war against the whites ; but that he would exchange the subscriber for his cousin." And signed it with Logan's name, which letter Logan took and 'set out again to war ; and the contents of this letter, as recited by the subscriber, calling to mind, that stated by Judge Innes to have been left, tied to a war club, in a house, where a family was murdered, and that being read to the subscriber, he recognizes it, and declares he verily believes it to have been the identical letter which he wrote, and supposes he was mistaken in stating as he has done before from memory, that the offer of the exchange was proposed in the letter; that it is probable it was only promised him by Logan, but not put in the letter; while he was with the old woman, she repeatedly endeavored to make him sensible that she had been of the party at Yellow creek, and, by signs, sheaved how they decoyed her friends over the river to drink, and when they were reeling and tumbling about, toma- hawked them all, and that whenever she entered on this subject she was thrown into the most violent agitations, and that he afterwards understood that, amongst the Indians killed at Yellow creek, was a sister of Logan, very big with child, whom they ripped open, and stuck on a pole that he continued with the Indians till the month of November, when he was released in consequence of the peace made by them with Lord Dunmore; that, while he remained with them, the Indians in general were very kind to him ; and especially those who were his adopted relations ; but above all, the old woman and family in which he lived, .who served him with every thing in their power and never asked, or even suffered him to do any labor, seeming in truth to consider and respect him, as the friend they had lost. All which several: matters and things, so far as they are stated to be of his own knowledge, this subscriber solemnly, declares to be true, and so far as they are stated on information from others, he believes them to be true. Given and declared under his hand at Philadelphia, this 28th day of February, 1800. WILLIAM ROBINSON. The deposition of Col. William McKee, of Jefferson county, Kentucky, communicated by the Hon. John Brown, one of the Senators in Congress from Kentucky. Colonel William McKee, of Lincoln county, declareth, that in autumn, 1774, he commanded as a captain in the Bottetourt regiment under Col. Andrew Lewis, afterwards Gen. Lewis, and fought in the battle at the mouth of Kanawha, on the 10th of October, in that year. That after the battle, Col. Lewis marched the militia across the Ohio, and proceeded towards the Shawanee towns on Scioto; but before they reached the towns, Lord Dunmore, who was commander in chief of the army, and had, with a large part thereof, been up the Ohio about Hockhockin, when the battle was fought, overtook the militia, and informed them of his having since the battle concluded a treaty with the Indians; upon which the whole army returned. And the said William declareth that, on the evening of that day on which the junction of the troops took place, he was in company with Lord Dunmore and several of his officers, and also conversed with several who had been with Lord Dunmore at the treaty; said William, on that evening, heard repeated conversations concerning an extraordinary speech made at the treaty, or sent there by a chieftain of the Indians named Logan, and heard several attempts at a rehearsal of it. The speech as rehearsed excited the particular attention of said William, and the most striking members of it were impressed on his memory. And he declares that when Thomas Jefferson's Notes on Virginia were published, and he came to peruse the same, he was struck with the speech of Logan as there set forth, as being substantially the same, and accordant with the speech he heard rehearsed in the camp as aforesaid. [Signed] WILLIAM MCKEE. DANVILLE, December 18th, 1799. We certify that Colonel William McKee, this day signed the original certificate, of which the foregoing is a true copy, in our presence. JAMES SPEED, jun. J. H. DEWEES. The Certificate of the Honorable Stevens Thomson Mason, one of the Senators in Congress from the State of Virginia. "Logan's speech, delivered at the Treaty, after the battle in which Col. Lewis was killed in 1774." [Here follows a copy of the speech agreeing verbatim with HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 81 that printed in Dixon and Hunter's Virginia Gazette of February 4, 1775, under the Williamsburg head. At the foot is this certificate.] "The foregoing is a copy taken by me, when a boy, at school, in the year 1775, or at farthest in 1776, and lately found in an old pocket-book, containing papers and manuscripts of that period. " STEVENS THOMPSON MASON. "January 20th, 1798." A copy of Logan's Speech given by the late General Mercer, who fell in the battle of Trenton, January, 1776, to Lewis Willis, Esquire, of Fredericksburg, in Virginia, upwards of 20 years ago (from the date of February, 1798), communicated through Mann Page, Esquire. "The speech of Logan, a Shawanese chief, to Lord Dunmore." [Here follows a copy of the speech, agreeing verbatim with that in the Notes on Virginia.] A copy of Logan's speech from the Notes on Virginia having been sent to Captain Andrew Rodgers, of Kentucky, he subjoined the following certificate: In the year 1774, I was out with the Virginia Volunteers, and was in the battle at the mouth of the Kanawha, and afterwards proceeded over the Qhio to the Indian towns. I did not hear Logan make the above speech; but, from the unanimous accounts of those in camp, I have reason to think that said speech was delivered to Dunmore. I remember to have heard the very things contained in the above speech related by some of our people in camp at that time. ANDREW RODGERS. The declaration of Mr. John Heckwelder, for several years a missionary from the Society of Moravian, among the Western Indians. In the spring of the year 1774, at a time when the interior part of the Indian country all seemed peace and tranquility, the villagers on the Muskingum were suddenly alarmed by two runners (Indians) who reported "that the Big Knife (Virginians) had attacked the Mingo settlement, on the Ohio, and butchered even the women with their children in their arms, and that Logan's family were among the slain." A. day or two after this, several Mingoes made their appear- ance; among whom were one or two wounded, who had in this manner effected!' their escape. Exasperated to a high degree, after relating the particulars of this transaction (which for humanity's sake I forbear to mention), after resting some time on the treachery of the Big Knives, of their barbarity to those who are their friends, they gave a figurative description of the perpetrators; named Cresap as having been at the head of this murderous act. They made mention of nine being killed, and two wounded; and were prone to take revenge on any person of a white color, for which reason the missionaries had to shut themselves up during their stay. From this time terror daily increased. The exasperated friends and relations of those murdered women and children, with the nations to whom they belonged, passed and repassed through the villages of the quiet Delaware towns, in search of white people, making use of the most abusive language to these (the Delawares) since they would not join in taking revenge. Traders had either to hide themselves, or try to get out of the country the best. way they could. And even, at this time, they yet found such true friends among the Indians, who, at the risk of their own lives, conducted them, with the best part of their property, to Pittsburgh, although, (shameful to relate !) these benefactors were, on their return from this mission, waylaid, and fired upon by whites, while crossing Big, Beaver in a canoe, and had one man, a Shawanese named Silverheels, (a man of note in his nation) wounded in the body. This exasperated the Shawanese so much, that they, or at least a great part of them, immediately took an active part in the cause; and the Mingoes (near, A connected with the former,) became unbounded in their rage. A Mr. Jones, son to a respectable family of this neighborhood (Bethlehem,) who was then on his passage up the Muskingum, with two other men, was fortunately espied by a friendly Indian woman, at the falls of the Muskingum, who through motives of humanity alone, informed Jones of the nature of the times, and that he was running right in the hands of the enraged, and put him on the way, where he might perhaps escape the vengeance of the strolling parties. One of Jones's men, fatigued by traveling in the woods, declared he 11—B. & J. COS. would rather die than remain longer in this situation; and hitting accidentally on a path, he determined to follow the same. A few hundred yards decided his fate. He was met by a party of about fifteen Mingoes, (and as it happened, almost within sight of White Eyes Town,) murdered and cut to pieces and his limbs and flesh stuck up on the bushes. White Eyes, on hearing the scalp halloo, ran immediately out with his men to see what the matter was, and finding the mangled body in this condition, gathered the whole and buried it. But next day, when some of the above party found on their return the body interred, they instantly tore up the ground, and endeavored to destroy, or scatter about the parts at a greater distance. White Eyes, with the Delawares, watching their motions, gathered and interred the same a second time. The war party finding this out, ran furiously into the Delaware village, exclaiming against the conduct of these people, setting forth the cruelty of Cresap towards women and children and declaring at the same time, that they would in consequence of this cruelty, serve every white man they should meet with in the same manner. Times grew worse and worse, war parties went out and took scalps and prisoners, and the latter, in hopes it might be of service in saving their lives, exclaimed against the barbarous act which gave rise to these troubles and against the perpetrators. The name of Greathouse was mentioned as having been accomplice to Cresap. So detestable became the latter name among the Indians, that I have frequently heard them apply it to the worst of things; also in quieting or stilling their children, I have heard them say, Hush! Cresap will fetch you ; whereas otherwise, they name the owl. The warriors having afterwards bent their course more toward the Ohio, and down the same, peace seemed with us already on the return; and this *became the case soon after the decided battle fought on the Kanawha. Traders, returning now into the Indian country again, related the story of the above mentioned massacre, after the same manner and with the same words we have heard it related hitherto. So the report remained, and was believed, by all who resided in the Indian country. So it was represented numbers of times; in the peaceable Delaware towns, by the enemy. So the Christian Indians were continually told they would one day be served. With this impression, a petty chief hurried all the way from Wabash in 1779 to take his relations (who were living with the peaceable Delawares near Coshachking), out of the reach of the Big Knives, in whose friendship he never more would place any confidence. And when this man found that his numerous relations, would not break friendship with the Americans, nor be removed, he took two of his relations (women) off by force, saying, "The whole crop should not be destroyed; I will have seed out of it for a new crop:" alluding to, and repeating) y reminding these of the family of Logan, who he said had been real friends to the whites, and yet were cruelly murdered by them. In Detroit, where I arrived the same spring, the report respecting the murder of the Indians on the Ohio (amongst whom was Logan's family) was the same as related above; and on my return to the United States in the fall of 1786, and from that time, whenever and wherever in my presence, this subject was the topic of conversation, I found the report still the same, viz: that a person, bearing the name of Cresap, was the author or perpetrator of this deed. Logan was the second son of Shikellemus, a celebrated chief of the Cayuga nation. This chief, on account of his attachment to the English government, was of great service to the country, having the confidence of all the Six Nations, as well as that of the English, he was very useful in settling disputes, &c. He was highly esteemed by Conrad Weisser, Esq., (an officer for government in the Indian department) with whom he acted conjointly, and was faithful unto his death. His residence was at Shamokin, where he took great delight in acts of hospitality to such of the white people whose business led them that way.* His name and fame were so high on record, that Count Zinzendorf, when in this country in 1742, became desirous of seeing him, and actually visited him at his house in Shamokin. † About the year 1772, Logan was introduced to me by an Indian friend; as son to the late reputable chief Shikellemus, and as a friend to the white people. In the course of conversation, I thought him a man of superior talents than Indians generally were. The subject turning on vice an immorality, he confessed his too great share of this, especially his fondness for liquor. He exclaimed * The preceding account of Shikellemus (Logan's father), is copied from manuscripts of the Rev. C. Pyrloeus, written between the years 1791 and 1748. † See G. H. Hoskiel's history of the Mission of the United Brethren, &c. Part II. Chap. II. Page 31. 82 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. against the white people, for imposing liquors upon the Indians; he otherwise admired their ingenuity; spoke of gentlemen, but observed the Indians unfortunately had but few of these as their neighbors, &c. He spoke of his friendship to the white people, wished always to be a neighbor to them, intended to settle on the Ohio, below Big Beaver; was (to the best of my recollection) then encamped at the mouth of this river (Beaver), urged me to pay him a visit, &c. Note—I was then living at the Moravian town on this river, in the neighborhood of Cuskuskee. In April, 1773, while on my passage down the Ohio for Muskingum, I called at Logan's settlement, where I received every civility I could expect from such of the family as were at home. " Indian reports concerning Logan, after the death of his family, ran to this: that he exerted himself during the Shawanee war (then so called) to take all the revenge he could, declaring he had lost all confidence in the white people. At the time of negotiation, he declared his reluctance in laying down the hatchet, not having (in his opinion) yet taken ample satisfaction; yet, for the sake of the nation, he would do it. His expressions, from time to time, denoted a deep melancholy. Life (said he) had become a torment to him; he knew no more what pleasure was; he thought it had been better if he had never existed, &c., &c. Report further states, that he became in some measure delirious, declared he would kill himself, went to Detroit, drank very freely, and did not seem to care what he did, and what became of himself. In this condition he left Detroit, and on his way between that place and Miami, was murdered. In October, 1781, (while as prisoner on my way to Detroit,) I was shown the spot where this should have happened. Having had an opportunity since last June of seeing the Rev. David Zeisberger, senior, missionary to the Delaware nation of Indians, who had resided among the same on Muskingum at the time when the murder was committed on the family of Logan, I put the following questions to him : 1. Who he had understood it was that had committed the murder on Logan's family? And, secondly, whether he had any knowledge of a, speech sent to Lord Dunmore by Logan, in consequence of this affair, &c. To which Mr. Zeisberger's answer was, that he had, from that time, when this murder was committed' to the present day, firmly believed the common report (which he had never heard contradicted) viz: that one Cresap was the author of the massacre; or that it was committed by his orders; and that he had known Logan as a boy, had frequently seen him from that time, and doubted not in the least that Logan had sent such a speech to Lord Dunmore on this occasion, as he understood from me had been published; that expressions of that kind from Indians were familiar to him; that Logan in particular was a man of quick comprehension, good judgment and talents. Mr. Zeisberger has been a missionary upwards of fifty years; his age is about eighty; speaks both the language of the Onondagoes and the Delawares; resides at present on the Muskingum, with his Indian congregation, and is beloved and respected by all who are acquainted with him. "JOHN HECKWELDER." MR. JEFFERSON'S COMMENTS. From this testimony the following historical statement results : In April or May, 1774, a number of people being engaged in looking out for settlements on the Ohio, information was spread among them that the Indians had robbed some of the land-jobbers, as those adventurers were called. Alarmed for their safety, they collected together at Wheeling creek. *Hearing there that there were two Indians and some traders a little above Wheeling, Captain Michael Cresap, one of the party, proposed to waylay and kill them. The proposition, though opposed, was adopted. A party went up the river with Cresap at their head, and killed the two Indians. † The same afternoon it was reported that there was a party of Indians on the Ohio, a little below Wheeling. Cresap and his party immediately proceeded down the river, and encamped on the bank. The Indians passed him peaceably, and encamped at the mouth of Grave creek, a little below. Cresap and his party attacked them and killed several. The Indians returned the fire, and wounded one of Cresap's party. Among the slain of the Indians, were some of Logan's family. Colonel Zane indeed expresses a doubt of it ; but it is affirmed by Huston and Chambers. Smith, one of the murderers, said they *First murder of the two Indians by Cresap. † Second murder on Grave creek. were known and acknowledged to be Logan's friends, and the party themselves generally said so ; boasted of it in presence of Cresap pretended no provocation; and expressed their expectations that Logan would probably avenge their deaths. Pursuing these examples, *Daniel Greathouse and one Tomlinson, who lived on the opposite side of the river from the In- dians, and were in habits of friendship with them, collected at j the house of Polke, on Cross creek, about sixteen miles from Baker's bottom, a party of thirty-twb men. Their object was to attack a hunting encampment of the Indians, consisting of men, women and children, at the mouth of Yellow creek, some distance above Wheeling. They proceeded, and when arrived near Baker's bottom, they concealed themselves, and Greathouse crossed the river to the Indian camp. Being among them as a friend he counted them, and found them too strong for an open attack with his force. While here he was cautioned by one of the women not to stay, for that the Indian men were drinking, and having heard of Cresap's murder of their relations at Grave creek, were angry, and she pressed him in a friendly manner to go home ; whereupon, after inviting them to come over and drink, he returned to Baker's, which was a tavern, and desired that when any of them should come to his house he would give them as much rum as they would drink. When his plot was ripe, and a sufficient number of them were collected at Baker's and intoxicated, he and his party fell on them and massacred the whole, except a little girl, whom they preserved as a prisoner. Among these was the very woman who had saved his life by pressing him to retire from the drunken wrath of her friends, when he was spying their camp at Yellow creek. Either she herself, or some other of the murdered women, was the sister of Logan, very big with child, and inhumanly and indecently butchered ; and there were others of his relations who fell here. "The party on the other side of the river, † alarmed for their friends at Baker's, on hearing the report of the guns, manned two canoes and sent them over. They were received, as they approached the shore, by a well directed fire from Greathouse's party, which killed some, wounded others, and obliged the rest to put back. Baker tells us there were twelve killed and six or eight wounded. "This commenced the war, of which Logan's war-club and note, left in the house of a murdered family, was the notification. In the course of it, during the ensuing summer, great numbers of innocent men, women and children fell victims to the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the Indians, till it was arrested in the autumn following by the battle at Point Pleasant and the pacification with Lord Dunmore, at which the speech of Logan was delivered. "Of the genuineness of that speech nothing need be said. It was known to the camp where it was delivered; it was given out by Lord Dunmore and his officers; it ran through the public papers of the State; was rehearsed as an exercise at schools; published in the papers and periodical works of Europe.; and all this a dozen years before it was copied into the Notes on Virginia.' In fine, General Gibson concludes the question forever, by declaring that he received it from Logan's hand, delivered it to Lord Dunmore, translated it for him, and that the copy in the Notes on Virginia' is a faithful copy. " The popular account of these transactions, as stated in the Notes on Virginia, appears, on collecting exact information, imperfect and erroneous in its details. It was the belief of the day ; but how far its errors were to the prejudice of Cresap, the reader will now judge. That he, and those under him, murdered two Indians above Wheeling; that they murdered a larger number at Grave creek, among whom were a part of the family and relations of Logan, cannot be questioned; and as little that this led to the massacre of the rest of the family at Yellow creek. Logan imputed the whole to Cresap in his big war note and peace speech; the Indians generally imputed it to Cresap; Lord Dunmore and his officers imputed it to Cresap; the country with one accord imputed it to him; and whether he were innocent, let the universal verdict now declare." The declaration of John Sappington, received after the publication of the precediny appendix. I, John Sappington, declare myself to be intimately acquainted with all the circumstances respecting the destruction of Logan's family, and do give in the following narrative, a true statement of that affair: Logan's family (if it was his family) was not killed by * Massacre at Baker's bottom, opposite Yellow creek, by Greathouse. † Fourth murder by Greathouse. HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 83 Cresap, nor with his knowledge, nor by his consent, but by the Greathouses and their associates. They were killed 30 miles above Wheeling, near the mouth of 'yellow creek. Logan's camp was on one side of the river Ohio, and the house where the murder was committed opposite to it on the other side. They had encamped there only four or five days, and during that time had lived peaceably and neighborly with the whites on the opposite side, until the very day the affair happened. A little before the period alluded to, letters had been received by the inhabitants from a man of great influence in that country, and who was then, I believe, at Captina, informing them that war was at hand, and desiring them to be on their guard. In consequence of those letters and other rumors of the same import, almost 41 the inhabitants fled for safety into the settlements. It was at the house of- one Baker the murder was committed. Baker was a man who sold rum, and the Indians had made frequent visits at his house, induced, probably, by their fondness for that liquor. He had been particularly desired by Cresap to remove and take away his rum, and he was actually preparing to move at the time of the murder. The evening before, a squaw came over to Baker's house, and by her crying seemed to be in great distress. The cause of her uneasiness being asked, she refused to tell; but getting Baker's wife alone, she told her that the Indians were going to kill her and all her family the next day; that she loved her, did not wish her to be killed, and therefore told her what was intended, that she might save herself. In consequence of this information, Baker got a number of men to the amount of twenty-one to come to his house, and they were all there before morning. A council was held, and it was determined that the men should lie concealed in the back apartment; that if the Indians did come and behaved themselves peaceably they should not be molested; but if not, the men were to show themselves and act accordingly. Early in the morning seven Indians, four men and three squaws, came over. Logan's brother was one of them. They immediately got rum, and all except Logan's brother became very much intoxicated. At this time all the men were concealed, except the man of the house, Baker, and two others who staid out with him. Those Indians came unarmed. After some time Logan's brother took down a coat and hat belonging to Baker's brother-in-law; who lived with him, and put them on, and setting his arms a-kimbo began to strut about, till at length coming up to one of the men he attempted to strike him saying, "white man, son of a bitch." The white man whom he treated thus kept out of his way for some time, but growing irritated he jumped to his gun and shot the Indian as men was making to the door with the coat and hat on him. The men who lay concealed then rushed out and killed the whole of them, excepting one child, which I believe is alive yet. But before this happened, a canoe with two, and another with five Indians all naked, painted and armed completely for war, were discovered to start from the shore on which Logan's camp was. Had not have not been for this circumstance, the white men would acted as they did, but this confirmed what the squaw had told before. The white men, having killed as aforesaid the Indians in the house, ranged themselves along the bank of the river to receive the canoes. The canoe with the two Indians came near, being the foremost. Our men fired upon them and killed them both. The other canoe then went back. After this two other canoes started, the one containing eleven, the other seven Indians, painted and armed as the first. They attempted to land below our men, but were fired upon, had one killed and retreated, at the same time firing back. To the best of my recollection there were three of the Greathouses engaged in this business. This is a true representation of the affair from beginning to end. I was intimately acquainted with Cresap, and know he had no hand in that transaction. He told me himself afterwards at Redstone Old Fort, that the day before Logan's people were killed, he, with a small party, had an engagement with a party of Indians on Capteen, about forty-four miles lower down. Logan's people were killed at the mouth of Yellow creek on the 24th of May, 1774, and the 23d, the day before, Cresap was engaged as already stated. I know likewise that he was generally blamed for it, and believed by all who were not acquainted with the circumstances, to have been the perpetrator of it. I know that he despised and hated. the Greathouses ever afterwards on account of it. I was intimately acquainted with General Gibson, and served under him during the late war, and I have a discharge from him now lying in the land office at Richmond, to which I refer any person for my character, who might be disposed to scruple my veracity. I was likewise at the treaty held by Lord Dunmore with the Indians at Chillicothe. As for the speech said to have been delivered by Logan on that occasion, it might have been, or might not, for anything I know, as I never heard of it till long.afterwards. I do not believe that Logan had any relations killed, except his brother. Neither of the squaws who were killed were his wife. Two of them were old women, and the third, with her child which was saved, I have the best reason in the world to believe was the wife and child of General Gibson. I know he educated the child, and took care of it, as if it had been his own. Whether Logan had a wife or not, I can't say, but it is probable that as he was a chief, he considered them all as his people. All this I am ready to be qualified to at any time. JOHN SAPPINGTON. Attest : SAMUEL MCKEE, Jun. MADISON COUNTY, February 13th, 1800. I do certify further that the above named John Sappington told me, at the same time and place at which he gave me the above narrative, that he, himself, was the man who shot the brother of Logan in the house as above related, and that he likewise killed one of the Indians in one of the canoes, which came over from the opposite shore. He likewise told me, that Cresap never said an angry word to him about the matter, although he was frequently in company with Cresap, and indeed had been, and continued to be, in habits of intimacy with that gentleman, and was always befriended by him on every occasion. He further told me that after they had perpetrated the murder and were flying into the settlements, he met with Cresap (if I recollect right, at Redstone old fort) and gave him a scalp, a very large fine one, as he expressed it, and adorned with silver. The scalp, I think he told me, was the scalp of Logan's brother, though as to this I am not absolutely certain. Certified by SAMUEL MCKEE, Jun. OTHER EVIDENCE, LETTERS AND DOCUMENTS. That Logan attributed the murder of his family to Captain. Cresap, there can be no dispute, but notwithstanding the testimony collected and produced by Mr. Jefferson, the impartial historian will arrive at the conclusion that the facts,. and all the circumstances, will hardly justify the strong language he uses in the closing remarks of his discussion of the subject. Logan doubtless labored under the belief that Cresap was directly connected with the massacre at Yellow creek, but he was evidently mistaken, and to that extent did Cresap an injustice by making the charge against him. AFFIDAVIT OF JOHN CALDWELL. A document equally as important as any of the foregoing, and substantiating this view of the matter, is the affidavit of John Caldwell, who resided near Wheeling in 1774. This affidavit was reduced to writing in 1839 by Daniel M. Edgington, then a lawyer in Wheeling, and now a resident of West Liberty. The following is its text: He states: " That in the year 1774 he emigrated from Baltimore, Md., to the western country, and settled at the mouth of Wheeling creek, on the Ohio, in what was known as the district of West Augusta, and afterwards and now as Ohio county, Virginia. That he was well and intimately acquainted with the late Captain Michael Cresap, of Frederick county, Md., in 1744, and for some time before, and afterwards till his death. At the time last mentioned the section of country in which affiant resided was frequently disturbed by the Indians, (as well for several years previous to 1774, as for many years afterwards) who were in the habit of stealing horses from the white inhabitants on the frontier, and committing other depredations. Horses were stolen from William McMahon and Joseph Tomlinson and others in 1774. Much ill feeling at all times existed among the white people of the frontier against the Indians on account of their depredations and the murders which they had at different times committed among the settlements. In 1744 several Indians who had dwelt on the west side of the Ohio, at or near the mouth of Yellow creek, crossed over the river to what was then known as Baker's bottom, opposite, or nearly opposite the mouth of said creek, and were killed by the whites at that place, as the affiant always understood and well. believes, from feelings of animosity, growing out of the causes aforesaid against the Indians generally. The Indians so killed were said to have been, and affiant believes such .was the fact, the relatives or family of the chief, Logan, with whose massacre the said Captain Cresap is charged in Jefferson's "Notes on Virginia," "Dr. Doddridge's Notes," etc. 84 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. At the time said Indians were killed, Captain Cresap made his home at the house of affiant, at the mouth of Wheeling creek, but was generally absent, further down the river, with a party of men in his employ, making improvements on lands he had taken up near Middle Island creek. Shortly before, and at the time of the massacre of Logan's relatives, there was a general apprehension on the frontiers from various indications, that there was to be a general outbreaking of the Indians upon the settlements, and much alarm prevailed. Captain Cresap and his men came up the river to affiant's house, and affiant well remembers that he, Captain Cresap, was there on the day the Indians referred to were killed at Baker's bottom, and that he remained there for some days afterwards, and until the news of their being killed reached Wheeling. Affiant further states that Baker's bottom was situated forty or fifty miles above his residence, immediately on the Ohio river; that on the evening of the day the report reached Wheeling, that the Indians had been killed, affiant started down the river to Middle Island creek, where he also had some hands engaged in making improvements, to warn them of the danger apprehended by the people above, and to bring them home; and that when he left home Captain Cresap was at his house. " Affiant further states that he was called on, some years ago, by some person, whose name he does not now remember, but who was understood to be the agent, or as acting under the direction of Mr. Jefferson, for his (affiant's) testimony in relation to the murder of Logan's family, and that he then gave his affidavit, which, in substance, was the same as the foregoing. Affiant further says it was well understood and believed on the frontier at that time that the persons principally engaged in killing said Indians were Daniel (John?) Sappington, Nathaniel Tomlinson, Daniel Greathouse and, perhaps, others; and that Captain Cresap was never charged or implicated in the report, in any manner, so far as he knows or believes, in this country, until after the publication of Jefferson's 'Notes on Virginia.'" Neville B. Craig, editor of the Olden Time, a monthly periodical devoted to the discussion of historical subjects, published at Pittsburgh in 1846-47, gave this matter great attention and spared no pains in the collection of documents and evidence that would throw light upon the subject. In the January number, 1847, he presents an argument which we deem worthy of reproducing in this connection : " We have lately been favored with a copy of a very curious little book entitled, 'A Biographical Sketch of Captain Michael. Cresap,' by John J. Jacobs, printed at Cumberland, in Maryland. It is intended as a defence of his character against the charges contained in the celebrated speech attributed to Logan, in Jefferson's Notes. It also notices this affair, which Dodd-ridge places at Captina, but which really occurred at Grave creek.* As to the first charge, the horrible massacre at Yellow creek, there is not the slightest evidence to sustain it. Colonel Gibson, Geo. R. Clark, and many other persons whose testimony we had before seen, acquit Cresap of any connection with that outrage. Mr. Jacobs, however, brings forward the testimony of other witnesses, viz : General John Minor, Dr. Wheeler, and especially Benjamin Tomlinson, who was at Yellow creek at the time of the massacre, all of whom disprove Cresap's connection with that atrocious affair. As to the murder at Grave creek, Mr. Jacobs alleges that it occurred after Connelly had written a circular, warning the people that there was danger from the Indians, after the murder of the two white men at Little Beaver, and after the massacre at Yellow creek. He also states that in June, 1775, when Congress required Maryland to raise two companies of riflemen to proceed to Boston, Michael Cresap was the first captain appointed, and soon after marched with one hundred and thirty men. He arrived at Boston, was soon after taken sick, started for home, but died at New York on the 18th of October, 1775, aged thirty-three years. It is undoubtedly true that such a circular was written by Connelly. Devereaux Smith, in a letter to Dr. Smith, mentions such a letter, and states that Cresap had given the receipt of it as one of the causes of his attack. He also states that Cresap gave the killing of the Indians at Little Beaver creek, as another reason, and as Smith was a contemporaneous witness, without interest in the matter, his statement is entitled to belief. But the massacre at Yellow creek, we think, from the weight of evidence, followed, not preceded, the operations of Cresap, near Wheeling. * Mr. Jefferson also treats the affair at Captina as having occurred at Grave creek, but in his map accompanying the Notes on Virginia, he places the stream which he calls Grave creek on the west side of the Ohio, at the location of the Captina. This may have misled Mr. Craig. There is no doubt that Doddridge and other authors were right in placing it at Captina. "There is great difficulty in reconciling the different statements in relation to the use of Cresap's name, in the speeches usually attributed to Logan. "Colonel Gibson, who bore the speech from Logan to Dunmore, makes the following statement under oath, that after Logan had delivered to him the speech, 'he,' the deponent (Gibson), 'told Logan that it was not Col. Cresap who had murdered his relations, and that although his son, Capt. Michael Cresap, was with the party who killed a Shawanese chief and other Indians, yet he was not present when his (Logan's) relatives were killed at Baker's, near the mouth of Yellow creek.' But he (Gibson) does not say whether Logan then ordered the name of Cresap to be stricken out. Joseph Tomlinson, however, who was present when the speech was delivered to Dunmore, states that he heard it read three times, first by Gibson and twice by Dunmore, and that the name of Cresap was not mentioned in it. "Now the questions arise: 'Did Logan strike out the name of Cresap, when Gibson told him that the charge against him was false? Or did Gibson, knowing the charge to be false, yet consent to carry it to Dunmore with that charge?' He had the best means of knowing the falsehood of the charge, and to have aided in giving it currency, would have been an act of baseness. Tomlinson's statement, however, must exonerate Gibson from all suspicion of such conduct. The name was not in the speech, when it came to Dunmore's hand. "How then did the name afterwards get into the speech again? "Jacobs, in his notice of Cresap, argues that Dunmore had restored the name, or, as it may not have been very effectually erased, and some person copying may have chosen to introduce it. Dunmore was a desperate man. He was willing to go very far to aid his country. He was accused by men of high standing, such as Theodorick Bland, of exciting the Indians against the frontier; of regretting Lewis' success at Point Pleasant ; and of hoping for a long and 'bloody Indian war. His coadjutor, Connelly, was equally desperate, and very hostile to Cresap, who was a whig. So that there was an inducement for Dunmore to introduce the name of Cresap. It was carrying out the very game of which he was accused. It was calculated to excite the Indians against those who were favorable to the American cause. It would also gratify the ill feeling of Connelly to Cresap. "But whether the name was re-introduced by mistake or design, there is no doubt that Cresap was innocent of any participation in the brutal outrage at Yellow creek." STATEMENT OF GENERAL GEORGE ROGERS CLARK-AN INTERESTING STORY OF BORDER WARFARE-CRESAP'S INNOCENCE AS TO THE MINGO MASSACRE. In 1798, General George Rogers Clark, who was conspicuously identified with the western country during all its perilous times, wrote to Dr. Samuel Brown, giving a complete description of the events immediately anterior tothe Murder of Logan's family. A statement from such a reliable source is worthy of being accepted as evidence of more than ordinary accuracy and value. The incidents he so Carefully and minutely relates, establishes the innocence of Cresap in reference to the murder of Logan's family beyond a doubt, and is an interesting story of the border times. To add to our accumulation of evidence upon this subject we make the following extract : " This country was explored in 1773. A resolution was formed to make a settlement the spring following, and the mouth of the Little Kanawha was appointed the place of general rendezvous, in order to descend. the river from thence in a body. Early in the spring the Indians had done some mischief. Reports from their towns were alarming, which deterred many. About eighty or ninety men only met at the appointed rendezvous, where we lay for some days. THE ATTACK BY THE INDIANS. " A small party of hunters, that lay about ten miles below us, were fired upon by the Indians, whom the hunters beat back, and returned to camp. This and many other circumstances led us to believe, that the Indians were determined on war. The whole party was enrolled and determined to execute their project of forming a settlement in Kentucky, as we had every necessary store that could be thought of. An Indian town called the Horsehead bottom, on the Scioto and near its mouth, lay nearly in our way. The determination was to cross the country and surprise it. Who was to command? was the question. There were but few among us that had experience in Indian warfare, HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 85 and they were such that we did not choose. to be commanded by. We knew of Captain Cresap being on the river about fifteen miles above us, with some hands, settling a plantation; and that he had concluded to follow us to Kentucky as soon as he had fixed there his people. We also knew that he had been experienced in a former war. He was proposed; and it was unanimously agreed to send for him to command the party. Messengers were dispatched, and in half an hour returned. with Cresap. He had heard of our resolution by some of his hunters, that had fallen in with ours, and had set out to come to us. " We now thought our army, as we called it, complete, and the destruction of the Indians sure. A council was called, and, to our astonishment, our intended Commander-in-Chief was the person that dissuaded us from the enterprise. He said that appearances were very suspicious, but there was no certainty of a war. That if we made the attempt proposed, he had no doubt of success, but a war would, at any rate, be the result, and that we should be blamed for it ; and perhaps justly. But if we were determined to proceed, he would lay aside all considerations, send to his camp for his people, and share our fortunes. RETURNING TO WHEELING. "He was then asked what he would advise. His answer was, that we should return to Wheeling, as a convenient post, to hear what was going forward. That a few weeks would determine. As it was early in the spring, if we found the Indians were not disposed for war, we should have full time to return, and make our establishment in Kentucky. This was adopted, and in two hours the whole were under way. As we ascended the river we met Killbuck, an Indian chief, with a small party. We had a long Conference with him, but received little satisfaction as to the disposition of the Indians. It was, observed that Cresap did not come to this conference, but kept on the opposite side of the river. He said that he was afraid to trust himself with the Indians. That Killbuck had frequently attempted to waylay his father to kill him. That if he crossed, the river, perhaps his fortitude might fail him, and that he might put Killbuck to death. 'On our arrival at Wheeling, (the country being pretty well settled thereabouts,) the whole of the inhabitants appeared to be alarmed. They flocked to our camp from every direction; and all that we could say could not keep them from under our wing's. We offered to cover their neighborhood with scouts, until further information, if they would return to their plantations; but nothing would prevail. By this time we had got to be a formidable party. All the hunters, men without families, etc., in that quarter, had joined our party. WORD FROM PITTSBURGH. "Our arrival at Wheeling was soon known at Pittsburgh. The whole of that country, at that time, being under the jurisdiction of Virginia; Dr. Connelly had been appointed by Dunmore, captain commandant of the District, which was maw West Augusta. learning of us, sent a message addressed to the party, letting us know that a war was to be apprehended, and requesting that we would keep our position for a few days, as messages had been sent to the Indians, and a few days would determine the doubt. The answer he got was, that we had no inclination to quit our quarters for some time. That during our stay we should be careful that the enemy should not harass the neighborhood that we lay in. But before this answer could reach Pittsburgh, he sent a second express, addressed to Capt. Cresap, as the most influential man amongst us, informing him that the messages had returned from the Indians, that war was inevitable, and begging him to use his influence with the party, to get them to cover the country by scouts until the inhabitants could fortify themselves. The reception of this letter was the epoch of open hostilities with the Indians: A war post was .planted, a council was called, and the letter read by Cresap, all the Indian traders being summoned on so important an occasion. Action was had, and war declared in the most solemn manner; and the same evening two scalps were brought into camp. INDIANS DISCOVERED. "The next day some canoes of Indians were discovered on the river, keeping the advantage of an island to cover themselves from our view. They were chased fifteen miles down the river and driven ashore. A battle ensued; a few were wounded on both sides; one Indian only taken prisoner. On examining their canoes we found a considerable quantity of ammunition and other warlike stores. On our return to camp a resolution was adopted to march the next day and attack Logan's camp, on the Ohio, about thirty miles above Wheeling. We did march about five miles, and then halted to take some refreshments. Here the impropriety of executing the projected enterprise was argued. The conversation was brought forward by Cresap himself. It was generally agreed those Indians had no hostile intentions, as they were hunting, and their party was composed of men, women and children, with all their stuff with them. This we knew, as I, myself, and others present had been in their camp about four weeks past on our descending the river from Pittsburgh. In short, every person seemed to detest the resolution we had set out with. We returned in the evening, decamped, and took the road to Redstone. " It was two days after this that Logan's family was killed. And, from the manner in which it was done, it was viewed as a horrid murder. From Logan's hearing of Cresap being at the head of this party on the river, it is no wonder that he supposed he had a hand in the destruction of his family." In concluding his letter, Mr. Clarke says: "What I have related is fact. I was intimate with Cresap. Logan I was better acquainted with at that time than any other Indian in the Western country. Cresap's conduct was as I have related it." THE TOMB OF MICHAEL CRESAP. It may serve to round off the conclusion of this chapter by saying that after the termination of the Dunmore campaign, Captain Cresap at once took an active part in defence of his country in the opening struggle of the Revolution, which was then impending. He came to New York at the head of a company of Maryland Riflemen in the summer of 1775—the first of the battalion of Riflemen which was authorized to be raised by the Continental Congress, and the first of that historically great body of men which subsequently became of world-wide celebrity as the Continental army. He had not been long in New York when he was attacked with sickness, and, on the 18th of October, of that year, he died, without having gained the laurels that doubtless awaited him, had he lived to participate in the struggle for his country's liberty. The visitor of Trinity churchyard, in the city of New York, who shall wander among the tombs in that ancient resting-place of the dead of old New York, will find on the north side of that celebrated church edifice, and within twenty feet of it, a heavy brownstone slab, standing with its face toward Broadway, and bearing beneath a very rude carving of a cherub, the following inscription: In Memory of Michael Cresap First Cap Of the Rifle Batalions And Son to Coll Thomas Cresap. Who Departed this Life October the 18: 1775. CHAPTER XIII. LORD DUNMORE'S WAR—CRAWFORD DESCENDS THE OHIO TO WHEELING AND GRAVE CREEK TO WATCH THE SAVAGES—MAKES A SECOND EXPEDITION TO WHEELING—ERECTION OF FORT FINCASTLE —ARRIVAL OF MAJOR ANGUS M'DONALD—A FORCE OF 700 MEN AT WHEELING—THE WAKATOMICA EXPEDITION—THE DUNMORE CAMPAIGN—BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT— ARRIVAL OF DUNMORE AND CRAWFORD AT WHEELING WITH 1,200 MEN—DUNMORE'S CONDUCT—RECEIVES ADVICES FROM GREAT BRITAIN AT WHEELING AND DISPLAYS TREACHERY TOWARD THE COLONISTS—CAPTAIN STUART'S NARRATIVE OF GENERAL LEWIS' EXPEDITION - DUNMORE'S TREACHERY—MURDER OF CORNSTALK, AND OTHER EVENTS. IN the preceding chapter we have given at great length the events which caused the sudden uprising of the Indians against the frontier settlements in the spring of 1774, and led to the Shawanese or Lord Dunmore war. Those alone who have resided upon the frontier are aware of the thrill of terror, spread by such an event, among the scattered inhabitants of the border. Anticipating immediate retaliation, and not knowing at what moment, or from what quarter, the blow may come, the panic spreads with the rapidity 86 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. of the wind. Bold and hardy as the borderers are, when traversing the forest alone in pursuit of game, or when assembled for battle, they cannot, at the first rumor of an Indian war, avoid quailing under the anticipated terrors of a sudden inroad of savage hostility. They know that their enemy will steal upon them in the night, in the unguarded hour of repose, and that the innocent child and helpless female will derive no protection from their sex or weakness; and they shrink at the idea of a violated fireside and a slaughtered family. The man who may be cool when his own life alone is exposed to danger, or whose spirit may kindle into enthusiastic gallantry, amid the animating scenes of the battlefield, where armed men are his companions and his foes, becomes panic-struck at the contemplation of a merciless warfare which shall offer his dwelling to the firebrand of the incendiary, and his family to the tomahawk of the infuriated savage. Such was the effect of the unadvised and criminal acts which we have related. A sudden consternation pervaded the whole frontier. A war unwelcome, unexpected, and for which they were wholly unprepared, was suddenly precipitated upon them by the unbridled passions of a few lawless men; and a foe always quick to resent, and ever eager to shed the blood of the white race, was roused to a revenge which he would not delay in obtaining. The settlers began to remove to the interior, or collect in to forts hastily erected for the occasion. Men who had acquired homes by years of perilous and toilsome labor, who had plied the axe incessantly in clearing away the immense trees of the forest, in making fences, in building houses, in disencumbering the land of its tangled thickets, and bringing it into culture—abandoned all, and fled in precipitation to places of safety. In every path might be seen the sturdy pioneer, striding hastily forward, with his rifle on his shoulder, casting wary glances into each suspicious dell and covert; and followed by a train of pack-horses, burthened with his wife, his children, and such moveables as could be transported by this mode of conveyance. After a few days the whole scene was changed. The frontier, so lately peaceful, had become the seat of war. The fields of the husbandman were ravaged by the Indian; the cabins were burned, and the labor of many years desolated. The few settlers that incautiously remained in their homes were slaughtered, or with difficulty rescued by their friends. The prudent men whose backs had lately been turned upon the foe, having placed their families in security, were now seen in arms, either defending the rude fortresses, or eagerly scouring the woods in search of the enemy. However reluctantly they had been forced into the war, they had now entered into the spirit of the contest ; the inconveniences they had suffered, the danger of their families, and the sight of their desolated hearths and blasted fields, had awakened in their bosoms a hatred not less implacable than that of their savage foemen. As we have already stated, expresses were sent to Williamsburg, the seat of government of Virginia, announcing the commencement of hostilities, and a plan. was immediately matured for a campaign against the Indians. The active commander was Gen. Lewis, of Botetourt county. The forces were to rendezvous in Greenbrier county. The Earl of Dunmore was to raise another army to be assembled at Fort Pitt, and thence to descend the river to Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the Kanawha. A full account of the activity of Virginia in raising an army sufficient to carry the war into the Indian country, and of the expedition of General Lewis, is given in the narrative of Capt. John Stuart, in another part of this chapter. As it required considerable time to raise and equip such a force, and convey it with the supplies to the frontier, and as much individual suffering was certain to result from the unavoidable delay, it was deemed advisable to take some preliminary step to prevent the threatened invasion of the exposed and defenceless portions of the country. The most feasible plan for the accomplishment of this object seemed to be the sending of an advance army into the Indian country, to act offensively against their towns before a confederacy of the tribes could be formed, and drive home the straggling parties of warriors who were committing depredations against the defenceless settlers. WILLIAM CRAWFORD DESCENDS THE OHIO WITH ONE HUNDRED MEN TO WATCH THE MOVEMENTS OF THE SAVAGES. William Crawford (afterwards Colonel) was commissioned a Captain by Lord Dunmore, and sent down the Ohio at the head of about one hundred men, to watch the motions of the Indians —the Mingoes and the Shawanese. In his letter to Washington of the 8th of May, 1774.* after describing the killing of the Indians at Yellow creek and elsewhere, he says : " I am now setting out for Fort Pitt at the head of one hundred men. Many others are to meet me there and at Wheeling, where we shall wait the motions of the Indians, and shall act accordingly. We are in great want of some proper person to direct us, who may command—Mr. Connelly, who now commands, having incurred the displeasure of the people. He is unable to take command for two reasons ; one is, the contradiction between us and the Pennsylvanians ; and the other that he oarries matters too much in a military way, and is not able to go through with it. I have some hopes that we may still have matters settled with the Indians upon a method properly adopted for that purpose."† In this first expedition of Crawford's, we find nothing in its results, further than to watch the movements of the savages. In his letter to Washington of the 8th of June, he explains that he had been on a scouting party-as low as Grave creek, saw no signs of Indians, but as soon as he returned, they had crossed the river and committed the depredations on Dunkard's creek. CRAWFORD AGAIN ARRIVES AT WHEELING-ERECTION OF FORT FINCASTLE- ARRIVAL OF MAJOR M’DONALD-700 MEN AT WHEELING -THE WAKATOMICA EXPEDITION. On the 13th of June, Crawford started on his second expedition down the river, at the head of his company, with orders from Connelly, at Fort Pitt, to erect a stockade fort at Wheeling. This was the first thing deemed necessary for defense against the Indians, and it was called Fort Fincastle. ‡ Connelly had intended coming on this expedition himself, with a force of two hundred men,  but for obvious reasons sent Crawford. The movement to send an advance army into the Indian country to strike their towns, is known as the Wakatomica expedition. For this campaign the forces all rendezvoused at Wheeling in the month of July. On the 27th of July, 1774, Valentine Crawford wrote a letter from Jacob's creek to George Washington, and after stating that his brother, William Crawford, had gone down in an expedition against the Indian towns, says : 'Since they started there have been some savages seen about the Monongahela. We hourly expect them to strike somewhere. They have killed and taken, within the last ten days, thirteen people up about the forks of Cheat rider, which is about twenty-five miles from me. * * * I have above two hundred people in my fort, at this time, chiefly women and children. All the men have gone to the Indian towns, and ever since they set off all their families have flown to the forts. "It seems to me that our standing our ground here depends a good deal on the success of our Men who have gone against the savages. The Governor wrote very earnestly to Captain Connelly to give my brother, William Crawford, the command of all the men that are gone against the Indian towns. They number, including the militia that came from below, seven hundred men. It was also the wish of the Governor that Connelly himself should reside at Fort Pitt. However, Major McDonald came up here and is gone down to Wheeling, in order to take the command, but I have seen several letters from Lord Dunmore, both to my brother and to Connelly, and he has not mentioned McDonald's name in them. I heard by Mr. Brown, the express, who told me himself that, on Thursday last, he parted with Lord Dunmore, at Winchester, and he was to will immediately to this neighborhood, where I hope he will regulate matters himself." It will be seen by this letter that the force assembled at Wheeling as early as July, numbered seven hundred men. Major Angus McDonald arrived over the mountains with four hundred Virginia militia. William Crawford doubtless brought down from Fort Pitt two hundred men, and about one hundred, therefore, came from below," or were gathered from the adjacent settlements. Major McDonald, who took command, pro- *Mentioned in Chapter XI. † A council was held at Pittsburgh in May, 1774, at the suggestion of George Croghan, for the purpose of avoiding a war with the Indians, at which several chiefs of the Delawares and Six Nations attended, who manifested a desire for peace. But the wrath of Logan could not be assuaged With words, and his influence with the Mingoes of this region and the hostile Shawanese made war inevitable. ‡ See History of Fort Henry. See letter of Devereaux Smith, given in Chapter XI. from Penn. Archives, IV. 632. HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 87 ceeded to organize .the expedition to make the incursion into the Indian country. On the 26th of July he left Wheeling with a force of about Tour hundred men, descending the Ohio in boats and canoes to the mouth of Captina, and from thence proceeded by the shortest route to the Indian town of Wakatomica, near where Dresden, Ohio, now stands. Three skillful woodsmen, Jonathan Zane, Thomas Nicholson and Tady Kelly, accompanied the expedition as guides.* When McDonald's force neared the Indian town, it met and dispersed a band of fifty warriors, killing several and losing two, with eight wounded. On reaching the town, they found it deserted, the Indians having retreated across the Muskingum river ; and failing to draw McDonald into an ambuscade, they sued for peace and sent over five chiefs as hostages. The army then crossed the river, but when a negotiation was begun, the Indians asked that one of the hostages be sent for the other chiefs, whose presence they claimed was necessary to ratify a peace. One was accordingly released, but not returning at the appointed time another was sent on the same errand, who in like manner failed to return. McDonald became convinced of their treachery, whereupon he burned Wakatomica and other towns, and destroyed their crops ; and being then in want of provisions was compelled to retrace his steps to Wheeling, taking with him the three remaining hostages, who were sent to Williamsburg. Being out of provisions before they left the Indian towns, the little army were reduced to the necessity of subsisting on weeds, an ear of corn per man each day, and a scanty supply of game. While McDonald prosecuted this campaign, Crawford remained in command with a portion of the forces at Wheeling. No sooner had this army withdrew from the Indian country than the savages, in small bands, invaded and attacked the scattered settlements, spreading terror in all directions. The settlers fled to the forts and block houses, but many were either murdered or carried into captivity. THE DUNMORE CAMPAIGN—BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT. On the 11th of September, General Lewis, with eleven hundred men, commenced his march from his rendezvous in Greenbriar, for Point Pleasant, one hundred and sixty miles. The country to be traversed was at that time a trackless desert, wholly impassable for wheeled carriages; the ammunition and provisions were carried on pack-horses, and the army, led by a pilot acquainted with the passes of the mountains and the Indian pathways, reached Point Pleasant after a laborious march of nineteen days Lord Dunmore, the great disappointment of General Lewis, did not y of that make his appearance, and it was not until after a painfuldely of nine days that he learned by an express from that nobleman that he had changed his plan of operations, and marched for the old Chillicothe town, at which place he instructed General Lewis to join him. On the next day the Virginia troops were attacked in their camp by a numerous body of Indians, composed of the Shawanese, Delaware, Mingo and other tribes. General Lewis, keeping a strong reserve in camp, pushed forward a detachment, under Colonels Charles Lewis and Flemming, who met the Indians about four hundred yards in front of the camp, and formed in two lines for their reception; The battle commenced a little after sunrise by a heavy firing from the Indians, and so vigorous was the onset that the advance was soon driven in upon the main body. Here they were rallied, reinforced, and led gallantly back to their former position. The Indians were now driven until they entrenched themselves behind a line of logs and trees, extending from the bank of the Ohio to that of the Kanawha, while our troops occupied the point of land formed by the junction of the two rivers. The brave Virginians thus hemmed in, with rivers in their rear and on either flank, and a vindictive foe strongly entrenched in their front, were dependent on their courage alone for success. Their native gallantry, ably directed by the military skill of their distinguished leader, proved triumphant. The battle was kept up with great vivacity, and with little change of position, during the whole day, and at sundown the discomfited savages retreated across the Ohio. The loss of the Virginians in this sanguinary battle, was seventy-five killed, and one hundred and forty wounded. Among the killed were Colonel Charles Lewis, Colonel Fields, Captains Buford, Murray, Ward, Wilson, and McClenahan, Lieutenants *A better swordsman than the first named of these three, perhaps never lived.—WITHERS. Allen, Goldsby, Dillon, and some inferior officers. The number of Indians engaged was never ascertained, but it was rendered certain that their loss was at least equal to ours. They were commanded, by Cornstalk, the celebrated chief warrior of the Shawanese, who displayed the most consummate skill and bravery. During the whole of the day his voice was heard vociferating with terrific energy, in his own language: "Be strong ! Be strong!" On the evening preceding the battle, he had proposed, in council with his confederates, to go personally to the camp of General Lewis, to negotiate peace. A majority of the warriors voted against the measure. "Then," said the intrepid leader, "since you are resolved to fight, you shall fight. It is likely we shall have hard work to-morrow; but if any warrior shall attempt to run away from the battle, I will kill him with my own hand." It is said that he literally fulfilled his threat upon one of his followers. After the Indians had returned to the Chillicothe town, Cornstalk again called a council. He reminded the war chiefs of their obstinacy in preventing him from making peace, before the fatal battle of Point Pleasant, and asked: What shall we do now ? The `Long Knives'* are coming upon us by two routes. Shall we turn out and fight them ?" All were silent. He again addressed them: " Shall we kill all our squaws and children, and then fight until we are all killed ourselves ?" Again a dead silence reigned among the stern leaders of the Indian host. He rose up, with the dignity of one who felt that he had discharged his duty, and striking his tomahawk into the war-post, in the middle of the council-house, said: "Since you are not inclined to fight, I will go and make peace." He did so. ARRIVAL OF DUNMORE AND CRAWFORD AT WHEELING WITH A FORCE OF TWELVE HUNDRED MEN. In the meanwhile, Lord Dunmore descended the river with his force to Wheeling, where he arrived on the 30th of September. On the 20th, William Crawford wrote to Washington : "I this day am to set out with the first division for the mouth of Hockhocking, and there to erect a post on your bottom, where the whole of the troops are to rendezvous. From there they are to march to the Shawanese towns, if the Indians do not comply with his Lordship's terms." The next day after Dunmore's arrival at Wheeling, Valentine Crawford wrote to Washington as follows : " FORT FINCASTLE, October 1, 1774. " DEAR SIR:—In the hurry of my business, I have just time to give you a line or two by Lord Dunmore's express, to let you known how we go on in this quarter with the Indian war, which is as follows : " His Lordship arrived here yesterday with about twelve * THE ORIGIN OF LONG KNIVES.—This was a name the Indians originally applied to the Virginians, and after the revolutionary war are said to have used the phrase to designate Americans generally. The origin of the name is attributed by most authors to a thrilling incident of the early days of this region, recorded by Withers as follows: "In the fall of 1758, Thomas Decker and some others commenced a settlement on the Monongahela river, at the mouth of what is now called Decker's creek. In the ensuing spring it was entirely broken up by a party of Delawares and Mingoes; and the greater part of its inhabitants murdered. "There was at this time at Brownsville a fort, then known as Redstone fort, under the command of Capt Paul. One of Decker's party escaped from the Indians who destroyed the settlement, and making his way to Fort Redstone, gave to its commander the melancholy intelligence. The garrison being too weak to admit of sending a detachment in pursuit, Capt. Paul dispatched a runner with the information to Capt. John Gibson, then stationed at Fort Pitt. Leaving the fort under the command of Lieut. Williamson, Capt. Gibson set out with thirty men to intercept the Indians on their return to their towns. " In consequence of the distance which the pursuers had to go, and the haste with which the Indians had retreated, the expedition .failed in its object. They, however, accidentally came on a party sf six or seven Mingoes, on the head of Cross creek, Ohio (near Steubenville ;) these had been prowling about the river, below Fort Pitt, seeking an opportunity of committing depredations. As Capt. Gibson passed the point of a small knoll, just after daybreak, he came unexpectedly upon them—some of theca were lying down ; the others were sitting around a fire, making thongs of green hides. Kiskepila, or Little Eagle, a Mingo chief, headed the party. As soon as he discovered Capt. Gibson, he raised the war whoop and tired his rifie—the ball passed through Gibson 's hunting shirt and wounding a soldier just behind him. Gibson sprang forward, and swinging his sword with herculean force severed the head of Little Eagle from his body—two other Indians were shot down, and the remainder escaped to their towns on the Muskingum. " When the captives, who were restored under the treaty of 1763, came in, those who were at the Mingo towns when the remnant of Kiskepila's party returned, stated that the Indians represented Gibson as having cut off the Little Eagle's head with a long knife. Several of the white persons were then sacrificed to appease the manes of Kiskepila ; and a war dance ensued, accompanied with terrific shouts and bitter denunciations of revenge on 'the' Big Knife warrior.' This name was soon applied to the Virginians generally ; and to this day they are known among the northwestern Indians as the Long Knives,' or' Big Knife nation.' " There are some difficulties in reconciling the date of this incident with all the known facts of history. De Hass and some other writers give the year 1779 as the date of the occurrence. But if the incident gave rise to the Indian use of the significant term "Long Knives," it certainly occurred long prior to the latter date. 88 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. hundred men, seven hundred of whom came by water with his Lordship, and five hundred came under my brother William, by land, with the bullocks. His Lordship has sent him with five hundred men, fifty pack-horses, and two hundred bullocks, to meet Colonel Lewis at the mouth of Hockhocking, below the mouth of the Little Kanawha. He is to build a stockade fort, or a large block-house, which is to be erected on one of your bottoms, below the mouth of the Kanawha. His Lordship is to go by water with the rest of the troops in a few days. We were in hopes of a peace being concluded between his Lordship and the Indians; but on Wednesday morning last there were murdered by the savages one man and his wife and several prisoners taken, on Ten-mile creek. This alarmed his Lordship much, as the Indians had been peaceable for some time, and some of the defiant nations had met him at Fort Dunmore,* promising to meet him again at the mouth of Hockhocking to accommodate a peace, † which we all hope for, if we can get it on good terms, in order that we may be able to assist you in relieving the poor, distressed Bostonians—if the report here is true, that General Gage has bombarded the city of Boston. This is a most alarming circumstance, and calls on every friend of the liberty of his country to exert himself at this time in its cause." William Crawford, on this occasion, made his third expedition against the Indians. He had been promoted to the rank of Major, and after arriving at Wheeling with his five hundred men, descended the river in boats and reached his destination in safety, but did not erect a fort on Washington's land, on the east side of the Ohio, but crossed it and commenced a stockade fort at the mouth of the Hockhocking, which was called Fort Gower. Dunmore remained a few days longer at Wheeling and then proceeded down the river with his seven hundred men, using for their transportation about one hundred canoes, a few keel boats, and some pirogues. He joined Crawford at the mouth of the Hockhocking, from which place he marched to a point within eight miles of Chillicothe, on the Scioto. Here the army halted, and threw up entrenchments of fallen trees and earth, which included about twelve acres, with an enclosure of strong breast works in the centre, containing about one acre. The latter, as an early writer significantly remarks, " was the citadel which contained the marquees of the Earl and his superior officers." ‡ Before the army reached this place, the Indian chiefs had sent several messages, sueing for peace, which Lord Dunmore resolved to grant.. He therefore ordered General Lewis to retreat. The brave Virginian, disregarding his mandate, continued his march until hejoined his superior, when the order was repeated and obeyed. The troops were greatly chagrined at this termination of a campaign which had thus far been successful. The murder of some of their relatives and friends, and the loss of many of their brave companions in the recent battle, had kindled a desire for revenge, which they were disposed to indulge by the destruction of all the Indian towns in the region of the Scioto. DUNMORE'S CONDUCT—RECEIVES ADVICES FROM GREAT BRITAIN AT WHEELING AND DISPLAYS TREACHERY TOWARDS THE COLONISTS. The order of Dunmore was therefore obeyed with indignation and regret, and Lewis retired towards Virginia, while the Earl remained with his army to treat with the Indians. On this occasion every precaution was used to guard against treachery, and only a limited number of chiefs with a few warriors, were permitted to enter the fortified encampment. Cornstalk opened the discussion by an eloquent speech, in which he boldly charged the whites with having provoked the war by the murders at Captina and Yellow creeks; and is said to have spoken with such vehemence that he was heard over the whole camp. It was on this occasion that Logan sent Lord Dunmore the speech which has rendered his name so celebrated. On the 4th day of December, 1774, Lord Dunmore returned to Williamsburg, in Virginia, from his expedition against the Indians, who were humbled into the necessity of soliciting * Fort Pitt was named Fort Dunmore after it was taken possession of by Connelly, in honor of Governor Dunmore. But the old name was fully restored when his Lordship became odious to the Virginia patriots. † In September, while Dunmore was at Pittsburgh, he succeeded in getting together at that point a few Indians of the different nations to hold a treaty with them, They agreed to meet him as stated in this letter, at the mouth of the Hockhocking " to accommodate a peace." ‡ Doddridge. peace, and who delivered up hostages for the assurance of their promises. A treaty was ratified confining the Indians' power to the north and west bank of the Ohio. So important did the House of Burgesses consider the treaty that they not only paid a just tribute to the brave men who fell in the memorable battle at the mouth of the Kanawha, but in May, 1775, passed a vote of thanks to Lord Dunmore, and the officers and soldiers under his command, for "their noble and spirited conduct in the expedition ;" complimenting him for his attention to the true interests of the colony, and the wisdom of his administration. Notwithstanding the foregoing resolution of thanks to Lord Dunmore, by the convention of delegates and corporations of the colony of Virginia, for his Conduct of the expedition against the Indians, yet the facts show that it was owing to the hard earned victory of General Lewis, at Point Pleasant, over the united Indian army, unaided by the promised co-operation of Lord Dunmore, that brought the Indians to sue for peace. The plan of operations adopted by the Indians in this war, shows clearly that Cornstalk, the war chief of the Shawanese, and his confederates were by no means deficient in foresight and skill, necessary for making the most prudent military arrangement, for obtaining success and victory. At an early period they obtained intelligence of the plan of the campaign against them concerted between Lord Dunmore and General Lewis. With a view, therefore, to attack the forces of these commanders separately, they speedily collected their warriors, and by forced marches reached the Point, before the expected arrival of the troops under Lord Dunmore. Such was the secrecy with which they assembled their forces at Point Pleasant, that General Lewis knew nothing of the Indian army, until a few minutes before the commencement of the battle. Cornstalk, the Indian commander, had so arranged his plan of attack as to leave General Lewis no chance for retreat, and so well managed was the assault, that if the brave and crafty warrior had commanded a little larger force the whole army of General Lewis would have been cut off. If Dunmore had cooperated, as he had promised, the peril would have been avoided, and many valuable lives would have been saved. Had the army of General Lewis been defeated, that of Lord Dunmore, consisting of little more than one thousand men would probably have shared the same fate. Venturing too far into the Indian country, with too small a number, and with munitions of war inadequate to sustain a contest with the united force of a number of Indian nations flushed with victory and fighting. in defence of their own homes, Lord Dunmore would not have been able to have concluded the peace, which the bravery of General Lewis and his gallant army had conqeured at Point Pleasant. It was the general belief among the officers of the army of the colonists, that Lord Dunmore received, while at Wheeling advices from the British Government of the probability of the approaching war, which resulted in the independence of the colonies from Great Britain; and that afterwards, all his measures in reference to the Indians, had for their ultimate object, an alliance with the savages for aid to the mother country in the contest with the colonies. This supposition accounts for his not forming a junction with the army of General Lewis, at Point Pleasant. This deviation from the original plan of the campaign, put in jeopardy the army of General Lewis, and well nigh occasioned its total destruction. The conduct, too, of Lord Dunmore, at the treaty, showed a good understanding between him and the Indian chiefs. He did not suffer the army of Lewis to form a junction with his own, but sent them back before the treaty was concluded, thus risking the safety of his own forces; for at the time of the treaty, the Indian warriors were about his camp, in force sufficient to have intercepted his retreat and destroyed his whole army. The treaty was, however, entered into in the month of November, 1774, about six months previous to the commencement of the revolutionary war, at Lexington, and the disastrous war of Lord Dunmore with the Indians, was brought to a close. It began in the wanton and unprovoked murders of the Indians at Captina and Yellow creek, and ended with an awful sacrifice of life and property to the demon of revenge. On the part of the whites, they obtained, at the treaty, a cessation of hostilities, and a surrender of prisoners, and nothing more. In addition to what we have said upon these events, we deem it worthy to give in this connection the original account of them, as recorded by Captain John Stuart, a participant in the scenes narrated, entirely reliable and authentic: HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES. OHIO - 89 NARRATIVE BY CAPTAIN JOHN STUART OF GENERAL ANDREW LEWIS' EXPEDITION AGAINST THE INDIANS IN 1774—BATTLE OF POINT PLEASANT— TREACHERY OF LORD DUNMORE—BREAKING OUT OF THE REVOLUTION— SUBSEQUENT MURDER OF CORNSTALK. PRELIMINARY NOTE.—The subjoined sketch of the expedition which terminated in the battle of the Virginia colonists with the Indians at Point Pleasant, on the 10th of October, 1774, was written by Captain John Stuart, who was a prominent actor in the thrilling events which marked that memorable pre-revolutionary struggle. The original manuscript of this sketch, which bears the marks of age, is now in the possession of a gentleman of Salem, Virginia, who gives assurance that it is the genuine narrative penned or dictated by Capt. Stuart himself. We give it literatim, except as to a few corrections in orthography and punctuation. All the accounts of this expedition and battle in the historical publications of the country are based upon this narrative of Capt. Stuart. Although General Andrew Lewis, "the hero of Point Pleasant;" as he has justly been designated, was a leading actor in the events in which he figured, fame has trumpeted to the world his brave exploits with feebler tone than the deeds of many other heroes of lesser note. History has been satisfied with a few fragmentary allusions to some salient incidents in his military career. Yet these few are of such a striking character that, like the sententious aphorisms of ancient Grecian sages, or the renowned deeds of Spartan and Roman valor, they have been crystalized into historic gems which adorn the pages of history with no doubtful lustre. CAPTAIN STUART'S NARRATIVE. " In the spring of 1774, General Lewis represented the county of Botetourt for the Assembly, and his brother, Col. Charles Lewis, represented the county of Augusta at Williamsburg, which was then the capital of our Government. During the sitting of the Assembly, in the 'month of April or May," the Government received intelligence of the hostile appearances of the Indians, who had fallen on the traders in the nation, and put them all to death; and were making other arrangements for the war. "General Lewis and his brother Charles sent an express immediately td the frontier settlements of their respective counties, requesting them to put themselves in a position of defence. They had, each, the command of the militia in their counties at that time. And I was ordered by General Lewis to send out some scouts to watch the war-path beyond the settlements lately made in Greenbrier, which had re-commenced in the year 1769. We were few in number, and in no condition to oppose an attack from any considerable force. But succor was promised us as soon as they could arrive from the Assembly ; and in the meantime arrangements were made for the carrying on of an expedition against the Shawanese, between the Earl of Dunmore, who was then Governor of Virginia, and the Lewises before they left Williamsburg; the Governor to have the command of the northern division of an army of volunteer militia, or otherwise draughts, to be collected from the counties of Frederick, Shenandoah, and the settlements towards Fort Pitt ; Gen: Lewis to have the command of a southern division of like troops, collected from the counties of Augusta, Botetourt, and the adjacent counties below the Blue Ridge. "Col. Charles Lewis was to command the Augusta troops and Col. William Fleming the Botetourt troops under Gen. Lewis. The Governor was to take his route by the way of Pittsburgh, and General Lewis down the Kanawha; the whole armies to assemble at the mouth of the Great Kanawha, on the Ohio river. "General Lewis' army assembled in Greenbrier, at Camp Union (near Lewisburg), about the 4th of September, 1774, amounting in all to about eleven hundred men, and proceeded from thence on their march, on the 11th day of said month. The captains commanding the Augusta volunteers were Capt. George Mathews, Capt. Alexander McClanaghan, Capt. John Dickeson, Capt. John Lewis, Capt. Benjamin Harrison, Capt. William Naul, Capt. Joseph Haynes and Capt. Samuel Wilson. They commanding the Botetourt companies were Capt. Matthew Arbuckle, Capt. John Murray, Capt. John Lewis, Capt. James Robinson, Capt. Robert McClanaghan, Capt. James Ward and Capt. John Stuart.* In the course of that summer and not long after we received notice of the hostile appearance of the Indians, they came up the. Kanawha and killed. Walter Kelley. *This Capt. John Stuart was the author of this narrative. 12—B. & J. cos. “Kelley had begun a settlement about twelve miles below the great falls when they made the attack and Col. John Fields, of Culpepper county, was at Kelley's about to make some surveys on military claims, or otherwise. "He had with him several of his neighbors and one or two negroes. I had sent an express to them with advice to remove immediately, as it was apprehended the Indians were about to break out, and that they were in great danger. Kelley, who I believe was a fugitive from the back parts of South Carolina, and of a bold and intrepid disposition, received my intelligence with caution, and sent off his family and stock for Greenbrier with his brother, a young man of equally suspicious character. But Fields, trusting more to his own consequence and better knowledge of public facts, endeavored to persuade Kelley that there was no danger, as nothing of the kind had before been heard of, and our Greenbrier intelligence was not worth noticing. On the evening of the same day, and before Kelley's brother and family had got out of hearing of the guns, the Indians came on Kelley and Fields, where they were taking leather from a tan trough, at a small distance from the cabin, fired on them and killed Kelley on the spot. Fields ran into the cabin where their guns were all unloaded. He picked up one, and recollecting that it was not charged, ran out of the house into a corn field within a few steps of the door, and left his negro girl and Scotch boy crying at the door. The boy was killed and, the girl carried off. Fields made his escape, but never saw an Indian. Kelley's brother gave information that he heard guns fired soon after he started with his family, and expected his brother and Col. Fields were killed. I offered to go and see what was the consequence ; raised about ten or fifteen men, and proceeded on our way to the Kanawha, about ten miles, when I met Col. Fields naked, except his shirt. His limbs were grievously lacerated with briers and brush, his body worn down with fatigue and cold, having run in that condition from the Kanawha, upwards of eighty miles; through the woods. He was then, I guess, upwards of fifty years old, but of a hardy, strong constitution. He was afterwards killed in the battle on the 10th of October following. But a fatality pursued the family of Kelley, for the Indians came to Greenbrier, on Muddy creek, and killed young Kelley and took his niece prisoner about three weeks after they had killed her father. "About this time the disputes between the British government and the colonies began to run high, on account of the duties laid upon tea imported to this country, and much suspicion was entertained that the Indians were urged by the British agents to begin a war upon us, and to kill the traders then in the Nation. However that might be, facts afterwards corroborated those suspicions. The mouth of the great Kanawha is distant from Camp Union about 160 miles, the way mountainous and rugged. At the time we commenced our march, no track or path was made and but few white men had ever seen the place. Our principal pilot was Capt. Matthew Arbuckle our breadstuff was packed upon horses, and droves of cattle furnished our meat, of which we had a plentiful supply, as droves of cattle and pack-horses came in succession after us, but we went on expeditiously under every disadvantage, and arrived at Point Pleasant about the first of October, where we expected the Earl of Dunmore would meet us with his army; who was to have come down the river from Fort Pitt, as was previously determined between the commanders. But in this expectation we were greatly disappointed, for his lordship pursued a different route, and had taken his march from Pittsburgh by land towards the Shawanese towns. General Lewis finding himself disappointed in meeting the governor and his army at Point Pleasant, dispatched two scouts up the river, by land, to Fort Pitt, to endeavor to learn the cause of the disappointment, and our army remained encamped to await their return. Before we marched from Camp Union we were joined by Col. John Field, with a company of men from Culpepper, and Capt. Thomas Buford, from Bedford county, also three other companies under the command of Capt. Evan Shelby, Capt. William Russell and Capt. Harbert, from Holston (now Washington county.) These troops were to compose a division commanded by Col. William Christian, who was then convening more men in that quarter of the country, with a view of pursuing us to the mouth of the great Kanawha, where the whole army were expected to meet and proceed from thence to the Shawanese towns. The last mentioned five companies completed our army to eleven hundred men. During the time our scouts were going expressly up the river to Fort Pitt, the governor had dispatched three men, lately traders among the Indians down the river, expressly to General Lewis, to inform him of his new plan and the route he was about to take, with instructions to pursue on 90 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. our march to the Shawanese towns, where he expected to assemble with us, but what calculations he might have made for delay or other disappointments that might happen to two armies under so long and difficult a march through a trackless wilderness I never could guess; or how he could suppose they would assemble at a conjuncture so critical as the business then in question required, was never known to any one. The governor's express arrived at our encampment on Sunday, the 9th day. of October, and on that day it was my lot to command the guard. One of the men was of the name of McCullough, with whom I had made some acquaintance in Philadelphia, in the year 1766, at the Indian Queen, where we both happened .to lodge. This man, supposing I was in Lewis' army, inquired and was told I was on guard. He made it his business to visit me and renew our acquaintance, and in the course of the conversation I had with him he informed inc that he had recently left the Shawanese towns and gone to the governor's camp, which made me desirous to know his opinion of our expected success to subdue the Indians, and whether he thought they would be presumptious enough to offer to fight us, as we supposed we had a force superior to anything they could oppose to us. He answered: " Ah! they will give you grinders, and that before long," and repeating it over again with an oath, swore we would get grinders very soon. I believe he and his companions left our camp that evening to return to the governor's camp ; and the next morning two young men set out very early to hunt for deer. They happened to ramble up the river two or three miles, and on a sudden fell on the Indian camp, who had crossed the river on the evening before, and was just about fixing for battle. They discovered the young men and fired upon them; one was killed, the other escaped and got into the camp just before sunrise. He stopped before my tent, and I discovered a number of men collecting around him as I lay in bed. "I jumped up and approached him, to know what was the alarm, when I heard him declare he saw above five acres of land covered with Indians, as thick as one could stand beside another. General Lewis immediately ordered a detachment of Augusta troops, under his brother Charles Lewis, and another detachment of Botetourt troops, under Col. William Fleming. These were composed of the companies commanded by the eldest captains, and the junior captains were ordered to stay in camp and aid the others as occasion might require. The detachments marched out in two lines and met the Indians in the same order of march, about four hundred yards from our camp and in sight of the guard. The Indians made the first fire and killed both scouts in front of the lines just as the sun was rising. A very heavy fire soon commenced and Col. Lewis was mortally wounded, but walked into the camp and died a few minutes afterwards, observing to Col. Charles Lewis with his last words: have sent one of the' enemy to eternity before me.' During his life it was his lot to have frequent skirmishes with the Indians, in which he was always successful, and gained much applause for his intrepidity, and was greatly beloved by his troops. Col. Fleming was also wounded, and our men had given way some distance before they were reinforced by other companies issuing in succession from the camp, when the Indians in turn had to retreat until they had formed a line behind logs and trees across from the bank of the Ohio to the banks of the Kanawha, and kept up their fire till sunset. "The Indians were exceedingly active in concealing their dead that were killed, and I saw a young man draw out three that were covered with leaves beside a large log, in the midst of the battle. Col. Christian came with troops to our camp that night about eleven o'clock; General Lewis having dispatched a messenger up the Kanawha to give him notice we were engaged, and to hasten his march to our assistance. He brought about three hundred men with him, and marched out early the next morning over the battle ground, and found twenty-one of the enemy slain on the ground and twelve more were afterwards found, all concealed in one place, and the Indians confessed they had thrown a number into the river in time of the battle. So that it is possible the slain .on both sides are about equal. We had twenty-five killed and one hundred and forty wounded. The Indians were headed by their chief, the Cornstalk warrior, who, in his plan of march and retreat displayed great military skill. Amongst the slain on our side were Col. Charles Lewis, Col. John Field, Capt. Buford, Capt. Murray, Capt. Ward, Capt. Wilson, Capt. Robert McClanaghan, Lieut. Allen, Lieut. Goldsby, Lieut. Dillon and other subaltern officers. "Col. Field had raised his company as I believe under no particular instructions, and seemed from the time he joined our army at camp Union, to assume an independence, to the control of others. His claims to such privileges might have risen from some former military service, in which he had been engaged, which entitled him to a rank that ought to relieve him from being subject to control by volunteer commanders, and when we marched from camp Union he took a separate route, and on the third day after our departure two of his men of the name of Coward and Clay, who left the company to look for deer for provisions as they marched, fell in with two Indians on the waters of the little Meadow. As Clay passed round the root of a large log under which one of the Indians was concealed, he killed Clay, and running up to scalp him, Coward killed him, being at some distance behind Clay. They both fell together on the same spot. The other Indian fled and passed our scouts unharmed. A bundle of ropes was found where they killed Clay, which manifested their intention was to steal horses. Col. Field joined us again that evening and separated no more until we arrived at Point Pleasant, the mouth of the Great Kanawha. "After the battle we had different accounts of the number of Indians that attacked us. Some asserted there were upwards of one thousand; some said no more than four or five hundred. The correct number was never known to us; however, it was certain they were combined of different nations—Shawnees, Winedotts and Delawares. Of the former there is no doubt the whole strength of the nation was engaged in the battle. "And on the evening of the day before the battle, when they were about to cross over the river, the Cornstalk proposed to the Indians, if they were agreed, he would come and talk with us and endeavor to make peace, but they would not listen to him. The next day, as we are informed, he killed one of the Indians for retreating in the battle in a cowardly manner. I could hear him the whole day speaking to his men very loudly, and one of my company, who had once been a prisoner, told me what he was saying was encouraging the Indians, saying: "be strong, be strong." None will suppose we had a contemptible enemy with whom to do, who has any knowledge of the exploits performed by them. It was chiefly the Shawanese that cut off the British army under General Braddock in the year 1756, and nineteen years before our battle, when the General himself, and Sir Peter Hatchett, second in command, were both slain, and a mere remnant of the whole army only escaped. And they were they who defeated Major Grant and his Scotch Highlanders at Fort Pitt in 1758, when the whole of the troops were killed and taken prisoners. And after our battle they defeated all the flower of the first bold and intrepid settlers of Kentucky at the battle of the Blue Licks. These fell Colonel John Todd and Colonel Stephen Trigg. The whole of their men were almost all cut to pieces., Afterwards they defeated the United States Army over the Ohio, commanded by General Harmer, and lastly they defeated General Arthur St. Clair's great army with prodigious slaughter. " I believe it was never before known that as many Indians not subject were ever killed in any engagement with the white people, as fell by the army of General Lewis at Point Pleasant. They are now dwindled down to insignificance, and no longer noticed,. and futurity will not easily perceive the prowess of which they were possessed. Of all the Indians the Shawanese were the most bloody and terrible, holding all other men, Indians as well, as white men, in contempt as warriors, in comparison with themselves. This opinion made them more restless and fierce than ony other savages, and, they boasted that they had killed ten times as many white people as any other Indians had.. They were well formed, active and ingenious people ; were assuming and imperious in the presence of others not of their own nation, and sometimes very cruel. " General Lewis' army were all chiefly young volunteers, well trained in the woods to the use of arms, as hunting in those days was much practiced and preferred to agriculture by enterprising young men. The produce of the soil was of little value on the west side of the Blue Ridge ; the ways bad and distance too great to market to make it esteemed. Such pursuits inured them to hardships and danger. " We had more than every fifth man in our army killed or wounded in the battle, but none was disheartened. All crossed the river, fully determined to destroy the enemy, with cheerfulness, and had they not been restrained by the governor's orders, I believe they would have exterminated the Shawanese nation. " This battle was in fact the beginning of the revolutionary war that has obtained for our country the liberty and independence enjoyed by the United States, (and a good presage of future success,) for it is well known the Indians were influ- HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 91 enced by the British to commence the war, to terrify and confound the people before they, the British, commenced hostilities themselves the following year at Lexington, in Massachusetts. “It was thought by British politicians that to excite an Indian war would prevent a combination of the colonies to the opposing of parliamentary measures to tax the Americans, therefore the blood spilt in this memorable battle will long be remembered by all the good citizens of Virginia and the United States with gratefulness. "The Indians passed over' the Ohio river in the night time after the battle and made the best of their way back to the Shawanese towns on the Scioto. And after burying our dead, General Lewis ordered intrenchments to be made round our camp by extending across from the Ohio to the Kanawha, to secure the wounded, under an officer, with an adequate number of men to protect them in safety, and marched his army across the Ohio for the Shawanese towns. In this command he had many difficulties to encounter, of which none can well judge, who has never experienced similar troubles, to preserve order and necessary discipline over an army of volunteers, who had no knowledge of the use of discipline or military order, when in an enemy's country well skilled in their own manner of warfare. "And it is well remembered that the youth of our country, previous to those times, had grown up in times of peace, and were quite unacquainted with military operations of any kind. Ignorance of those duties, together with high notions of independence and equality of condition, rendered the service extremely difficult and disagreeable to the commander, who was by nature of a lofty and high military spirit, and who had seen much military service under General Braddock and other commanders. "He was appointed first captain under General Washington, together with Captain Peter Hogg, in the year 1752, when Gen. Washington was appointed Major by Governor Gooch, to go on the frontiers and erect a garrison at the Little Meadows, on the waters of the Monongahela, to prevent the encroachment of the French, who were extending their claims from Fort Pitt (then Fort Duquesne) up the Monongahela river and its waters. TREACHERY OF LORD DUNMORE. " It is said there is a book now extant in this country under the title of Smith's Travels in America (which was written in England), wherein the author asserts that he was on the expedition in the year 1774, and that he joined the Augusta troops in Staunton. He gives a particular description of Mr. Sampson Mathew's tavern and family, who kept the most noted public house in town, and of the march of our army from camp Union to Point Pleasant. He also gives an account of the battle and of Col. Lewis being killed in the engagement. If such a person were along I am persuaded he was incog, and a creature of Lord Dunmore, for I was particularly acquainted with all the officers of the Augusta troops and the chief of all the men, but I knew of no such man as Smith, and I am the more confirmed in this opinion from what General Lewis told me in the year 1779, that he was informed that on the evening of the 10th of October, the day of our battle, that Dunmore and the noted Dr. Connelly, of Tory memory, with some other officers were taking a walk, when Dunmore observed to the gentlemen that he expected by that time that Col. Lewis had hot work. And this corresponds with my suspicions of the language of McCullough, who promised 'us "Grinders," for had not McCullough seen the Indians coming down the river on his return the evening before the battle, they could not have known the strength of our army or the amount of our troops so correctly as they certainly did; for during the battle I heard one of the enemy hollow out with abusive terms in English, that they had eleven hundred Indians and two thousand more coming. The same boast was vociferated from the opposite side of the river, in hearing of many of our officers and men who occupied the Ohio bank during the battle, as the number of eleven hundred was precisely our number, and an expectation entertained by some that Col. Christian would come on with two thousand more. The intelligence must have been communicated to the Indians by the Governor's scouts, for there could have been no other means of conveying such exact information to them. Col. Christian had only about three hundred altogether, including the three companies of Shelby, Russell and Harbert, when he arrived at our camp. "Having finished the entrenchments and put every thing in order for securing the wounded from danger after the battle, we crossed the Ohio river on our march to the Shawnee towns, taking our march by the way of the Salt Licks, and Captain Arbuckle for our guide, who was equally esteemed for a soldier as a fine woodsman. When we came to the prairie on Killi- kenny creek, we saw the smoke of a small Indian town, which they 'deserted and set on fire at our approach. Here we met an express from the governor's camp who had arrived near the nation and proposed terms of peace with the Indians. Some of the chiefs, with the grenadier squaw, on the return of the Indians after their defeat, had repaired to the governor's army to solicit terms of peace for the Indians (which I apprehend they had no doubt of obtaining), and the governor promised them the war should be no further prosecuted, and that he would stop the march of Lewis' army before any more hostilities should be committed upon them. However, the Indians, finding we were rapidly approaching, began to suspect that the governor did not possess the power of stopping us, whom they designated by the name of Big Knife men. Therefore, the governor, with the White Fish warrior, set off and met us at Killikenny creek, and there Colonel Lewis received orders to return with his army, as he had proposed terms of peace with the Indians, which he assured should be accomplished. His lordship requested Colonel Lewis to introduce him to his officers, and we were accordingly ranged in rank and had the honor of an introduction to the governor and commander-in-chief, who politely thanked us for services rendered on so monstrous an occasion, and assured us of his high esteem and respect for our conduct. "On the governor's consulting Col. Lewis it was deemed necessary that a garrison should be established at Point Pleasant to prevent and intercept the Indians from crossing the Ohio to our side, as well as to prevent any whites from crossing over to the side of the Indians, and by such means preserve a future peace, according to the condition of treaty then to be made by the governor with the Indians. And Capt. Arbuckle was appointed commander of the garrison, with instructions to enlist one hundred men for the term of one year from the date of their enlistment, and proceeded to erect a fort, which was executed on the following summer. BREAKING OUT OF THE REVOLUTION. " The next spring the revolutionary war commenced between the British army under Gen. Gage, at Boston, and the citizens of the State of Massachusetts, at Lexington. And Virginia soon after did assume an independent form of government, and began to levy troops for the common defence of the country, when another company was ordered to the aid of Capt. Arbuckle's garrison, to be commanded by Capt. William McKee. But the troubles of the war accumulated so fast that it was found too inconvenient and expensive to keep a garrison at so great a distance from any inhabitants, as well as a demand for all the troops that could be raised to oppose the British force. Capt. Arbuckle was ordered to vacate the station and to join General Washington's army, but this he was not willing Co do, having engaged, as he alleged, for a different service. A number of his men, however, marched and joined the main army until the time of their enlistment expired. In the year 1777 the Indians, being urged by British agents, became very troublesome to frontier settlements, manifesting much appearance of hostilities, when the Cornstalk warrior, with the young Redhawk, paid a visit to the garrison at Point Pleasant. He made no secret of the disposition of the Indians, declaring that on his own part he was opposed' to joining in the war on the side of the British, but that all the rest of the nation but himself and his tribe were determined to engage in the war, and that of course, he and his tribe would have to run with the stream (as he expressed it.) On which Capt. Arbuckle thought proper to detain him, the young Redhawk and another fellow, as hostages, to prevent the nation from joining the British. In the course of the summer our government had ordered an army to be raised of volunteers, to serve under the command of Gen. Hand, who was to have collected a number of troops at Fort Pitt; with them to descend the river to Point Pleasant, there to meet a reinforcement of volunteers, expected to be raised in Augusta and Botetourt counties, and then to proceed to the Shawanese towns and chastise the Indians so as to compel them to a neutrality, but Hand did not succeed in the collection of troops at Fort Pitt, and but three or four companies only were raised in Botetourt and Augusta, and which were under the command of Col. George Shilleran, who had ordered me to use my endeavors to raise all the volunteers I could get in Greenbrier for that service. The people had begun to see the difficulties attendant on a state of war and long campaigns car- 92 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. ried through wildernesses, and but few were willing.to engage in such service, but the settlements we covered being less exposed to the depredations of the Indians, had shown a willingness to aid in the proposed plan to chastise the Indians, and had raised three companies. I was very anxious of doing all I could to promote the business and aid the service, used the utmost endeavors by proposing to the military officers to volunteer ourselves, which would be an encouragement to others, and by such means raise all the men that could be got. The chief of the officers in Greenbrier agreed to the proposal, and we cast lots who should command the company. The lot fell on Andrew Hamilton for captain, and William Remick for lieutenant, and we collected in all about forty men and joined Col. Shilleran's party on their way to Point Pleasant. When we arrived at Point Pleasant there was no account of Gen. Hand, or his army and little or no provision made to support our troops, except what we had taken with us down the Kanawha, and we found the garrison unable to spare us any supplies, having nearly exhausted, when we got there, what had been provided for themselves, but we concluded to remain there as long as we could to wait the arrival of Gen. Hand or some account from him. But during the time of our stay two young men of the name of Hamilton and Gilmore went over the Kanawha one day to hunt for deer. On their return to camp some Indians had concealed themselve on the bank among the weeds to view our encampment, and as Gilmore came along past them they fired on him and killed him on the bank. Capt. Arbuckle and I were standing upon the opposite bank when the gun was fired, and whilst we were wondering who could be shooting contrary to orders, or what they were doing over the river, we saw Hamilton run down the bank and called out, saying "Gilmore is killed." MURDER OF CORNSTALK. "Gilmore was one of the company of Capt. John Hall, of that part of the country (now Rockbridge county), and a relation of Gilmore, whose family and friends were chiefly cut off by the Indians in the year 1763, when Greenbrier was cut off. Hall's men instantly jumped into a canoe, and went to the relief of Hamilton, who was standing in momentary expectation of being put to death; and they. brought the corpse of Gilmore down the bank covered with blood and scalped. They put him into a canoe, and as they were passing the river I observed to Capt. Arbuckle that the people would be for killing the hostages, as soon as the canoe would land, but he supposed they would not offer to commit so great an outrage on the innocent, who were in no wise accessory to the murder of Gilmore; but the canoe had scarcely touched the shore until the cry was raised: Let us kill the Indians in the fort,' and every man with his gun in his hand came up the bank as 'pale as death with rage. Capt. Hall was at their head and leader. Arbuckle and I met them and endeavored to dissuade them from so unjustifiable an action, but they cocked their guns and threatened us with instant death if we did not desist. They rushed by us into the fort and put the Indians to death. On the preceding day the Cornstalk's son, Elinipsico, had come from the nation to see his father and to know if he were well and yet alive. When he came to the river opposite the fort he hollowed over. His father was at that instant in the act of delineating a map of the country and waters between the Shawnee towns and the Mississippi, at our request, with chalk upon the floor. He immediately recognized the voice of his son, got up and went out and answered, and the young fellow crossed over and they embraced each other in.the most tender and affectionate manner. The interpreter's wife, who had been a prisoner with the Indians and had recently left them, on hearing the uproar the next day, and hearing the men threatening that they would kill the Indians, for whom she retained much affection, ran to their cabin and informed them that the people were just coming to kill them, and that because the Indians that killed Gilmore had come with Elinipsico the day before. He utterly denied it, declared that he knew nothing of them, and trembled exceedingly. His father encouraged him not to be afraid, for the great man above had sent him there to be killed and die with him. As the men advanced to the door, the Cornstalk rose up and met them. They fired upon him, and seven or eight bullets passed through him. Thus fell the great Cornstalk warrior, whose name was bestowed upon him by the consent of the nation as their great strength and support. His son was shot dead as he sat upon a stool. The Redhawk made an attempt to go up the chimney, but was shot down. The other Indian was shamefully mangled and I grieved to see him long in the agonies of death. "The Cornstalk from personal ,appearance and many brave acts, was undoubtedly a hero. Had he been spared to live I believe he would have been friendly to the American cause. Nothing could have induced him to make the visit to the garrison, at the critical time he did, but to communicate the temper and disposition of the Indians, and their design of taking part with the British. On the day that he was killed, we had held a council, in which he was. His countenance was dejected, and he made a speech, all of which seemed to indicate an honest and manly disposition: He acknowledged that he expected he and his party would have to run with the stream, for all the Indians on the lakes and northwardly, were joining the. British. When he returned to the Shawanese town, after the battle at the Point, he called a council of the nation, to consult what was to be done, and upbraided the Indians for their folly in not suffering him to make peace on the evening before the battle, saying : What will you do now? The Big Knife is coming on us, and we shall all be killed. Now you must fight, or we are undone." But no one made answer. He then said : 'Let us kill all our women and children and go and fight till we die.' But none would answer. At length, he arose and struck his tomahawk in the post, in the centre of the town house, and said, go and make peace!' and then the warriors all grunted out ough ! ough ! ough ! ' And runners were instantly dispatched to the governor's army to solicit a peace, and the interposition of the governor on their behalf. When he made his speech in the council with us he seemed impressed with an awful prediction of his approaching fate. For he repeatedly said, when I was a young man and went to war I thought that might be the last time, and I would return no more.' `Now,' said he, I am here amongst you, you may kill me if you please; I can die but once, and it is all one to me now or another time ! ' And this declaration concluded every sentence of his speech. He was killed about one hour after our council broke up. "A few days after this catastrophe General Hand arrived, but had no troops, and we were discharged and returned home a short time before. Christmas. Not long after we left the garrison a small party of Indians appeared near the fort, and Lieut. Moore was ordered with a party to pursue them. Their design was to retaliate the murder of the Cornstalk. "Moore had not proceeded over one-quarter of a mile until he fell into an ambuscade and was killed, with several of his men." Narrated by John Stuart, of Greenbrier county, Virginia, December, 1820. THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. CHAPTER XIV. 1774-1782. WHEELING IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR-MEASURES OF DEFENCE AGAINST INROADS OF SAVAGES-BUILDING OF THE FORT-WAKATOMICA CAMPAIGN- DUNMORE WAR-ARREST OF CONNOLLY AT FORT PITT-IMPRISONMENT OF PENNSYLVANIA MAGISTRATES AT WHEELING-EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS- INCIPIENT STAGES OF THE REVOLUTION-MEETING OF THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS-FLIGHT OF LORD DUNMORE-CAPTURE OF TICONDOROGA AND CROWN POINT-BUNKER HILL-WASHINGTON APPOINTED COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF- ACTS OF VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY FOR' PROTECTION OF FRONTIER-AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE - FORMATION OF OHIO COUNTY-FORT HENRY AND MILITARY ORGANIZATION-INDIAN MURDERS AND AGGRESSIONS-GENERAL HAND COMMANDS WESTERN DEPARTMENT-EXPEDITION AGAINST PLUGGYS TOWN-SIEGE OF FORT HENRY IN 1777—BRODHEAD'S CAMPAIGN-RAID. ON WHEELING IN 1781—THE MORAVIAN MASSACRE. WHEN the pioneers, surveyors and other inhabitants Of the border had gathered together in considerable numbers at the Wheeling settlement in the latter part of April, 1774, alarmed at the rumors of Indian aggression and threatened hostilities then circulating along the frontier, they were met by a messenger with a circular letter from Dr. John HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 93 Connolly,* then commander at Fort Fitt, informing the settlers that "a war with the Indians was inevitable, and directing them to cover.the country with scouts until the inhabitants could fortify themselves." † Connolly was the royal "Captain commandant of the District of West Augusta," of which Wheeling formed a part, and his communication was received with such confidence as to give it almost the force of a command. While there can be little doubt that Capt. Cresap, into whose hands the communication came, was led by it to make the reprisals noted in a former chapter, and thereby helped to precipitate the anticipated war, it is quite certain that prompt and vigorous measures were soon taken for the defence of the settlement should actual hostilities occur. Scouts were thrown out in different directions, and the settlers proceeded at once to "fortify" by building a stockade work according to Connolly's suggestion. This was the beginning of the fort which served in all the subsequent years of the revolutionary struggle as a refuge and protection to the inhabitants of the surrounding country. BUILDING OF FORT FINCASTLE. The current histories, deriving their information from the late that pioneers, state that this fort was planned by Col. George Rogers Clark, ‡ who was present with the Cresap party in Wheeling at that time, (April 1774,) and that it was constructed under the superintendence of Ebenezer Zane and John Caldwell, ‡ two of the principal men of the settlement. Doubtless this may be correct, so far as the beginning of the work is concerned, but, under the plan as finally carried out, it became a very considerable undertaking, requiring large assistance from elsewhere and was finally completed under other auspices. It is known that Connolly himself proposed to undertake building the fortification with the forces under his command § superintending it in person, and that he sought the approval of the Governor, Lord Dunmore, to that project, and to a contemplated expedition against the Shawanese towns on the Muskingum and theof hoe Scioto. The work at Wheeling received the hearty support up, more, who wrote Connolly, under date of June 20th, 1774: "I entirely approve of the measure you have taken of building a fort at Wheeling,”  etc. It would appear, however, from Valentine Crawford's letter to Washington, that his Lordship did not wish Connolly to take charge either of the fort or the expedition, but recommended that both be placed under the conduct of Capt. William Crawford. Accordingly the two hundred men who had been recruited at Fort Pitt by Connolly were turned over to the command of Captain Crawford with instructions to proceed to Wheeling and complete the building of the fort, ¶ it being also understood that this force when joined to others, recruited for the purpose, were to proceed against the Shawanese towns. This is fully indicated in Valentine Crawford's letter, of July 27, already referred to as follows: " All the men except some old ones, are gone with my brother down to the Indian towns." *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          * " The Governor (Dunmore) wrote very earnestly to Captain Connolly, to give my brother William Crawford, the command of all the men that are gone against the Indian towns. They number, including the militia that came from below, seven hundred men. It was also the wish of the Governor that Connolly himself should reside at Fort Pitt. However, Major McDonald came up here, and is gone down to Wheeling, in order to take the .command; but I have seen several letters from Lord Dunmore, both to my brother and to Connolly, and he has not mentioned McDonald's name in them."** In July, Maj. Angus McDonald arrived in Wheeling, and took command, and, under the joint direction of himself, and Capt. William Crawford, the large force under their command, soon completed the stockade fort. " It was' located immediately on the left bank of the Ohio river, about a quarter of a mile above *The orthography of the name being somewhat uncertain, we adopted that of the Penn. Archives. Recent examination has satisfied us, however, that the correct spelling is that above. † McKiernan. Also stated in Jacob's Cresap, and Brantz Mayer's Logan and Cresap. Jacob states that he once possessed a copy of this circular letter of Connolly's. ‡McKiernan. ‡ McKiernan. § Devereaux Smith, in a letter dated June 12th, 1774, says: "Mr. Connolly proposes to march from this place (Fort Pitt) to-morrow with 200 men to build a stockade fort at Wheeling creek," etc.  Penna. Archives, IV. 522. ¶ Letter of Arthur St. Clair to Governor Penn, July 22, 1774. Penna. Archives, Vol. V. **The Washington-Crawford Letters, p. 95 and 96. the mouth of Wheeling creek, and at a much less distance from the foot of the immense hill that rises with unusual boldness from the inner margin of the bottom land. Just beyond the lower line of pickets the high bench of ground, on which the fort was erected, terminates; and after an abrupt descent of about thirty feet another level commences, which stretches along with uniform grade to the creek. Much of this bottom, particularly that portion next to the river, was cleared, fenced and cultivated in corn. Between the fort and base of the hill, the forest had likewise been cleared away, and here stood some twenty-five or thirty humble log dwelling houses, thrown together in the form of a village, which, though of little importance then, was the germ of one of the fairest cities that now grace the domain of Virginia. The fort was built on open ground, and covered a space of about three-quarters of an acre. In shape it was a parallelogram, having a block house at each corner, with lines of stout pickets about eight feet high extending from one block house to another. Within the enclosure were a store house, barrack rooms, garrison wells, and a number of cabins for the use of families; the principal entrance was through a gateway on the eastern side of the village. It was called " Fort Fincastle," and served as a place of refuge for the settlers during the war which followed, and which was terminated, as far as a treaty could effect the purpose, in the fall of the year, by Lord Dunmore at Camp Charlotte."* These block-houses, referred to as being built, one at each corner of the stockade, were square, heavy, double storied buildings, with the upper story projecting over the lower about two feet, all around. They also projected slightly beyond the stockade, commanding all the approaches thereto, so that no lodgement could be made against the pickets to set them on fire, or to scale them. They were also pierced with loop-holes for musketry. The roof sloped equally from each side upward, and was surmounted at the centre by a quadrangular structure called the sentry box. This box was the post of observation, affording, from its elevated position, an extensive view on all sides. It was usually occupied in times of siege or apprehended attack, by two or three of the best riflemen, who were also well skilled in the tactics of Indian warfare. WAKATOMICA CAMPAIGN AND THE DUNMORE WAR. Having completed the fort at Wheeling, the forces occupied in the work, were now at liberty, to proceed on the expedition contemplated against the Indians. Arrangements were made accordingly, and Capt. Crawford, who was originally put in. charge of the troops for this service, was now placed in command of the garrison at Fort Fincastle, while the conduct of the expedition was committed to Major Angus McDonald. On the 26th of July, the latter left Wheeling with about four hundred men, and reached the mouth of Fish creek, on the eastern side of the Ohio, about twenty four miles below. From this point, they moved against the Shawanese towns on the Muskingum, destroying Wakatomica, near what is now Dresden, Ohio, and other Indian villages. The expedition was entirely successful in accomplishing the purpose for which it was organized, as is fully detailed in another chapter, and was the first effective blow struck by the Virginia troops in the Dunmore war. Lord Dunmore, himself, had already begun to move in his projected campaign. Leaving Williamsburg, Virginia, then the seat of government, July 10th, he proceeded to different places gathering troops, and completing his preparations for the expedition. In the latter part of August he marched with his forces to Fort Pitt. He arrived at Wheeling, September 30th. The strength of Dunmore's forces is given in Valentine Crawford's letter to Washington, written from the Wheeling fort the day after his arrival, and which is quoted as follows: " FORT FINCASTLE, October 1st, 1774. "His Lordship arrived here yesterday with about twelve hundred men, seven hundred of whom carne by water with his Lordship, and five hundred came under my brother William, by land, with the bullocks, etc." † To the little frontier settlement the advent of so large a body of troops, some of whom were British regulars, and all commanded by the royal governor, was an event of no ordinary importance. The consternation and alarm which followed the 'expectation of an inroad of the savages, had already given place to a strong and determined feeling, not only to defend their * Geo. S. McKiernan. † Washington-Crawford letters, 94 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. homes and families from hostile incursion, but, also, by aggressive measures against the foe, insure themselves against future molestation. And now, when the forces embodied by the authority of the colony for the defence and protection of the border appeared in their midst, marshalled in all " the pomp and circumstance of war," the interest and excitement occasioned by their presence can readily be imagined. The debarkation of the troops—their imposing and martial array—the brilliant uniforms of the regulars contrasting with the homely hunting shirts of the provincial militia—the stirring music of fife and drum, and the glitter of their burnished arms flashing in the September sun as they marched from the landing to their quarters in the fort, all united to stir the pulse of hardy mountaineer and bright-eyed maiden gazing on the gallant display. Even the Fort donned her holiday attire in honor of the royal governor, and floated from her ramparts the red cross banner of Saint George—that proud and gorgeous ensign of Old England. An amusing anecdote in connection with this event, is still preserved among local traditions. When Lord Dunmore landed at the river, from his barge, and marched up to the fort preceded by his body guard of Scotch Highlanders, with their bonneted chieftains "All plaided and plumed in their tartan array "- the martial strains of the bagpipes waking the morning echoes —a lively frontier damsel, catching sight of their novel dress, ran breathless to her mother exclaiming : " Come, mother, come, and see the handsome men dressed in petticoats and bonnets ! " Lord Dunmore immediately sent Major Crawford—recently promoted—forward " with 500 men, 50 pack horses, and 200 bullocks to meet Colonel Lewis," who was coming by way of the Kanawha. After completing his preparations for the expedition, he followed in a few days thereafter with the rest of the forces by river. The full account of this campaign, culminating in the battle of Point Pleasant and the treaty of Camp Charlotte, are related elsewhere. The reference to it and the Wakatomica campaign here, is simply to present a connected narrative of events in their proper order, touching operations from Wheeling as a military centre. ARREST OF CONNOLLY AT FORT PITT. In the treaty of Camp Charlotte in October, it was arranged between Lord Dunmore and the Shawanese to hold a meeting at Fort Pitt in the following spring-1775—to make an additional treaty, which should also include the other tribes. When the time came, however, Lord Dunmore had his hands full in managing the affairs of the colony at the seat of government—the troubles with the mother country having begun to assume a threatening aspect—and so he deputed Connolly to conduct the negotiations. Only a few Delawares and Mingoes assembled, and while preparing for a talk with the chiefs, Connolly was arrested about midnight by a Pennsylvania sheriff and posse, who carried him to Ligonier, to answer for trespassing on the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania by assuming the command and control at Fort Pitt, under the authority of the colony of Virginia. Retaliation followed. Valentine Craw-ford's account says: " On Major Connolly being taken, the people of Chartiers came in a company and siezed three of the Pennsylvania magistrates, who were concerned in taking off Connolly—George Nelson, Joseph Spear, and Devereux Smith. They were sent in an old leaky boat down to Fort Fincastle under guard." The magistrates complained that while they were confined at Wheeling, they "were exposed to every species of insult and abuse," while Connolly received much better treatment. "While Connolly was at my house," wrote Arthur St. Clair on the 12th of July, " endeavoring to procure bail, I treated him with a good deal of civility." Shortly afterwards, Connolly was released, in exchange for the Pennsylvania magistrates. His career at Fort. Pitt was about over. He left on. the 25th of July 1775, to visit Lord Dunmore, who was then embroiled in a quarrel with the Virginia Assembly, and never returned. He visited Gen. Gage at Boston, as the emissary of Dunmore. Returned with instructions. Was made colonel, and undertook to raise a regiment of tories, and with reinforcements from Detroit, rendezvous at Fort Pitt, and march to the assistance of Dunmore, at Williamsburg. His capture frustrated this plan, and his subsequent career as a tory, left his name in very unsavory odor among his former friend, which still clings to his memory. INCIPIENT STAGES OF THE REVOLT AGAINST BRITISH RULE. The return of the Earl of Dunmore, to the seat of government, after the successful issue of his western campaign, was attended with such evidences of popular approval as must have been sufficiently gratifying to his feelings. This is fully indicated by the resolution passed March 25th, 1775, by the convention then sitting at Richmond, and composed of the best men in the colony : " Resolved, unanimously, that the most cordial thanks of the people of the colony are a tribute justly due to our worthy Governor, Lord Dunmore, for his truly noble, wise, and spirited conduct, on the late expedition against our Indian enemy; a conduct which at once evinces his excellency's attention to the true interests of this colony, and a zeal in the executive department, which no dangers can divert, or difficulties hinder, from achieving the most important services to the people, who have the happiness to live under his administration." A vote of thanks was also passed to the officers and soldiers of the expedition.* These cordial feelings do not seem to have been long maintained. The old conflict was soon renewed, and, in the end, resulted disastrously to Dunmore's further administration of government. Indeed the disputes of the colonies with the mother country, which had been progressing through a series of years, were daily becoming more serious. Even on the remote frontiers was heard the muttering of the storm, now fast gathering, and soon to break forth in utmost violence not only upon the heads of those near the centres of population, but with more bitter and pitiless fury on the unprotected inhabitants of the border. But their isolated and dangerous position did not for a moment dampen the ardor of their patriotism, and when, through the slow medium of communication with Williamsburg, came the news of how Patrick Henry- " The forest-born Demosthenes, Whose thunder shook the Philip of the seas." † had electrified the Assembly by his warning that as "Caesar had his Brutus" so might the British king find a retribution for his oppressions, and responding defiantly to the cries of treason, "If that be treason make the. most of it," their own hearts caught the generous glow, and they resolved, if die they must to die freemen and in defence of the rights they had purchased with toil and blood. In their resistance to the various oppressive acts of the British Parliament—the stamp act, the tax on tea, and the laws regulating their trade and navigation, and restricting manufactures—the colonies had made common cause. So, when the act was passed to close the port of Boston on the 1st of June, 1774, in punishment for the seizure and destruction of the tea in Boston harbor, Virginia; with the other colonies, passed resolutions of sympathy and support. The House Of Burgesses "resolved that the first of June, the day on which the operation of the Port Bill was to commence, be set apart by the members as a day of fasting, humiliation and prayer,. in order devoutly to implore the divine interposition to avert the heavy calamity which threatened destruction to their civil rights, and the evils of a civil war; and to give them one heart and one mind firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights." ‡ The adoption of these resolutions, as well as the discussion of them so incensed the royal governor that he promptly dissolved the Assembly on the 26th May, expecting doubtless to cure the evil by summary measures. The work, however, had been done. The day of fasting and prayer was observed all over the commonwealth and seemed to strengthen the spirit of resistance to the oppressive measures of the British authorities. A fair illustration of the state of public feeling and opinion may be gathered from the following extract, taken from the same letter of Valentine Crawford to Washington, of October 1st, 1774, before referred to where he describes Dunmore's arrival at Wheeling, and expresses the hope that a peace may be achieved with the Indians: "In order that we may be able to assist you in relieving the poor distressed Bostonians, if the report here be true that Gen. Gage has bombarded the city of Boston. This is a most alarming circumstance and calls on every friend of the liberty of the country to exert himself at this time in its cause." In June, Massachusetts took steps for calling a general congress, consisting of deputies to be elected by each of the colo- * Amer. Arch. v. 2, p. 179, 801. † Byron. ‡ Graham's Colonial History of U. S. vol. 4, p. 365, 366. HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 95 nies, to concert proper measures for the protection of their rights and liberties, and also, " restore that union and harmony between Great Britain and the colonies, most ardently desired by all good men." This Congress assembled at Philadelphia on the 5th day of September, and among other transactions passed a declaration of rights, petitioned the king and parliament for redress, and issued a memorial to the people of the colonies. In March, 1775, the probabilities of war, and the necessity of preparing for defence, were openly discussed in the Virginia Assembly. Some members were for postponing these preparations in the hope of securing a peaceable adjustment of their difficulties, but Patrick Henry with vehement and victorious eloquence, contended for immediate action, claiming that hesitation was fatal, and, saying, " There is no longer any room for hope. We must fight. An appeal to arms, and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us.' " Gentlemen may cry Peace ! Peace ! ' but there is no peace. The war is actually begun. The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms." As if in fulfillment of these prophetic words, and before their effect had died away upon the minds of his hearers, came the portentous sounds of battle. The plains of Lexington and Concord witnessed, on the 19th of April, the first blood shed in the struggle for American Independence, and the spirit of resistance and revolution spread with surprising rapidity to the remotest borders of the ,land. " In Virginia the march of the revolution was accelerated by the intemperate measures of Lord Dunmore, the governor. Having by a sudden and clandestine operation removed a portion of the public stores during the night from Williamsburg on board of armed vessels, and finding his conduct sharply arraigned by the provincial convention, he retorted their censure and condemned all their proceedings in a proclamation which concluded with the usual formula of "God save the King." They replied to him by a proclamation which concluded with "God save the liberties of America;" and Patrick Henry marched against him at the head of a detachment of the provincial militia. Lord Dunmore, who at first solemnly swore, that, if any violence were offered to himself, he would proclaim liberty to all the negro slaves in the province, and lay Williamsburg in ashes, finding that his menaces inflamed the public rage, instead of inspiring fear, was obliged to procure a respite from the approaching danger by granting a bill of exchange for the pecuniary value of the stores which had been removed, but soon again involving himself by his violence in a quarrel (from which the utmost prudence could hardly have kept him free) with the popular party, he fled hastily from Williamsburg with his family on the 8th of June, took refuge on board the Fowey, a British man-of-war, and thus practically abdicated his functions. An interregnum ensued, but a delegated convention, in view of the public safety, assumed such legislative and executive control as was necessary for the defence and protection of the colony in all her interests. Meantime, events of the most serious character, and fraught with the gravest consequences, were occurring in the east. The second Congress convened at Philadelphia on the 10th of May, and on the same day, Col. Ethan Allen, with a small force of Vermont militia, known as "Green Mountain Boys," surprised and captured the British fortress of Ticonderoga with her garrison and equipment, and also that of Crown Point ; both important defenses of Lake Champlain. This sudden assumption of aggressive warfare, the gallantry and success of the enterprise, together with Allen's characteristic demand for the surrender "in the name of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress," stirred the popular feeling to a blaze throughout the whole country. These successes were followed on the 17th of June by the battle of Bunker Hill, in which a detachment of a thousand provincials, under Col. Prescott, supported by Putnam and Warren, twice repulsed, with great loss, the attack of a greatly superior force of British regulars, commanded by General Howe in person, and only fell back, on the third attack, from lack of ammunition. This gallant and noble struggle, showing how well a rude and undisciplined force could meet the trained veterans of the vaunted British army, gave the liveliest satisfaction to their expectant fellow countrymen, and determined them, if such determination were necessary, to take no step backward in the good cause of the country's rights. Recognizing the imminence of war, the necessity of a thorough military organization followed, and Congress at once took measures for embodying the troops of the provinces into a continental army. On the 15th of June they unanimously elected George Washington commander-in-chief of the American forces—a choice which all subsequent time has justified as one of singular wisdom and good fortune. The Virginia Convention took prompt and vigorous measures for recruiting and equipping her quota of troops. By the middle of July, two regiments were raised and provision made for seven more. The nine regiments were soon equipped and " the Virginia line," thence forward throughout the war, were engaged in many sanguinary fields, and maintained an honored and honorable fame. Among other acts of the Assembly was one passed July 17, 1775, " for the better, protection of the in- habitants on the frontiers of this Colony. ' Be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, That there shall be appointed and raised, exclusive of the regiments before mentioned, two companies, consisting each of one captain, three lieutenants, one ensign, four sergeants, two drummers and two fifers and one hundred men rank and file, to be stationed at Pittsburgh ; also one other company, consisting of a lieutenant and twenty-five privates, to be stationed at " Fort Fincastle," at the mouth of Wheeling creek, etc. During this time the inhabitants of the frontier were comparitively free from molestation by the Indians, and were not only deeply interested in the events which had been transpiring at the East but gave a hearty support to all the measures adopted to secure and defend the liberties of the colonies. By the opening of the new year it began to be understood that having drawn the sword the issue of the fight must be utter subjugation, or a separate national existence. This feeling was so manifest at the Virginia Convention, that, on the 6th of May, 1776, they passed the declaration known as the Bill of Rights, and on the 15th of May, 1776, with suitable preamble, "Resolved unanimously, That the delegates appointed to represent this Colony in the General Congress, be instructed to propose to that respectable body to declare the United Colonies free and independent states, absolved from all allegiance to, or dependence upon the crown or parliament of Great Britain ; and that they give the assent of this Colony to such declaration, etc." On the 29th of June, 1776, they formally adopted a constitution, or form of government, which abrogated British rule and established a government of the people for the state of Virginia. The same day Patrick Henry was elected governor of the state. By these various acts the people were fully committed to the revolution finally inaugurated by the passage of the Declaration of Independence by Congress, which was promulgated formally on the 4th of July, 1776. FORMATION OF OHIO COUNTY. In October, 1776, Ohio county was formed by act of the Legislature out of a portion of the District of West Augusta, and embraced within its limits all the territory now comprising the Pan-Handle. Its history proper as a county, begins with this chapter. FORT HENRY AND MILITARY ORGANIZATION. At this time, also, the name of Fort Fincastle was changed to Fort Henry, in honor of the new governor, and is the name by which it is known to fame, at least in local annals. Before the close of the Revolution, now beginning, its walls were destined to become a shelter for the small but gallant band of settlers gathered within it, who stood as a bulwark of defence to the frontier. In view of the exposed situation of the county the justices organized and enrolled the militia, with suitable field and company officers duly confirmed by the governor. "At this period," says Mr. McKiernan, "Ohio county was to all intents and purposes a military colony. Every able bodied man was enrolled, and kept in readiness to take the field at a moment's warning. The company rolls furnished the list of tithables for county revenue; and Col. David Shepherd, the commanding officer of the militia, was himself the presiding justice of the county court, and became high sheriff, ex-officio, during the year." The convention of 1776 directed two companies to be raised in Ohio county as her quota of "six battalions for the continental army of the. United States." Chas. Simms, secretary of the commonwealth of Virginia, in a letter to Col. John McColloch, dated November 9, 1776, gives directions about raising these companies, and also to carry into effect the act of Assembly requiring. "the landholders in the county of Ohio to meet at the house of Ezekiel Dewitt, on the 8th of December next, 96 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. to vote for a place to hold courts in that county in future. Before you can hold these elections it is necessary you should take the oath of office. The dedimus enclosed empowers Mr. David Shepherd, Mr. David Rogers, and Mr. James McMechen, or any of them, to administer the oath." There is extant portions of a journal kept by a committee appointed to carry out the requirements of the Legislature in the matter. It is interesting as giving the names of some of the parties engaged, as follows: "Present—David Shepherd in the chair, Zachariah Sprigg, George McColloch, John McColloch, Saul Teter, David Shepherd, Wm. McMechen, Benjamin Biggs, sr., John Williamson, sr., James Clements, Joseph Tomlinson, Jacob Leffler, Joseph Ogle, George Cox, David Hosea, Silas Hedges, Isaac Taylor, Jacob Pratt, John Huff, Stephen Parr, George Dement and Saul Glass." The two companies were ordered, and Captain John Lemmon and Captain Silas Zane appointed to the command. It does not appear whether these companies were completely filled and mustered in, or whether they were finally merged into the new organization of the militia. These military precautions were soon found to be of great value in the protection which a well organized force had for the settlements, now thrown open to the attacks of their old foes under new and competent leaders. STATUS OF THE INDIAN TRIBES IN THE BEGINNING OF THE REVOLUTION. Congress recognized, very early in the revolution, the necessity of protecting the frontier of the country against a possible invasion from that direction, in the event of a war with Great Britain, and, as one of the surest measures of safety, sought to conciliate the western tribes, and to secure their sympathy and good will towards the colonies. To this end they appointed Col. George Morgan, agent for Indian affairs of the Middle Department, in April 1776, with headquarters at Fort Pitt. He was a man of high character, familiar with Indian manners and habits, and in every way fitted for the position. Commissioners were also appointed to make treaties with the Indians, to secure their friendship and, if possible, prevent them from forming any alliances with the enemy. Those for the Middle Department were Thomas Walker, John Harvey, John Montgomery, and Joseph Yates. They met at Fort Pitt in July, but could not get an assemblage of the tribes until October. In the meantime through letters and by agents they were in active communication with many of the leading chiefs, seeking to secure their friendly influence and also their attendance at the council. Finding that Governor Hamilton, of Detroit had secured the powerful tribes of the Ottawas and Pottowatomies, who were also exerting a strong influence on the. Shawanese in behalf of the British, the commissioners, early in September, concluding that an Indian war was inevitable, made a call for the militia, and took measures for strengthening the defences. While thus in suspense, William Wilson, who had been sent out in June, by Col. Morgan, to invite the Wyandots to the treaty, returned with a minute report of his Mission. During his visit, he was taken by his guides, to a meeting of the Indians with the British Governor Hamilton, at the council house in Detroit, and concluded from their speeches and Hamilton's course that they were mostly hostile to the American cause. "After we left the council house," he says, "the governor came up to me and said he would be glad, if I would inform the people on my return of what I had seen; that all the Indians I saw there at the treaty were of the same way of thinking; and that he would be glad if the people would consider the dreadful consequences of going to war with so terrible an enemy, and accept the King's pardon while it could be obtained." * * * * * * * * * * * " He then ordered William Tucker, one of his interpreters, with whom I had some acquaintance, to go with me and get provisions for me. On my way I asked Tucker his opinion of the disposition of the Indians at Detroit, and if he thought they would strike soon. He hesitated for some time, but at last told me that without matters took a very decided turn, it was his opinion they would." Wilson then left Detroit for the Wyandot village, in company with some chiefs, and gathered from them, on the way, that they were not all so friendly to Hamilton as he had supposed. When he left the Wyandot village, on his way home, he stopped one night at the house of a friendly Indian. "The next day," he says, "one Isaac Zane* *Isaac Zane was the youngest brother of Col. Ebenezer Zane, and was captured at Moorefield, Va., by the Indians when a lad only 9 years old. He frequently gave timely notice to the whites of contemplated raids and was largely influential in preventing the barbarous treatment of prisoners by his tribe. came to see me. In the course of conversation he told me that in talking with the Half King of the Wyondot's he asked him if the governor (Hamilton) had not delivered him a tomahawk belt. He said he had. That the Big Knife had threatened them for some time past, so that they could not mind their hunting, and that now they would threaten them. I asked him if it was his opinion that the Wyandots would join generally. He said it was almost certain that one-half of them would not. "The next day Zane and a Wyandot man came to where we were. We conversed a good deal on the subject of the quarrel between Great Britain and the colonies. I asked the chief what the Indians promised themselves by joining the king's troops? I told him that perhaps while the contest continued, they might be furnished with clothes and such like; but when it was over they must return to their former way of living; that if the Americans should be successful, they would be so incensed against the Indians who fought against them, that they would march an army into their country, destroy them, and take their lands from them. He said it was very true. " There," said he, "is my tomahawk. I will never lift it, nor shall any of my family fight against the Big Knife, if I can help it, unless they come into my own house," etc. These apprehensions of trouble from the Indians were felt at the Virginia seat of government to be quite serious, and led to the detention of the Seventh Virginia at Williamsburg, in the expectation of having to send it out for the protection of the frontier. This regiment was now commanded. by Col. William Crawford, who had been promoted from lieutenant colonel of the Fifth Virginia, to fill the vacancy. He wrote to General Washington regarding the matter, as follows: " WILLIAMSBURG, September 20th, 1776. "SIR :—I should have been glad to have the honor of being with you at New York, but I am doubtful we shall be involved in an Indian war to the westward, as the Shawanese and Delawares seem in doubt; and from the last accounts from Fort Pitt had not met' our people (Dr. Walker and the commissioners) who were sent to treat with them from this government. I should have come to New York with those regiments ordered there,* but the regiment I belong to is ordered to this place. If a war with the westerly Indians happen, I am to go there," etc. In October a meeting was held with some of the Indian tribes who had been gathered in council at Fort Pitt, but Colonel Morgan was not successful in persuading the Ottawas, Wyandots, Chippewas and Mingoes to attend or send deputies to the treaty. They were too closely allied with British interests at Detroit. Colonel Morgan, however, seems to have considered the meeting successful in a general way, and wrote, on the 8th of November, to John Hancock, the President of Congress, in the following terms : " SIR :—I have the happiness to inform Congress that the cloud which threatened to break over this part of the county appears now to be nearly dispersed. The Six Nations, Delawares, Munsies, Mohicans and Shawanese who have been assen bled here to the number of six hundred and forty-four, wit their principal chiefs and warriors, have given the stronger assurance of their resolution to preserve inviolate the peace an neutrality they have engaged in with the United States," etc ‡ In the same letter Colonel Morgan reports certain murder by the Indians as having occurred along the Ohio border; "two women were killed at the mouth of Fish creek one man wi killed, and four wounded, opposite Hockhocking ; and two soldiers were killed, and scalped, at the mouth of the Great Kanawha." It is not to be wondered at, in view of all the circumstance surrounding the border, and the known efforts made by British officials to incite the hostility of the savages, that occasion: murders and forays did occur. Some of these were, doubtless, in reprisal for the wanton killing of solitary Indians by white men, and attacks made upon unoffending hunting parties. Colonel Morgan, who was extremely anxious to preserve pea' with the Indian nations, at this critical period, sought to alls all causes of irritation with them and wisely preferred to ove look the occasional outrages that were brought to his notic rather than avenge them by sending expeditions to destroy their towns, and so stir up the savage hordes along the who border. In some instances he thought the border inhabitan * The regiments ordered to New York were the Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Virginia. 1 Seventh remained at Williamsburg, in command of Colonel Crawford. †Washington. Crawford letters. ‡ Hildreth's Pioneer History. HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 97 itants were the aggressors, and says, in his letter to President Hancock, respecting this hostility of the whites : " Parties have even been assembled to massacre our known friends at their hunting camps, as well as messengers on business to me ; and I have esteemed it necessary to let the messengers sleep in my own chamber for their security. " It is truly distressing to submit to the injuries we have, and are, frequently receiving along the frontier and outposts, from the Mingo banditti and their associates ; but it must be extremely injurious to the interests of the United States, at this critical time, to involve ourselves in a general Indian war, which, I believe, may be still warded off by pursuing the wise measures intended by Congress," etc.* INDIAN MURDERS AND RAIDS ON THE BORDER. Previous to the October meeting at Fort Pitt, information was received from the friendly Delawares at Coochocking, on the Muskingum, that a party of Wyandots, Mingoes, and Ottawas, had passed. the "Standing Stone," now Lancaster, Ohio, on the 20th of September, on their way down the Hockhocking, to make a raid on the Virginia frontier. Warning was promptly sent to the inhabitants along the border, and the savages, disappointed in effecting a surprise, returned without accomplishing their purpose.. Frequent marauding and predatory incursions of small bands and parties of Indians followed. Concerning one of these bands, composed of individual members of different tribes of the Six Nations, Col. Morgan wrote to the agent for Indian affairs in the Northern Department, with a view of effecting their removal. He says: "The peace of this country has been greatly disturbed for many months past, by a banditti of the Six Nations; of every tribe, but principally of the Senecas of Allegheny. They consist of sixty families at most, but have gained some adherents by intermarriages with the Wyandots, Delawares and Shawanees, and by assuming the air and authority of the Six Nations' Council. Their whole number does not exceed eighty men, and even they are divided in sentiments. Yet they have, by sending out one or two small parties every month or six weeks, kept the frontiers of Virginia in a perpetual alarm, and occasioned an immense expense in garrisoning a number of posts. Were these people situated by themselves, they might easily be chastised; but they are seated in the midst of several nations whose friendship it is cur interest to cultivate, and avoid every possible risk of injuring in any respect. Several attempts have been made to induce the Senecas to remove these relations of theirs, but to no effect. Sir. Wm. Johnson and his agents made several efforts, in his time, for that purpose; but without avail. They have many years practiced horse-stealing and robbery, on every occasion which offered itself. Yet I apprehend, if a serioud deputation of six or eight principal men of the Six Nations' Council, could be sent to them, and to insist on their removal, it might be accomplished," etc. † This application appears to have been unsuccessful. During the fall other outrages occurred, and were reported to Col. Morgan. A letter from Col. Dorsey Pentecost, dated Catfish Camp, Tuesday, November 19, 1776, says: On Monday morning last within four hundred yards of the garrison at Grave creek, was killed and scalped the eldest son of Adam Rowe, and the younger brother who was with him, is missing." ‡ In December, two men, who were out as spies, were overtaken by the savages, on the Indian side of the Ohio, opposite to the fort at Wheeling. One was killed and the other captured. This occurrence was near the present town of Bridgeport, Ohio. The balance of the winter there was comparative quiet. Preparations were made, however, both in strengthening the defences and purchasing supplies, which looked to an active campaign in the spring, if an expedition into the Indian country should be deemed advisable. One hundred men were stationed at Fort. Pitt under the command of Maj. Nevill, and Fort Randolph, at Kanawha, had one hundred and sixty men under command of Capt. Arbuckle. In December, Col. Morgan purchased, from two Detroit traders, five thousand dollars' worth of clothes, blankets, powder, lead, &c., for the use of the United States, and proposed to lay in a large stock of provisions for the troops who were expected to take part in the expedition contemplated. News arrived, about this time, of an attack made by the Indians near the Blue Lick, in Kentucky, on a party, under Col. * Hildreth's Pioneer History. † Hildreth's Pioneer History, p. 115.  ‡ Ibid, p. 111. 13-P. H. John Todd, sent to procure five hundred pounds of powder which had been forwarded them by the State of Virginia, and secreted near Limestone, now Maysville, Ky. Only one of the settlers was killed, and the powder was subsequently taken safely to Harrodsburg. These repeated hostilities were supposed to have been perpetrated by a band of Mingoes, and some others associated with them, who are generally mentioned in contemporary writings as "outlaws," and "banditti." They were commanded by a chief named Pluggy, and had their village at the head of the Scioto, near the present town of Delaware, Ohio. Their audacities finally led the Governor of Virginia, Patrick Henry, and the Council at Williamsburg, on the 12th of March, to order an expedition, consisting of three hundred men, under the command of Col. David Shepherd, and Major Henry Taylor, to be raised in the "counties of Monongalia, Yohogania and Ohio," to penetrate the country and inflict summary punishment upon the Indians at Pluggystown. The order of Council and the letter of Governor Henry giving instructions regarding the expedition are here inserted. CONTEMPLATED EXPEDITION AGAINST PLUGGY'S TOWN-GOVERNOR HENRY'S LETTER, AND MINUTES OF COUNCIL. WILLIAMSBURGH, March 12th, 1777. To Col. George Morgan and Col. John Nevill, Fort Pitt : GENTLEMEN : You will perceive by the papers which accompany this that the Indians at Pluggy's Town are to be punished in an exemplary manner. When you apply to the Shawanese and Delawares on the subject, it may not be amiss to observe to them that these villainous Indians, by their frequent mischiefs, may breed suspicions against innocent friends and allies, for it is often difficult to tell what nation are the offenders. Willing to cultivate that good understanding that subsists between Virginia and their nations, the Shawanese and Delawares cannot take umbrage at the march against Pluggy's. people, more especially as the latter march through the country of the former when they attack us. You will readily understand the delicacy of the business in opening this matter to the chiefs. Many, if trusted, may not keep it secret. If the enemy have warning the expedition will produce but little good compared to what may be expected if they are attacked by surprise. You will please communicate to the allies of this State the strict orders given to the officers and soldiers not to molest or offend any but the enemy of Pluggy's Town, and that orders are given to spare the women and children and such of the men as submit. I take the liberty to remind you that the success of the enterprise depends upon the address and propriety which will, I hope, distinguish your conduct in communicating this affair to the Shawanese and Delawares. I trust, gentlemen, that you will leave nothing in your power undone that may tend to give success to a measure so necessary for the well being of your country; and that you will not confine yourselves to the strict line of duty with respect to what falls into the business of each officer respectively, but act on the most liberal plan for promoting the enterprise. I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,  [Signed] P. HENRY, JR.* P. S.—You will communicate everything necessary to the officer who is to command in chief. IN COUNCIL, Williamsburgh, March 12th, 1777. This Board having from time wito time received undoubted intelligence of reported hostilities committed on the subjects of this Commonwealth by the Indians of Pluggy's Town, and notwithstanding the just remonstrances made to them on the subject by our agents for Indian Affairs, they have not been brought to a sense of duty, but from their repeated injuries there is the greatest reason to expect more, and insolence instead of the good neighborhood we wish to cultivate with all the Indian tribes. And whereas the obstinate and wicked disposition of the Indians of Pluggy's Town have been represented to Congress, and they seem to have no prospects of conciliation, but have referred to this Board the propriety of making war on them if it can be done without exciting jealousy and discord with the other neighboring nations, * Pennsylvania Archives, vol. 5, p. 260. 98 - HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO. Resolved, That George Morgan, Esq., Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and Col. John Nevill (or in his absence Robert Campbell, Esq.,) do confer with such chief or chiefs of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians as may be relied on for secrecy and fidelity, and represent to them the necessity of chastising the said Indians, and in case the said gentlemen shall find that the said Shawanese and Delawares do not give reason to apprehend discord with them by reason of such a proceeding, Resolved, That 300 militia men, commanded by a colonel, major, six captains, six lieutenants and six ensigns, and a proper number of non-commissioned officers, be ordered to make an expedition to said Pluggy's Town in order to punish that people for their unprovoked cruelties committed on the inhabitants of Virginia. That the officers commanding this expedition have it in charge at their peril, and that all those concerned, that no injury, provocation or ill treatment of any kind be done or suffered to the Delaware and Shawanese Indians through whose country they pass. But, on the other hand, that the said officers be strictly charged and commanded to conduct themselves towards them as our faithful friends and brethren. Government being determined to revenge the least injury done them. That the officers commanding this expedition apply to George Morgan, Esq., for ammunition, provisions and stores necessary for the party, who is requested to give any assistance in his power to forward the undertaking. That the commanding officer ought to be directed to show mercy to the women and children and to such of the men as surrender themselves, and to send all prisoners taken by his party belonging to said Pluggy's Town to this city; and as the success of this expedition will depend upon the dispatch with which it is conducted, Resolved, That if a majority of the field officers and captains who are to be engaged in it shall judge it best, that the men shall be directed to march on, horseback, finding their own horses and carrying their own provisions, and that they ought to receive a reasonable allowance for so doing. That Col. David Shepherd, of Ohio county, be commander in chief of the expedition, that Major Henry Taylor, of Yohogania county, to be major, and that they nominate the captains, and subaltern officers out of those commissioned in the counties of Monongalia, Yohogania and Ohio, or either of them. A copy, [Signed] ARCH'D BLAIR, Clerk.* These communications were received by Cols. Morgan and Nevill, on the first of April, and notice sent to Col. Shepherd and Maj. Taylor to meet them on' the 8th of the month to decide upon the best means to carry the governor's order into effect. In the meantime the following reply was sent : LETTER OF COLS. MORGAN AND NEVILL TO PATRICK HENRY. " FORT PITT, April 1, 1777. "Sir:—We had not the honor top receive your orders and the minutes of council of the 12th ultimo, until this day. We im- mediately wrote to Col. Shepherd and Maj. Taylor to meet us here on the 8th inst., to confer thereon, and determine the most effectual steps to carry the same into execution. And your Excellency may be assured we will leave nothing in our power undone, that may tend to promote the interest of our country in general, or the success of this enterprise in particular—not regarding the strict line of duty in our respective departments, but the promotion of the service on the most liberal plan. We, nevertheless, wish we were left more at liberty to exercise our judgments or to take advice on the expediency and practicability of the undertaking at this critical time—for, although we are persuaded from what has already passed between Col. Morgan and our allies, the Delawares and Shawanese, that they would wish us success therein, yet we apprehend the inevitable consequences of this expedition will be a general Indian war, which we are persuaded it is the interest of the State at this time to avoid, even by the mortifying means of liberal donations to certain leading men among the nations as well as by calling them again to a general treaty. And if the State of Pennsylvania should judge it prudent to take some steps to gratify the Six Nations in regard to the encroachments made on their lands on the northwestern frontier of that State of which they have so repeatedly complained, we hope and be- * Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. 5, pp. 258 and 259. lieve it would have a very salutary effect. The settlement of the lands on the Ohio, below the Kanawha, and at Kentucky, gives the Western Nations great uneasiness. How far the State of Virginia may judge it wise to withdraw or confine those settlements for a certain term of years or during the British war, is too delicate a matter for us to give our opinion on, but we have reason to think that the measures we have (though perhaps out of the strict line of our duty) presumed to hint at, would not only tend greatly to the happiness of this country, but to the interest of the whole State ; more especially if care be taken to treat the different nations in all respects with justice, humanity, and hospitality, for which purpose, and to punish robberies and murders committed on any of our allies, some wholesome orders or acts of government may possibly be necessary; for parties have been formed to massacre some who have come to visit us in a friendly manner, and others who have been hunting on their own lands, the known friends to the commonwealth. These steps, if continued, will deprive us of all our Indian allies and multiply our enemies. Even the spies who have been employed by the county lieutenants of Monongahela and Ohio seem to have gone on this plan with a premeditated design to involve us in a general Indian war; for on the 15th inst., at day break, five or six of these spies fired at three Delaware Indians at their hunting camp, which they afterwards plundered of peltries to a considerable value, and brought them off. "This was committed about twenty miles on this side the Delaware Town, between that and Wheeling, and out of the country or track of our enemies. "Luckily all the Indians escaped, only one of whom was wounded, and that slightly in the wrist. " We inclose to your Excellency the copy of a speech or message found near the body of a dead man, who had been killed and scalped two days. before, near the Kittanning on the northwestern frontier of Pennsylvania, when another man was taken prisoner. We suppose the party of Indians who left this message and perpetrated the murder, to have been hired for that purpose by the British officers at Niagara, in Order to promote an open rupture between the Six Nations and the United States, as we had intelligence of such a party being out, and having come from thence. In consequence whereof, and on considering the present situation of this country, a council of field officers and captains met here and gave their opinion on certain matters, of which your Excellency is doubtless ere now fully informed—among other things Col. Crawford was requested to make a return of the stores requisite to be sent here and an estimate of the expense of repairs to make this fort defensible against any body of troops which may be brought against us by the way of Presque Isle and the Alleghany, that being the route by which this fort will be attacked, if ever an expedition should be formed against it from Canada, and not as has been intimated to your Excellency from Detroit and Sandusky, there being no post at the latter place, and as we are informed but sixty-six soldiers are at Detroit, from whence by land to Fort Pitt is near three hundred miles, impassable for artillery, and all that country we are told could not furnish to an army of 1,000 men sufficient provisions or horses for such an expedition. "Your Excellency cannot but be already informed that many persons among ourselves wish to promote a war with the savages, not considering the distress of our country on the sea coast. This disposition with the conduct of a banditti consisting of sixty or eighty savages at the head of Scioto, may possibly create a general quarrel. Yet we flatter ourselves that by prudent measures it is possible to avoid it. But if, as seems the inclination of some, all Indians, without distinction, who may be found are to be massacred, and even when visiting us as friends, a general war cannot be avoided, and we fear the consequences would be fatal at this critical time; but should it please God to bless us with victory to overcome our British enemies on the sea coast, we shall have it in our power to take ample satisfaction of our Indian enemy. In the interim, we are humbly of opinion, that the most pacific measures, with liberal presents, if in our power to make them, will be attended with much happier consequences with the savages than an armed force can produce. Nevertheless, we beg leave again to assure your Excellency that nothing in our power shall be wanting to promote and insure success to the expedition now ordered to be executed. But as it will be impossible to have the men raised and armed before the first day of June next, we shall have sufficient time to receive your Excellency's farther instructions on that head, and we shall in the interim take every possible precaution to prevent intelligence HISTORY OF BELMONT AND JEFFERSON COUNTIES, OHIO - 99 reaching the enemy so far. as to defeat the wise intentions of governmentth the greatest respect, your excellency's most government. "We are with obedient and most humble servants, [Signed]  " GEO. MORGAN, " JOHN NEVILL. "P. S. By Lieut. Holliback, who left the Kanawha the ultimo, all is quiet there, and no murders or Indian incursions have been made into the inhabitants, that we have heard of, since last December, when one man was killed on the Indian side of the Ohio, opposite to the fort at Wheeling, and one taken prisoner. They were out as spies. "The county lieutenant who is ordered to send 100 men. to meet Capt. Lynn with the powder, is at a lass to know how far to proceed, or where St. Louis, on the Mississippi, is—there being one place of that name 160 miles above the mouth of the Ohio, and no settlement or fort less than 400 miles below the Ohio. The nearest is at the river Arkansas. To His Excellency Patrick Henry, jun., Esq., Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia, at Williamsburg."* Whether or not the arguments advanced in the foregoing communication induced the governor and council to abandon the contemplated expedition, does not appear. The journal of Col. Morgan, from April 1777 to Jan. 1778, is missing, and there is no account of such an invasion into the Indian country at this period, to be gathered from other sources. The probabilities are that it was deemed inexpedient to undertake the expedition, at this time, in view of the critical attitude of the other tribes, with whom' this band was more or less connected, as there is no further allusion to the subject, in any of the contemporary records of which there is any present knowledge. STRONG APPREHENSIONS OF AN INDIAN WAR IN THE SPRING OF 1777—COUNCIL OF WAR AT FORT PITT-LETTERS OF COLONEL CRAWFORD TO WASHINGTON AND TO CONGRESS-MORE INDIAN MASSACRES. There was, however, a general and growing apprehension of the hostile intent of the savages, founded, perhaps, on the various murders and incursions, already alluded to, as well as on information received from friendly Indians, of the machinations of the British officers at Detroit with the different tribes. So strong was this impression that Col. Crawford, who had recruited a new regiment in the vicinity of his old home, was detained with it to aid in defense of the border, and was obliged to explain in his non-arrival at the seat of war in a letter to Gen. Washington, dated Fredericktown, Md., February 12, 1777, as follows: "Sir: I am sorry to break in upon. your hours that ought to rest you from the many fatigues you have to undergo in that important task you have undertaken in defense of our liberties, but necessity obliges me under my present difficulties. I should have been with you, sir, before now, but for the following reasons "There is great probability of an Indian war for many evident reasons given by the Indians through the course of last summer. They have killed many of our people on the frontiers, * * * * * * * and should both the regiments now be moved away it will greatly distress the people, as the last, raised by myself, was expected to be a guard for them if there was .an Indian war. By the Governor of Virginia I was appointed to command that regiment, at the request of the people. The conditions were that the soldiers were enlisted during the war, and if an Indian war should come on this spring they were to be continued there, as their interest was on the spot; but if there should be no Indian war in that quarter, then they were to go wherever called. * * * Many men have already been taken from that region, so that if that regiment should march away, it will leave few or none to defend the country. There are no arms, as the chief part of the first men were armed there, which has left the place very bare; but let me be ordered anywhere and I will go if possible," etc.' These apprehensions received an early justification. No sooner had the cold weather abated than the Indians began their hostile movements. The question was no longer whether they would maintain a partial neutrality, but where and when they would strike? This feeling induced the calling of a Council of War, which was held at Fort Pitt on the 24th of March. An account in the "Pennsylvania Packet" of the 8th of April says: "In consequence of the before mentioned intel-   * Penna. archives, vol. V. p. 286. * Washington-Crawford Letters, pp. 62 and 63. ligence and depredations, (the murders and outrages already narrated) a Council of War was held at this place (Fort Pitt) this day, (24th March, 1777,) in which it was determined that it would be most advisable for Col. Crawford's battalion (13th Virginia—" West Augusta"—Regiment) and two companies of Col. Wood's battalion, at Fort Pitt and Wheeling, not to march till further orders, and that one hundred men should immediately be sent to Kittaning, and twenty-five men to the following places: Logstown, Holliday's Cove and Cox's." A few days later tidings arrived of further Indian murders, at different points along the border, and, on the 10th of April Col. Morgan wrote to Col. Crawford, detailing the circumstances, and calling upon him to take the necessary measures to protect the inhabitants. The following is an extract from his letter: " Last Monday a messenger arrived from the Delaware town and informed' me that a party of eighteen Mingoes were out, and it was supposed would di vide themselves into two parties and strike nearly at the same time between Yellow Creek and this place. Yesterday afternoon an express arrived from Capt. Steel, by which we learn that the first-mentioned party had divided, as supposed, and killed one man just below Raccoon creek and burned two cabins, viz.: Muchmore's and Arnot's; the body of the latter was found. His wife and four children are supposed to be burned in the cabin or carried off prisoners. This day an express arrived from Wheeling with an account that one Roger McBride was killed and scalped about ten miles up that creek, and alarms had arrived from several other quarters. I do think, sir, that you will find it necessary to take some measures in consequence of these murders, and that your presence here is requisite."* In compliance with the wishes of Col. Morgan, as expressed in the letter given above, and also to meet the requirements of the council of war, already mentioned, Col. Crawford repaired at once to Fort Pitt, from whence, on the 22d of April, he addressed the following letter to the President of Congress: "HONORABLE SIR :-I have received orders to join his Excellency General Washington in the Jerseys, with the battalion now under my command, which orders I would willingly have obeyed, had not a council of war, held at this place (proceedings of which were transmitted to Congress by express), resolved that I should remain here till further orders. I am sorry to find the accounts therein contained are likely to prove but too true, and from the late depredations and murders which were committed by the Indians at different places in this neighborhood it appears to me as if a general irruption was intended. * * * At Wheeling they killed and scalped one man, the body of whom was much mangled with tomahawks and other instruments suitable for their barbarity; at Dunkard's creek, one of the west branches of the Monongahela river, they killed and scalped one man 'and a woman, and took three children; and at each of the above places they burned houses, killed cattle, hogs, &c. "I have taken all possible means for the protection of this country as the nature ofmy circumstances would afford. I am at a great loss for arms; two-thirds of the battalion have none. * * * * I only await further directions, as I have received no marching orders dated since the council held at this place resolved that I should wait till further orders." † INDIAN INCURSIONS—BRIG. GEN. EDWARD HAND IN COMMAND OF DEPARTMENT—INDIAN MURDER AT WHEELING. While these events were transpiring along the northwestern frontier of Virginia, the southwestern portions also were subjected to the same fierce ordeal. All along the line, showing a common purpose, and a definite plan, the savages pressed forward to the assault of the border. Here a small band of marauders would appear suddenly, and massacre the unsuspecting settlers engaged in cultivating their lands; cut off hunters procuring necessary supplies of meat for their families; waylay paths to the springs and watering places; murder or carry into captivity innocent women and children; burn houses, kill or drive off cattle, and commit all the deviltries possible to their barbarous natures. Elsewhere larger numbers would gather seeking the destruction of fortified settlements. Finding it impossible to destroy the larger settlements so long as the forts remained to afford shelter, and a safe retreat to the inhabitants, and that in all matters of skill in the use of arms, and cunning stratagem, the whites were much their superiors, they sought by bringing into the country large and overwhelming forces to capture the fortifications and utterly * Hildreth's Pioneer History, p. 128.  † Washington-Crawford Letters, p. 64, 65.