100 - Release of Christopher Miller. topher Miller ! A mysterious providence appears to have placed Christopher Miller in a situation in the camp by which his life was preserved. Had he been standing on the right or left he would inevitably have been killed. But that fate which appears to have doomed the Indian race to extinction permitted the white man to live, whilst the Indians were permitted to meet the fate they can not shun.' " Captain Wells arrived safely with their prisoner at Fort Greenville. He was placed in the guard house, where General Wayne frequently interrogated him as to what he knew of the future intentions of the Indians. Captain Wells and Henry Miller were almost constantly with Christopher in the guard house, urging him to leave off the thought of living longer with the Indians, and to join his relatives among the whites. Christopher, for some time, was reserved and sulky, but at length became more cheerful, and agreed, if they would release him from confinement, that he would remain with the whites. Captain Wells and Henry Miller solicited General Wayne for Christopher's liberty. General Wayne could scarcely deny such pleaders any request they could make, and, without hesitation, ordered Christopher Miller to be set at liberty, remarking that should he deceive them and return to the enemy, they would be but one stronger. Christopher was set at liberty, and appeared pleased with his change of situation. He was mounted on a fine horse, and otherwise well equipped for war. He joined the company with Captain Wells and his brother, and fought bravely against the Indians during the continuance of the war. He was true to his word, and upon every occasion proved himself an intrepid and daring soldier. " As soon as Captain Wells and company had rested themselves and recruited their horses, they were anxious for another bout with the red men. Time, without action, was irksome to such stirring spirits. Early in July, they left Greenville; their company was then strengthened by the addition of Christopher; their orders were to bring in prisoners. They pushed through the country, always dressed and painted in Indian style; they passed on, crossing the river St. Mary, and then through the country near to the river Auglaize, where they met a single Indian, and called to him to surrender. This man, notwithstanding that the whites were six against one, refused to surrender. He leveled his rifle, and, as the whites were approaching him on horseback, he fired, but missed his mark, and then took to his heels to effect his escape. The undergrowth of brush was so very thick that he gained upon his pursuers. McClellan and Christopher Miller dismounted, and McClellan soon overhauled him. The Indian, finding himself over taken by his pursuers, turned round and made a blow at McClellan with his rifle, which was parried. As McClellan's intention was not to kill, he kept him at bay till Christopher Miller came up, when they closed in upon him and made him prisoner without The Heroic Captain, Wells - 101 receiving any injury. They turned about for headquarters, and arrived safely at Fort Greenville. Their prisoner was reputed to be a Pottawotamie chief, whose courage and prowess was scarcely equaled. As Christopher Miller had performed his part on this occasion to the entire satisfaction of the brave spirits with whom he acted, he had, as he merited, their entire confidence. " On one of Captain Wells' peregrinations through the Indian country, as he came to the bank of the river St. Mary, he discovered a family of Indians coming up the river in a canoe. He dismounted, and concealed his men near the bank of the river, whilst he went himself to the bank, in open view, and called to the Indians to come over. As he was dressed in Indian style, and spoke to them in their own language, the Indians, not expecting an enemy in that part of the country, without any suspicion of danger, went across the river. The moment the canoe struck the shore, Wells heard the cocks of his comrades' rifles cry, nick, as they prepared to shoot the Indians; but who should be in the canoe but his Indian father and mother, with their children ! As his comrades were coming forward with their rifles cocked, ready to pour in the deadly storm upon the devoted Indians, Wells called to them to hold their hands and desist. He then informed them who those Indians were, and solemnly declared, that the man who would attempt to injure one of them, would receive a ball in his head. He said to his men, that that family had fed him when he was hungry, clothed him when he was naked, and kindly nursed him when sick; and in every respect were as kind and affectionate to him as they were to their own children.' " Those hardy soldiers approved of the motives of Captain Wells' lenity to the enemy. They threw down their rifles and tomahaws, went to the canoe, and shook hands with the trembling Indians in the most friendly manner. Captain Wells assured them they had nothing to fear from him ; and after talking with them to dispel their fears, he said, that General Wayne was approaching with an overwhelming force ; that the best thing the Indians could do was to make peace ; that the white men did not wish to continue the war.' He urged his Indian father for the future to keep out of the reach of danger. He then bade them farewell ; they appeared grateful for his clemency, They then pushed off their canoe, and went down the river as fast as they could propel her. " Captain Wells and his comrades, though perfect desperadoes in fight, upon this occasion proved they largely possessed that real gratitude and benevolence of heart, which does honor to human kind. " Early in the month of August, when the main army had arrived at the place subsequently designated as Fort Defiance, General Wayne wished to be informed of the intentions of the enemy. For this purpose, Captain Wells was again despatched to bring in another prisoner. The distance from Fort Defiance to the British 102 - Other Adventures of the fort, near the mouth of the Maumee river, was only forty-five mile and he would not have to travel far before he would find Indian As his object was to bring in a prisoner, it became necessary of him to keep out of the way of large parties, and endeavor to fall in with some stragglers, who might be easily subdued and capture " They went cautiously down the river Maumee, till they cam opposite the site on which Fort Meigs was erected by Gener Harrison, in 1813. This was two miles above the British fort, the called Fort Campbell. On the west bank of the Maumee was a Indian village. Wells and his party rode into the village, as if the had just come from the British fort. Being dressed and painted in complete Indian style, they rode through the village, occasional) stopping and talking to the Indians in their own language. No suspicion of who they were was excited, the enemy believing the to be Indians from a distance, coming to take a part in the battle which they all knew was shortly to be fought. After they ha passed the village some distance, they fell in with an Indian ma and woman on horseback, who were returning to the town fro hunting. This man and woman were made captives without resis ante. They then set off for Fort Defiance. " As they were rapidly proceeding up the Maumee river, a little after dark, they came near a large encampment of Indians, wh were merrily amusing themselves around their camp-fires. The' prisoners were ordered to be silent, under pain of instant. death. They went round the camp with their prisoners, till they got about half a mile above it, where they halted to consult on their future operations. After consultation, they concluded to gag and tie their prisoners, and ride back to the Indian camp, and give them a rally, in which each should kill his Indian. They deliberately got down, gagged and fastened their prisoners to trees, rode boldly into the Indian encampment, and halted, with their rifles lying across the pummels of their saddles. They inquired when last they had heard of General Wayne, and the movements of his army; how soon, and where it was expected the battle would be fought. The Indians who were standing around Wells and his desperadoes, were very communicative, answering all their interrogatories without suspecting any deceit in their visitors. At length, an Indian, who was sitting some distance from them, said, in an undertone, in another tongue, to some who were near him, that he suspected that these strangers had some mischief in their heads. Wells overheard what he said, and immediately gave the preconcerted signal, and each fired his rifle into the body of an Indian, at not more than six feet distance. The Indian who had suspected them, the moment he made the remark, and a number of others, rose up with their rifles in their hands, but not before Wells and his party had each shot an Indian. As soon as Wells and his party fired, they put spurs to their horses, laying with their breasts on the horses' necks, so as to lessen the mark for the enemy to fire at. They had not got out of Heroic Captain Wells - 103 the light of the camp-fire, before the Indians shot at them. As McClellan lay close on his horse's neck, he was shot, the ball passing under his shoulder-blade, and coming out at the top of his shoulder. Captain Wells was shot through the arm on which he carried his rifle: the arm was broken, and his trusty rifle fell. " After having performed this act of military supererogation, they rode at full speed to where their captives were confined, mounted them on horses, and set off for Fort Defiance. Captain Wells and McClellan were severely wounded ; and to Fort Defiance, a distance of about thirty miles, they had to travel, before they could rest or receive the aid of a surgeon. As their march would be slow and painful, one of the party was dispatched at full speed to Fort Defiance for a guard and a surgeon. As soon as Captain Wells' messenger arrived at Fort Defiance, with the tidings of the wounds and perilous situation of those heroic and faithful spies, very great sympathy was manifested in the minds of all. General Wayne's feeling for the suffering soldier was at all times quick and sensitive ; we can then imagine how intense was his solicitude, when informed of the sufferings and perils of his confidential and chosen band. Without a moment's delay, he dispatched a surgeon, and a company of the swiftest dragoons, to meet, assist, and guard these brave fellows to headquarters. Suffice it to say, they arrived safely in camp, and the wounded recovered in due course of time. " As the battle was fought, and a brilliant victory won, a few days after this affair took place, Captain Wells and his daring comrades, were not engaged in any further acts of hostility, till the war with the Indians was auspiciously concluded by a lasting treaty of From the Connecticut Evangelical Magazine, published at Hartford, the following extracts from a report made to the Trustees of the. Missionary Society of Connecticut, by Rev. David Bacon, is reproduced here, in order to exhibit the religious and moral condi- tioanlleoy :f the race which then maintained dominion in the Maumee Valley " The 29th of April, 1802, sat out for the Miami in a canoe with Beamont and the man that I had hired; but by reason of unfavorable winds, we did not arrive at the mouth of the river until the 4th of May. We were much fatigued with hard rowing, and were several times in danger by the violence of the waves, but God was better to us than our fears. I was obliged to go without the public interpreter, as he could not be spared. I started, however, with hopes of obtaining his brother, who, as I was told, lived but a few miles out of my way. But after traveling till late in the night to see him, with limbs that were wearied with the fatigues of the day, I was disappointed of him, also. But when I came to the Miami, I learned the reason of these disappointments ; for there I found an 104 - Moral and Religious Condition of the excellent interpreter, in whom the Indians place the utmost confi- dence, and who served me faithfully for a much less sum than what either of the others would have asked. His name is William Dragoo. He appears to be a very worthy man, considering the advantages he has enjoyed—was taken prisoner on the Monongahela, when he was ten years of age, and adopted into the head family of the nation, and is considered a chief. " When I arrived at the mouth of the river, the most of the chiefs were drunk at the traders above. After remaining there two days, and finding it uncertain when they would be down, we went up and stored my provisions and farming tools at Fort Miami, eighteen miles above. Hearing there that the most of them had gone down, we returned the next day to the mouth. The day after I found that Little Otter, the head chief, and one other, were all that were in the main village where we were, and that the rest all lay drunk in the neighboring villages. In the afternoon, I spent several hours with these two, in explaining to them the origin and designs of the Missionary Society, and the benefits, temporal and spiritual, that they might expect to receive from having me among them. They appeared to pay good attention, and when I had concluded, Little Otter observed in reply, that the Great Spirit had been listening, and that they and their young men had been listening to all I had said ; that he believed it was true ; that the air appeared clear and no clouds in the way, and that he would assemble his chiefs and hear me again as soon as possible ; but that till then, he could give me no further answer. " This was Saturday, the 8th. Through the Sabbath following, we enjoyed peace and quietness in the midst of them. Hitherto, the most of them had remained sober. But the following night we were disturbed by the rattles and drums of a number of individuals who spent the night in conjuring over a poor sick child in order to save its life ; but it died within a day or two after. Near morning, they began to drink, and by eight o'clock, several got to fighting. But at the request of the sober Indians, who chose not to interfere, we parted them; and after some time, made out to pacify them, though one of them was so far enraged as to attempt to murder his antagonist. As soon as this disturbance had subsided, I called on Little Otter, who informed me that he should not be able to collect his "chiefs that day, as we had expected, as most of them were still drunk ; but added, that they would be sober the next day, as they were preparing to have a dance the Tuesday night following, and that if it was possible, he would assemble them in season to attend to my business first, though he thought it doubtful whether they would be able to give me a hearing till after the dance. "The next day he called upon me and informed me that they would not be collected in season, and observed that as I was sent there by the Great Spirit, and my business was important, it would not do to have it hurried; and that as it was necessary to have Indians in the Valley in 1802- 105 them all sober before we entered on the business, he wished me to wait three days, as they would not be prepared sooner, and ,as I ought expect by that time to find them wise, and ready to attend to me. As there were sick people who needed my charity, and as others were constantly begging from me, I had then disposed of all my provisions, visions and found it necessary to go up to the fort for more. When I arrived at my interpreter's, which was one mile above, I found there the head chief of Rushdaboo, who is very troublesome when in liquor. I perceived that he was intoxicated, and soon discovered by his gestures, and the tone of his voice, while talking with another Indian, that he had something against me. Within a few minutes he accosted me in an angry manner, told me that he had heard bad news—that he had been informed that the white people were a going to collect all the Indians together, and then fall upon them and kill them; • and that he believed that I had come upon that business. But I soon convinced him, by means of my interpreter, that I had neither ability nor inclination to destroy them; and that I had come among them to be one of ,their people, and to do them all the good that was in my power. He then gave me his hand and told me he would be my friend; but begged that I would lend him a dollar to get some whiskey. But I put him off by telling him that I had been so long from home, that I had spent the most of my money, and that if I bad to remain there much longer I did not know but I should have to call on him for assistance. But before we parted, he kissed me more times than I could have wished; and hugged me till he obliged me to return the compliment. " As we had a strong head wind, it was with difficulty that we got but five miles up the river that afternoon. We encamped about a quarter of a mile above their dancing ground. My interpreter advised me to go with him to see them that evening ; and I had a desire to be present, as I supposed that I might acquire some information that might be useful; but I thought it would not be prudent to be among them that night, as I knew that some of them were intoxicated. and that such would be apt to be jealous of me at that time; and that nothing would be too absurd for their imaginations to conceive, or too cruel for their hands to perform. But as a son of the head chief was sent early next morning to invite me down, I went to see them. I had the greater desire to go, as this is their annual conjuration-dance, which is celebrated every spring, on their return from hunting, and at no other time in the year. No one is suffered to take a part in it who .has not served an apprenticeship, and been regularly admitted. Their number used to be but small, and consisted of men only; but is now very great, and consists of men and women, and children that are above the age of twelve or fifteen. It appears to be a very growing evil among them of late ; and is as much of .a secret as Free Masonry. My interpreter, who has been bred up with them from a, child, told: me, that be knew nothing about it, as he had not- thought fit to join them. Satan has not 106 - Moral and Religious Condition of the been ignorant of what has been doing of late for the spread of the gospel among them ; and I believe that this and spirituous liquor are the principal engines which he is employing against it. And I doubt not but he is flattering himself with hopes of success ; and certainly appearances seem to be in his favor. Mr. Anderson, a respectable trader at Fort Miami, told me that they had been grow. ing worse and worse every year since he had been acquainted with them, which is six or seven years; and that they have gone much greater lengths this year than he has ever known them before. He assured me that it was a fact, that they had lain drunk this spring, as much as ten or fifteen days, at several different traders above him ; and that some of them had gone fifteen days without tasting a mouthful of victuals while they were in that situation. Mr. Anderson disapproves of the practice ; and by not complying with it, has lost the trade, and has turned his attention to his farm. He treated me very kindly, and seemed friendly to my designs, and very desirous to have me come out there. " The leaders of the dance I have mentioned, may be called conjurers or doctors. They are never without large bags of medi- cine, and their conjuring apparatus ; and are supposed, by the Indians, to possess great skill in medicine, and great power in bewitching. Sickness and ill-success in hunting are commonly ascribed to their agency. It is believed that they are able to poison or bewitch people at any distance ; or to afford relief to those who are poisoned or bewitched; which they suppose to be the difficulty with the most who are sick. And if any die without applying to one of these men, their death is usually attributed to this cause. It is supposed, likewise, that they are able to heal the sick, where the Great Spirit does not interfere. In short, life and death, in most instances, are considered to be at their disposal. In cases of extreme illness, they often send great distances for the most noted, and give them whatever they ask, that is at their disposal, which is commonly a large sum, besides storing them with a plenty of provisions, especially with liquor. It is not uncommon for one of this description to require a horse, saddle and bridle before he will undertake to effect the cure. And if he does not succeed in the attempt, in order to give satisfaction, has only to report the Great Spirit killed him. Their pupils, before they can be admitted into their dance, are required to encamp one winter at least near one of their order, for the purpose of receiving their education. Then, when they carry their preceptor a supply of the best provisions they can procure, he will condescend to instruct them in medicine, and learn them the songs and dances that are peculiar to themselves. And at the time they are admitted into the dance, they have to give each of the conjurers a blanket or shirt, or something equivalent. The Indians frequently have other dances, in which any one is allowed to take a part ; but no one is admitted into this upon cheaper term& Then, after serving a number of years in this way, Indians in the Valley in 1802 - 107 it there is not likely to be too many of their order, they will instruct them in the black art, and receive them into their number, for about one hundred dollars. But this revenue arising frpm their disciples is not all : No one dares refuse them a share of any thing they have, if they do but ask for it. They are not chiefs, and have nothing to say in public councils; but they are superior to chiefs. The most of the chiefs have some little respect paid to them by the common people, and they may do something by advice and persua- sion ; but they have no authority or power to enforce their commands; and they receive no emoluments; and commonly suffer as much from indigence as any in the nation. With few exceptions, the only honor put upon them, that is worth mentioning, is, that they are allowed to transact national affairs, and their voice allowed to be decisive in councils. But in all their decisions, they must take care that they do not offend their conjurers ; as they stand in as slavish fear of them as any of the common people. So that these vile imposters are, in fact, the lords and governors of the nation. These are a set of enemies that I was not aware of. I obtained the chief of my information respecting them from Mr. Anderson and my interpreter, at the Miami, whose testimony I am warranted to rely on. It has likewise been confirmed to me by others. " I think it is not reasonable to suppose that the chiefs will be generally disposed to be friendly to the preaching of the gospel among them, when they come to find that it is addressed to them as well as others; as those who pride themselves in being the first in the nation, and the most fit to give instructions, will doubtless be the last to receive them. But if I mistake not, the conjurers will be much the most bitter, active and successful opposers; for if they have but half an eye, they will perceive at once that their craft is in danger. Surely, no Missionary, who views things as I do, will ever encounter and withstand the united influence of these enemies of all righteousness, and the overbearing influence of spirituous liquor, without a firm and steadfast faith in Him, who has subdued Principalities and powers, and is able to subdue all things to himself. God grant that I may soon experience those unknown degrees of grace which are necessary to fit me for the arduous conflict. “I have conversed with traders and interpreters from most of the different nations in this country, and from what I can learn, there are none but what acknowledge that there is a Great and Good who has made all things ; and that there is a bad spirit. But what seems remarkable is, that most, if not all their prayers and sacrifices are offered to the bad spirit. The reason they assign for it is, that the good Spirit will not hurt them ; and that the bad Spirit will if they do not make use of these to pacify him. It seems that they are literally, worshipers of devils ; and I have no doubt they they receive special assistance from them. According to report, the exploits of the conjurers in their dances, could not be Performed without the evil agency of invisible beings. However 108 - Moral and Religious Condition of the some may sneer at the idea, I think that it is not unscriptural; they cannot be rationally accounted for in any other way. Those exploits are performed only in the night. What they are, I shall not undertake to say, as I was not present to see them. While" was there, the chief of their time was :taken up in conjuring e' their medicine, and in rattling and drumming, singing and dancing. Each of these dancers had skins of fur-animals filled with pulverize medicine, which they would puff into each other's faces as they Were dancing. This had very different effects on different persons. My interpreter informed me that, when it first strikes the face of the newly received members, they fall down motionless, and remain for ten or fifteen minutes with. scarce any signs of life. As they Were admitted at the beginning of the dance, I was not witness to this myself; but when I came there they looked like death, and would fall as soon as it reached them, unless held up ; but they would commonly rise again within the space of one or two minutes. On the old ones, who. were most experienced,. it appeared to have much less effect. They did not fall ; but they conducted much like persons strangled with snuff. -I was told by my interpreter, that when drunken Indians, who did .not belong to the dance, have ventured in among them, and accidentally received some of the medicine, it has very near cost them their lives. From all this, I concluded that it was composed of very poisonous materials; and that the different effects which it had on different persons, was owing to habit. The dancers appeared to be about one hundred and fifty in number, and very gaily dressed. Their parade was upon a beautiful eminence upon the bank of the river. The turf was taken off of their dancing ground, which was about twenty feet in width and forty in length. In the middle stood a red post with a white feather in the top, round which the conjurers took their stand, who seemed to be musicians to the rest, who were dancing round them. On each side they had bark roofs erected, under which they smoked their pipes and refreshed themselves when fatigued. The most of them had begun to be intoxicated, and some of them were very noisy and quarrelsome ; but when they attempted to fight, the rest would hold them till they got pacified, or till they got them drunk enough to sleep. The Indians who did not belong to the dance, were seated round at some distance from the rest, and were merely spectators. I took my stand by the side of my interpreter at the end of the bark hut, within four or live rods of them, where I had a fair prospect. While I was standing there, I recollect to have seen one of the conjurers walking about for some time, and looking at me, but I paid no attention to him till I saw him advancing very fast towards me, with a countenance, that bespake bad intentions. He was just enough in liquor to feel insolent and courageous. The nearer he advanced, his countenance assumed a more threatening aspect. By the time he came within a rod of me, while approaching me with greater speed, he railed out Indians in the Valley in 1802 - 109 at me, flourishing his fist, and charged me with despising them, and at me,  there to make game of them. I must acknowledge, with shame, that I was daunted at the first shock, being off from ,n-ytilguard ; but on looking to God for grace and strength, and collecting fleeting that this enemy could not raise his hand without His agency, I was immediately strengthened. As soon as the wordsr were interpreted to me, I replied that he was mistaken, and that what he was not true ; that I had a great regard for the Indians, and had come out in a friendly manner to visit them, in order to do them good—that I had been invited there by one of his people, but that I had not come there with the least intention of making sport of them. This, however, did not satisfy him; for he immediately added, that he supposed that I thought that he was poor, and that he did not know much ; but he said that he had property at home, and that he thought himself as good as a white man. I replied, that I had a good opinion of the abilities of the Indians, and that he had no reason to think that I was disposed to undervalue them, as I had come out to live with them, to be one of their people, if they were willing to receive me. But he said that he did not want to have me stay there ; and observed that when the French came into this country, the Wyandots and some others embraced their religion, but that they had not, and did not like it, and had always continued in their own way ; and added, that the Great Spirit had made him an Indian, made him red, and made him every way just as he was, and placed him there on that ground ; and said that he meant to remain just as he was; and that he did not mean to hear to me. He added further, as I understood my interpreter, that they did not pray; but, pointing to the dance, said that that was the way they did. I suppose his meaning was, that they did not pray to the Good Spirit, but to the bad spirit, as that is undoubtedly the case when they are conjuring. I told him that I was waiting to have a council with the chiefs ; and if they were not generally disposed to have me stay, I should go away immediately. And I observed that, if I did stay, he or any other one would be at liberty to do just as they pleased about embracing my religion. He held up his medicine bag, and said he supposed I thought that that was a bad thing, and that their way was a bad one ; but he said that bag was a good thing, and that there was nothing bad in it ; and that their way was a very good one, and much better for them than ours. But he said if we thought our religion was so much better than theirs, he wanted to know why our people did not teach it to their forefathers, when the, came into this country. He said if our people had begun with the Indians then, that they might have learned our religion, and been all of our way now. But he said, their forefathers were all dead and gone ; and they had continued in their way so long, that they could not turn about now. I told him that our people did do something to Christianize the Indians then, that lived near them, and that they had been doing something 110 - Moral and Religious Condition of the since; but that wars between us and them, and a want of ministers, with many other difficulties, had prevented them from being able to do much till of late. He then related to me the shameful and horrid story respecting the poor innocent Moravian Indians on the Muskingum, who were inhumanly murdered, in the late revolutionary war, by a band of our American volunteers. And he added, that they might expect to experience something similar if they received me amongst them. I replied that we were as angry with those cruel murders as they could be, but that it was difficult to keep wicked men from doing mischief in time of war. I observed, however, that as we were at peace with our red brothers, they had nothing now to fear, as our good people did not wish to hurt them, and our bad people would not be suffered to do it in time of peace, To cut the business short, as he was disposed to be tedious, I offered him my hand, and told him I must leave him, as I was in a hurry to go up the river; that if I remained there, and he wished to have any more talk with me, he must come to see me ; and added that, notwithstanding all he had said, if I came there to live, I meant to treat him well ; and that I meant to have him for one of my best friends. At first he seemed unwilling to receive my hand, but on hearing that I meant to be a friend to him, he shook my bandond said if that was the case, he would be a friend to me ; and, as token of this, he invited me to come and eat meat and bear's grease with him. " This was Wednesday, the 12th of May. I then went up to the fort; and, as I thought it doubtful whether they would receive me, I brought down all my things. When I returned, I found the most of them sober. "Friday, the 14th, in the afternoon, I got them assembled at the mouth of the river. After a short introduction, I delivered the Trustees' address to them ; which I endeavored to make as plain and familiar to them as possible. I had read it, and explained it to my interpreter before ; but fearing that that would not be sufficient, I took care now to read him but a few lines at a time, and then, M express the ideas in a language better adapted to his capacity, and more agreeable to their modes of speaking. I think the address was much too long, i. e. that it contained too many ideas on that subject, to them so uninteresting to be delivered to Indians at once: but this made it much longer. Little Otter was too unwell to attend that afternoon. I was glad that I had explained the business to him before ; and I apprehend that he heard the most of it now, as he lay in the flag camp, that was close to the door of the bark house that it was delivered in. From what I could discover, the leading ones present, were disposed to treat the matter with neglect, if not with contempt. The most of the chiefs, though not conjurers, belong„ to the dance,. and I observed that these took a more active part iii it than others. Little Otter belongs to the dance, likewise, out he appeared to take a less active part, and he treated what Iliad to say Indians in, the Valley in 1802 - 111 with more respect. When speeches are delivered to them it is usual for most of the chiefs and old men to give their huoh at with much the end of every paragraph, or interpretation. It seems to be always a sign of attention, and when breathed out strong, of approbation. When such parts of the address were interpeted to them as accorded with their notions of things, such as, that there is a God who made all things, and that we must not murder, steal, cheat or lie, etc., they gave the sign of attention that I have mentioned, though with a degree of backwardness. To other parts of the address they appeared to pay very little attention, and almost wholly withheld the sign of it. We were much disturbed the most of the time by the hallooing, screaming and laughing of a multitude of their young men, who were playing, ball round the house. This shows the difficulty of teaching a disorganized people. "Before I began the address, I marked out on the ground a map of Lake Erie, the States of New York and Connecticut—divided the latter into towns, and described a great house in the middle of each, where our people met to worship God, and hear his ministers—described another at Hartford for the General Association ; and, for convenience, another at New Haven for the Legislature, and a still greater one at the city of Washington for Congress. This excited their curiosity, and served to give them an idea of Connecticut, the number of our ministers, and the regularity of our towns ; and it helped them to understand those parts of the address which spake of the General Association, the Missionary Society, and the Legislature. And it helped me, likewise, to give them a more just idea of the importance of the different characters which compose the honorable Board of Trustees, as I could point them to the great houses to which the different civilians belonged; and tell them what- important stations they held in them. I informed them that the other six were as great in the ministry. I had taken care before this to let them know that I had a written recommendation from one of the great chief warriors of the United States. I was the more particular with respect to such characters, as they feel the most dependent on these, and have the greatest respect for them. At the conclusion of the address, I observed to them, that if their patience was not exhausted, I should be glad if they would hear what I had to say to them. And as they readily complied, ant seemed to pay better attention, I delivered them a pretty lengthy speech, in which I carefully noticed every thing of importance that appeared to me to be to the purpose. Supposing that they might want to know why we had not sent them a minister before, since we were so urgent to have them receive one then, I informed them we had been prevented by wars, by a want of ministers, and by their living at such a great distance from us, but that we had sent ministers to the other Indian nations who lived nearer to us. “Having heard of four objections which I supposed they stood ready to offer, I brought them up and answered them. 112 - Moral and Religious Condition of the " The first objection was, that our religion was not designed for Indians. In answering this, I availed myself of the declarations and promises of Scripture to the contrary, and the command of Christ, to preach it to every creature (which I told them I could show them), and the success which he had given to the ministry. "The second objection that I noticed was, that our religion Was not good for them. In reply to this, I showed them what effects it would have on their children—on their young men, who, it was said, did not mind the chiefs as they used to—and on society in general; how it would fit them for heaven, and give them a sure title to it : that it must be good for them if God had designed it for them: that other Indian nations, to whom we had sent ministers, tried it, and found it tobe good, and that they would do wrong to condemn it, or reject it without trying it. " The third objection was, that by listening to me they would expose themselves to the fate of the poor Moravians, who were destroyed by our people, in consequence of their embracing our religion. " In answering this, I observed to them, that they could have nothing to fear from having me among them, or from listening to me, because that our bad men would not be allowed to hurt them now . as our people were at peace with them, and their great fathers in Congress were disposed to treat them as their children. " The fourth objection I thought to be much the most important, and the most difficult to answer. It was this : that they could not live together so as to receive any instructions on account of their fighting and killing one another when intoxicated. "Two had been killed but a few days before at the trader's above; and I found that they seldom got together without killing some ; that their villages there were little more than places of residence for fall and spring, as they were obliged to be absent in the winter on account of hunting, and as they found it necessary to live apart in the summer on account of liquor ; and that the most of them were going to disperse in a few days for planting, when they would be from ten to fifteen miles apart, and not more than two or three families in a place. To remove this objection, I acknowledged the difficulty of their living together while they made such free use of spirituous liquor ; and proposed to them to begin and build a new village upon this condition, that no one should be allowed to get drunk in it; that if they would drink, they should go off and stay till they had it over, and that if any would not comply with this law, they should be obliged to leave the village. " I then showed the advantages of adopting the plan—that theY would live in peace, as they never quarreled when they were sober; that with my assistance they would be able to give their children an education ; for want of which they were going on blindfold in their business with white people, who frequently imposed upon them; who would not have Ain their power, if they once had eyes of their Indians in the Valley in 1802 - 113 own, to see for themselves; as would be the case if their youn chiefs and others should get an education and learn to speak English and that then they might have books printed in their own language for them to read ; that I would show them and assist them what I could about making carts and ploughs, and about ploughing their ground, so that they might employ their horses, which were then almost useless to them; and raise a plenty of corn and wheat, potatoes, squashes and tobacco, horses and cattle, sheep, hogs and poultry ; that I would show them and assist them what I could about building a mill, building houses, and making funiture for their houses; that I would make them wheels and show them about making looms; and that my wife would learn their young women how to make their own cloth ; that our good people would send them on school masters enough to school all their children for nothing; that I would try to have them send on a blacksmith, who was a good man, and would mend their guns, and do all their work for them in the best manner, and at a much more reasonable price than what they had to give for it then, besides saving them the trouble of going a great distance for it. I told them that, as their land was excellent, if they would adopt this plan, and their young men would assist their women and children, they might enjoy all these privileges within a few years, without working hard, and that then they would have a comfortable home for their old people, and for those who were sick, where they could remain through the winter whilst the others were gone to their hunting grounds ; and, what was infinitely more than all the rest, they might then enjoy the religion of God's word, which, if they would rightly attend to it, would make them unspeakably happy forever. I then brought into view the consequences that would follow if they did not listen to his proposal. I told them that game was growing scarce, and that, as the white people were settling round them, it would soon be too scarce for them too live by hunting; that if they did not teach their children to cultivate the land and raise their living out of it as we did, that they would soon be so poor and hungry that they would not know 'what to do; that at best they would sell their excellent land for little or nothing, and be obliged to leave that pleasant river and delightful country and seek a home in some distant and unknown wilderness. And I observed to them that, since it was thus, I hoped they would listen to my advice, and that they would not only prevent liquor from being brought into the proposed village, but that they would entirely desist from drinking it; that I would have them more afraid of those who brought it among them than those who cam( against them with fire-guns. To convince them of this, I assured them that the country between them and the Atlantic, which was once thickly inhabited with Indians had become almost entirely depopulated, principally by means of this destroying liquor. And I added that this universal drunkenness was very displeasing in the sight of God, and provoked - 9 - 114 - Moral and Religious Condition of ate him to give them up to die, as it were, by their own hands ; and that if they continued to go on as others had done, they must expect ere long to be universally swept from the earth in like manner. I told them that they might think that they could not keep from drinking, but that if they would Strive against it, and pray to the Great Spirit to help them, that he would enable them to keep from it ; that if they had any regard to their welfare, the least they could think of doing would be to accept of my assistance, and follow my advice with respect to the village I had proposed, and not suffer any liquor to come into that. ,I told them that I might have lived much happier at home among my dear friends and acquaintances, where we had everything that was comfortable around us; but knowing how much they needed my assistance, and having a great love for them, and being commanded by God, I had forsaken all, and had come a great distance to spend my days with them, in w order to make them happy in this world and in the world to come; that I had come by the desire of God's ministers and good people, who tenderly loved them, who had always been their best and only true friends, -both in time of war and in time of peace, and had always been praying to God for them, that they might enjoy those great privileges which they had now been at so much pains and expense to help them to ; that I had not come merely of my own accord, or by the desire of those good people, but that I was sent there by God himself, who commanded them to listen to me ; that since it was thus, if they did not receive me, and attend to the good things which I was sent to teach them, they would make me very sorrowful, exceedingly grieve the hearts of God's ministers and people, and, what was inconceivably worse, they would dreadfully offend the God who had sent me, and make him very angry with them. To conclude my speech to them, I told them that they were not to blame for not having this good religion sent to them before, but that if they rejected it now it was sent, rejected the goodness of God in sending it to them, and - all our kind offers to them, which had cost us so much trouble and expense, they would certainly be inexcusable, and that I therefore hoped they would give me a favorable answer. "I was thus urgent with them, because I suspected that the most of them were determined not to receive me. They heard me with the more patience on account of my having furnished them, in the first place, with as much tobacco as they could smoke. As the Trustees' address took up so much time, I should have been glad to have been much shorter but as I thought the case doubtful, I was unwilling to omit anything which might be to the purpose. 'The most of the chiefs remained together that night. They assembled on the grass the next day, at about twelve o'clock, and sent for me Little Otter was well enough to attend ; and he delivered me th following speech, with several of the ideas often repeated : " Brother, we listened to you yesterday, and heard all you had Indians in the Valley in 1802 - 115 say to us. Since that, we have been thinking of what you said to us, and have been talking it over among ourselves, and have made up our minds. Now, brother, if you will listen to us, we will give you an answer. But it is our way to be very short. Our white brothers, when they make speeches, are very lengthy. They read and write so much, they get in a great many little things. But it is not so with your red brothers. When we go on any great business, and have any great things to say, we say them in a few words. Brother, we understand that you are sent out here by the Great Spirit, and by his good people, who live in one of the sixteen fires. Brother, we believe you have not come alone, or of your own accord, but that you are sent out here, as you say, by the Great Spirit, and by some of his great black-gowns and great men who make laws. And we thank those great Fathers for being so kind to us. Brother, we like what you have said to us. We know that it is all true, and all very good. When you was talking; you kept looking up, and said a .great deal to us about the Great Spirit. We believe that there is a Great Spirit, who has made the world, the sun, the moon, the stars, the ground, the water, the trees, and all the meh, creatures and things that are in the world. Brother, we understand that you have come to teach us and our children how to worship the Great Spirit, and what we must do to please Him, and be happy in this world and in the world to come. We understand that you want to have us raise a plenty of corn and wheat, horses and cattle, and all the other creatures and things that you raise; and that you want us to live like the people that wear fiats. And we believe that you and our great fathers that sent you, wish to do us all the good you can ; that you want to make us happy, not only here, but in the world to come. Brother, we know that you spoke true, when you told us that our game was growing scarce, and that it would soon be so that we could not live by hunting as we used to. We feel very poor, and we do not know how we are going to live or what we shall do. Now, brother, if you and your great black gowns and chiefs want to help us happy, why don't you stop your people from settling so near us ? If you would do this we might have game enough and do very well. “Brother, we know that it is all true true what you say to us about the stuff the white people make, which we like so well. We know that better for us to be entirely without it. We do know to make and quarrelsome, and poor, and that it destroys us, and has greatly diminished our number; that we used to be much happier before if it came among us, and that it would be much better for us to be entirely without it. We do know how to make it; Indians know how to make it, and have nothing to make it of. If your people did not make it and bring it to us we should not have it. And if we did not see it we should not care anything about it. But when we get a taste of it we love it so well we do not know how to stop drinking. Brother, since it is so, why do you not stop your people from bringing it among us? If you would do this, 116 - Moral Religious Religious Condition of the then perhaps you might get us to come and live together in one village, so that you -might have an opportunity to instruct us and do us good. But until this liquor is stopped we shall quarrel so among ourselves, when we get it, that we cannot many of us live together in the same village, and you will not be able to do anything with us. " Brother, what you have said to us is all true, but we would not wish to steal the good words or keep them to ourselves. We under. stand that you was sent out to travel round and visit the Indians in order to find out their minds respecting this business. You have seen but a few Indians yet. There are a great many that Jive away back of us. If you was to go and see them all it would take you two or three years. We think you had better go and talk with them all, and see what they think about it ; and if they will agree to have black gowns, we will agree to have one too. This is all the red brothers have to say to you. I suppose they meant to require me to stop all the liquor and get the consent of all the Indians to receive ministers before they would receive me. This, they doubtless thought, would be putting the matter off far enough for the present, and that it would be a more polite way of answering me than saying no. But I was not disposed to take even no for an answer till I had a farther trial. Therefore, as soon. as he had finished his speech, I begged another hearing, and delivered them another speech as lengthy as my first, in which I was enabled with the greatest ease to remove every difficulty they had artfully flung in my way ; to represent things in the clearest light, and to press the matter home in such a manner as forced them to a fair explanation. But time and patience require me to be very brief in my account of it. I told them the fault with respect. to our people's settling too near them was their own, as they sold them the land ; that their observations against liquor were very encouraging, especially as the same had been made by Little Turtle in his speech to the President, which was in behalf of several nations, and as the same had been warmly expressed by the head chief of the Shawanese ; that it was not in the power of our good people who had sent me to put a stop to it, but that they would rejoice to hear that they were opposed to having it come among them; and that if they would get the other nations to join them, and petition Congress against it, our good people would undoubtedly do the same in their behalf, and that there would be but little danger but that the united influence of the whole would prevail, and that Congress would pass a law to prevent liquor from being carried into the Indian country. I assured them that nothing should be wanting on my part to bring this about. " Here I enlarged on the transientness of the pleasures derived from it, and the mischievous and destructive consequences attending it; and on the happy consequences that would follow the prohibition of it, and urged them to use their utmost endeavors to get as mall Indians in the Valley in 1802 - 117 of the Indian nations as possible to join them, and send in their petition without delay. I informed them that some of the six nations on the Allegheny, through the influence of the Quakers who were among them, had come to the noble resolution to dash the heads of every keg of liquor that was offered for sale to their people, and had acted accordingly ; and that if they should not be successful in petitioning Congress, it would not only be justifiable in them but their indispensible duty to follow their example. But I told them that it would do by no means for them to think of doing without a minister till this experiment could be made ; that if they thought they had not resolution enough in general to adopt and pursue the plan I had proposed, there would probably be some who would be willing to attempt it; that if they would make choice of a place for a village, I would begin it if I could not get more than one or two families to begin with me ; that I would be learning their language, schooling their children and receiving new members into the society as fast as they were disposed to comply with the regulations of it ; and that I would do what I could for the comfort of the aged or the sick who might be left there during winter, and exert myself to promote the general interests of the whole. I then pointed out the advantages that would occur to the children, the aged, the sick and all who would be so wise as to comply with my proposals. And I represented the flourishing state the village would probably be in before many years if they would suffer me to make this beginning, as the most of them must soon. be convinced that it was for their interest to come and live in it and follow my advice. I told them that it was all in vain for them to think that they could prosper and do well while they rejected what God had to say to them by his ministers ; that he had been very angry with the Indians for their wickedness (showing them in what it consisted) and had suffered them for several hundred miles to melt away before the white people like the snow before the sun, and that the only way that they could expect to prosper was by listening to what he had to say to them by me. I assured them that if they would come and live together and build a great house for God, and meet in it and worship him every seventh day as our good people did, and do as God told them to do in his book and by his ministers, that he would not suffer them to be destroyed as he had the other Indians, but would preserve them and prosper them as he had the white people. " With respect to visiting all the other Indians, I observed to them that it would be of no service to get the consent of every tribe, as I could serve or but one, and as our good people were not prepared to send out any more at present; that if I travelled round as they had a purposed, I might not find any Indians who were so well inclined as they were, or who would be disposed to receive me ; that they had a sufficient number about them for me to begin with ; that if they the wished to have all the other Indians join them in these things, the best way was for them to set the example and show them the 118 - Moral and Religious Condition of the happy consequences, which would preach louder to them than any. thing I could say or do. I concluded what I had to say. to them in the following words: Fathers, you see that I am very unwilling to leave you. I have come a great way to visit you, and I find there is a prospect of my doing you so much good if I remain here that I do not know how to think of going away. You see that it is just with me as it is with your children. If you tell them that you cannot have them with you, and that they must go off and look out for another home, they will tell you that they love you so that they cannot leave you. And if you insist on their going away, they will hang round you and tell you they cannot, and they will plead with you to let them liye with you, and will tell you how much good they will do you if you will let them stay. Now, fathers, if you will not turn away, your children who love you and are willing to do anything for you, and who plead with you in this manner to keep them, I think I may conclude that you will not turn me away. I then left them to prepare an answer. "This extract is much shorter than the original, though much longer than I intended. But they paid better attention than before, and I believe they were very much puzzled for some time to know what reply to make to it, as they wished to put me off, if possible, without assigning the true cause for it. They went alone, and were very secret in their consultations with respect to an answer. After deliberating for some time, they sent for me to hear Little Otter's reply. The first part of it was mere repetitions of a few things that were nothing to the purpose, occasioned. as I suppose, by a reluc- tance to come to the main point. The principal ideas contained in it, expressed in fewer words, are as follows : Brother, the most of our horses are wild. In older to catch them, we have to catch one of the tame ones first, and then we can draw the rest in so as to secure them too. It seems that you think that the Indians are like these horses. You consider us to be the tamest, and imagine that if you begin with us that you will be able to draw in the whole. But we are all wild, and if you were to try ever so long, you could never get us to live together. You can go home, or write home to the great fathers who sent you, and let them know how it is. Tell them that it is not with their red brothers as it is with the white people; that you have tried all that you could to have us live together, and that you could not get us to do it, and that if they were to try ever so much, they would never be able to do anything with us, and that this is the way of their red brothers. Brother, your religion is very good, but it is only good for white people. It will not do for Indians. They are quite different sort of people. When the Great Spirit made white people, he made them just as they be, and put them on another island and gave them farms and tools to work with ; and he made horses and horned cattle, and sheep and hogs for them, so that they might get their living that way. And he learned them to read, and gave them their religion Indians in the Valley in 1802 - 119 in a book. When he made Indians, he made them wild and put them in the woods on this island, and gave them the game that they have so that they might live by hunting. So that he did not make its to live like the white people. The religion which we used to have was very much like yours. But we found that that would not do for us; and we have lately discovered a much better way. We have now got so that some of us come to life again. There, [stripping up his shirt-sleeve,] do you see that black spot on my arm? Well, that was put into my arm when I lived before, away in the open country. Afterwards I came to life here on this ground where you see me. If you had only proposed to school our children, you might have got here and there one to attend to you, but we are afraid of your religion. We find that it will not answer for us, and therefore we cannot listen to you. You mentioned that you had come a great ways to see us. We go a great ways sometimes to see folks and get news; but if we do not get any news, or make out anything, we do not mind it, or think anything of it. This is all that your red brothers have to say to you. "The Interpreter told me that what they meant by the new way was conjuration. " Little Otter, though said to be clever, is a very shrewd old man, and capable of deceiving if he is disposed for it ; but, from what I could discover, I am of opinion that he was in favor of having me conic there at first ; and am inclined to believe that in delivering these speeches he spoke for the conjurers, rather than himself. It was evident at least that he was not half so bitterly opposed to me. " At the close of this last speech I told them that I had nothing more to say, only that I thanked them for treating me so civilly, and should always wish well to them ; that. I was sorry to find them so dreadfully deluded, and that they would be forever sorry for it in the world b come. I then shook hands with the whole and left them. The Interpreter appeared very sorrowfnl. This was Saturday, the 15th, and near night ; but as we had everything in readiness, and the wind favorable, we sat out and went several miles that evening. As the wind was fair the next day, and as we were on the lake shore where we were liable to be detained with contrary winds for many days, and were on expense, and my call to be home was very urgent, we sailed about half of the day; and we were so far favored as to be enabled, with hard rowing, to reach home before noon the Tuesday following. We were blessed with good health, though we were exposed to wind and weather, and were obliged to lie upon the ground almost every night. " In pursuance of my original plan, to visit the Indians at Arborcrosh, I set sail the 2d of June, with my family, in a convenient schooner, for this place. Our accommodations were good, our captain all kindness and attention, and were gently wafted to this place in seven days. The Indians are vastly more numerous here than at Detroit. I see none he but Ottawas and Chipeways. T 120 - Moral and Religious Condition of the believe that the Ottawas are much the most numerous just about here. They are accounted by both nations to be the fathers of the Chipeways. I find, as I had been informed, that there is a good deal of difference between the language of these Indians, and those of the same nations about Detroit. Some words seem wholly unlike; but the difference in general appears to be in the pronunciation, which is not so drawling, but much more agreeable to the English pronunciation. These Indians appear much more sprightly, cleanly, industrious and agreeable than those. I have not been able to talk with them much yet, for the want of an interpreter. I am disap- pointed with respect to the public interpreter, as he is a Frenchman and can scarce speak any English. In order to speak with them by him, it is necessary to have another to interpret French. I am in some hopes that the interpreter at St. Joseph's, whom I mentioned in one of my letters last winter, will be here within a few days, as there is a vessel expected in from that place. But if I do not succeed in getting him, I do not know but I am like to make out about as well ; for I have lately seen a young man from the main land, who speaks good English and Indian, and who has partly agreed to serve me for his board and schooling. Such an interpreter would be of great service to me in getting the language. Indeed, it would be next to impossible for me to get it without an interpreter, unless I could be all the time with the Indians, and even then it would be very difficult. "From what I can learn, I fear that it is not much better with the Indians at Arborcrosh, on account of drinking and fighting, than it is with those at the Miami. Hearing that they were mostly drunk, and not having an interpreter, I have not visited them yet. Or, if it had not been for these difficulties I do not know but I should have waited for the assistance of Colonel Hunt, as he is now expected every day, to take the command of this post. Knowing that he was to be here so soon, I rather wished not to see them till he came. For it is said there are no Indians, who pay so great respect to the commanding officer as what these do; and he told me he would use all his influence in my favor. With all the forbidding circumstances in view, which I see attending my mission to these Indians, as I am to look for miracles, I considered it a matter of the utmost importance to avail myself of every circumstance in my favor, at my first introduction. With all these, I think it is very doubtful whether I shall be received by the chiefs. There are two circumstances against me which I have not mentioned. One is, that these. Indians at Arborcrosh have formerly had Roman Catholic priests with them, to whom they adhered as strictly as could have been expected.  " Another circumstance not mentioned is, the Indians in general have an idea that ministers have a power to send distempers or sickness among people, like their conjurers. And if any mortal disease breaks out among them while they are with them, they are Indians in, the Valley in 1802 - 121 opposed to be the authors of it. The Indians to this day tell that the priests whom they had with them at Arborcrosh, sent sickness among them So that though they would be more likely to prefer the Roman Catholic than us, yet it does not seem very likely that prevail on the chiefs to receive me, I mean to insist hard on their letting me have a number of their sons to educate here on the island, whilst I am learning their language, and I shall require them to find them food and clothes. “ My present determination is to remain about here till in one way or another I the language ; and if I can get a good interpreter at a moderate expense, be preaching through the summer to all the Indians who will hear me. As they are always absent through the winter, I must try in that part of the time to be doing something to help support myself, either by a school (which must be small) or by some kind of labor." The editor of the Magazine appends the following comments upon the report of Mr. Bacon : " The reader will perceive from Mr. Bacon's account of the Indians that one of the greatest obstacles in the way of propagating the gospel among them is the influence of the conjurers. These conjurers are the same as the powows spoken of in the history of the New England Indians, which has been published in several numbers of this Magazine. They have sense enough to see that the introduction of the Christian religion among the Indians will destroy their influence and endanger their craft. They will, there- fore, exert themselves to the utmost to prevent Missionaries being received; and as Mr. Bacon very justly observes, they are, doubtless, the instruments of satan in preserving idolatry and opposing the true God. But the failure of this first attempt of Mr. B. ought not to discourage the friends to the Missionary cause ; it should rather stimulate them to more vigorous exertions. The Indians on the Miami, from their proximity to the white people, have more free access to spiritous liquors, and are much more opposed to everything good than the tribes which live more remote. There is still reason to hope that to some of the tribes God will give a listening ear, and that he will prosper the labors of the Missionaries that may be sent among them. It is certainly the duty of Christians, and it is a duty the obligation of which they cannot but feel, when they see to What a deplorable state of sin and wretchedness the Indians are reduced, to make every possible exertion to recover some of them at least from that state. They ought always to remember the promise that the fullness of the Gentiles shall come in ; that the glorious head of the church is infinitely superior to satan and all his instruments; and, believing these things, they should exert themselves, and submissively wait God's time to bless their exertions with success?, CHAPTER II. WAR OF 1812-15. The war declared against Great Britain by the United States, June 12, 1812, may be regarded as a continuation of the Revolution, and as an effort on the part of the latter to compel respect for the provisions of the treaty of peace made in 1783. It resulted in the consummation of the independence of the States and the enforcement of the terms of that treaty. The immediate causes that produced the war, were the interference with American trade, enforced by the blockade system; the impressment of American seamen ; the encouragement of the Indians in their barbarities; and the attempt to dismember the Union by the mission into the New England States of Henry. Through the winter of 1811-12, these causes of provocation were discussed in Congress and the public prints, and a war with Great Britain openly threatened. Even in December, 1811, the proposal to invade Canada in the following spring, before the ice broke up, was debated in the House of Representatives; and in particular was urged the necessity of such operations at the outset of the anticipated contest; as should wrest from the enemy the command of the upper lakes, and secure the neutrality or favor of the Indian tribes by the conquest of Upper Canada. While, therefore, measures were taken to seize the lower province, other steps were arranged for the defense of the Northwest frontier against Indian hostility, and which, in the event of a rupture with Great Britain, would enable the United States to obtain the command of Lake Erie. The following letter which now makes its first public appearance in this volume, was addressed by General Solomon Sibley, a distinguished citizen of Detroit, to Thomas Worthington, then Senator in Congress from Ohio, and will convey some idea of the situation and the apprehensions of the inhabitants on the exposed Northwestern frontier during the few months preceding the war, and when it became clearly evident that that event was Exposed Situation of the Frontier - 123 inevitable. On the back of this letter is endorsed, " Received March 26, 1812, answered the same day, and put into the hands of the Secretary of War on the same evening :" DETROIT, February 26, 1812. Dear Sir :—I have taken the liberty of addressing you on a subject highly interesting and important to myself in common with my friends in this place, and although I cannot expect that you will embrace my individual private feelings, yet I flatter myself that your humanity will draw your thoughts towards this quarter. I am connected with a lady, the daughter of an old friend of yours. We are favored with children. Their happiness, their safety, is dear to me. Will you not accept my anxiety on a subject so interesting, for an apology in troubling you at this time ? From a careful perusal of the proceedings of Congress, I am led to believe that war with England is probable. Our situation exposes us in a peculiar manner to the calamity of war. But, sir, a war with England, simply, has no terrors compared with those arising from their savage allies. Our melancholy fate, should we unfortunately fall into the hands of the Indians, need not be pointed out. The consequences are too obvious to require description. On reading the President's communication, delivered at the opening of. Congress, slight mention is made of the Indians. The little said on this head is, however, important, inasmuch as it convinces those who read it, that the President is not furnished with full and correct information by his agents on so important a point. It is feared that the agent rests satisfied with the transmission of the public speeches; that having done this, he flatters himself that he has discharged his duty. If this surmise should prove correct, it will exhibit one of two things, either that the man is a stranger to the arts, subtelty and deceit of the Indian character, or afraid to express himself in terms contradicting the open professions, lest he should give umbrage. The Government ought to be advised of their secret movements and resolves, to enable them to meet and counteract them. It has always been noted, that when an Indian is bent on mischief, he is more than usually open in his professions of friendly attachment. He smiles upon and caresses the victim devoted to destruction. A secret cause of hatred and disaffection exists, and has been nourished for some years by the savages, against the United States. This spirit has been encouraged by secret enemies of the United States, until it has pervaded the whole Indian nations. Early the ensuing spring, it will burst upon the whole line of frontier, involving them equally in ruin. This fact, I am assured of in that way as to force full conviction upon my mind. Our local government is satisfied of the impending dangers that hang over us. 1%18e why has the Governor, Secretary mid Judges adopted measures, 124 - Exposed Situation of the Frontier. of individual safety—some. by leaving the Territory personally. others by sending their families out of the country ? Are we to expect from these movements that the general government will not support and protect us by timely and adequate means ? If such is the determination of the general government, why not communicate it to the citizens, and thereby afford them a chance of providing for individual safety, and that of their families ? Far be it from rue, the thought that our government will adopt a course so derogatory of the national dignity. I am confident the country will be defended with promptitude and energy, and that nothing is wanted but correct information to draw the attention of government to this or any other point of the Union where threatened with danger. I have stated it is my opinion that this country will be attacked early in the spring, and will submit some of the grounds to your consideration on which I have drawn the conclusion. It is unnecessary for your information, for me to remark that the first settlers of this country were Frenchmen; and that their descendants form a large proportion of our present population. This class of citizens, in some instances, are allied to the savages by intermarriage, thereby cementing a union previously formed by habits of trade and familiar intercourse. To these may be added the fact that the Canadian is familiarly acquainted with the several Indian languages. These causes have at all times secured to the Canadians the friendship and confidence of their Indian neighbors. To the enlightened French merchant, trader and farmer I have therefore applied for infoinformation; to them am I indebted for the knowledge upon which I have formed the opinion of their hostile views, already expressed, and shall be happy should it prove incorrect. Several Canadian gentlemen, entitled to credit, and well disposed towards our government, have stated to me that they have been repeatedly called upon lately, by Indians whom they believed their friends, who have requested them not to mingle or identify themselves with the Americans, or " Long Knives ;" that early in the spring, (at the first swelling of the buds) the Indians would strike upon Detroit and the whole frontier. That if they were found at home, attending their private concerns, they would be respected and their property remain safe ; otherwise, that they would be involved in the fate of their neighbors, the Americans. That their determination was to clear the country north and west of the Ohio of every American, and in future establish that river for a boundary. That the scheme had been long in agitation, and now was endorsed generally by the Indians. Thut such natives, or tribes, as refused to join the confederacy, would also be cut off These communications from the Indians to their friends, have made deep impressions upon the well disposed Canadians. How the majority will act, should an attack be made, is doubtful. It would be unwise for the government to calculate much on their assistance. It is further stated by those gentlemen that the impending storm has no immediate connection with our