150 - The Massacre at River Raisin. unpleasant that I undertake to recount the infamous and barbarous conduct of the British and Indians after the battle of the 22d January. The blood runs cold in my veins when I think of it. On the morning of the 23d, shortly after light, six or eight Indians came to the house, of Jean Baptiste Jereaume, where I was, in com- pany with Major Graves, Captains Hart and Hickman, Doctor Todd, and fifteen or twenty volunteers, belonging to different corps, They did not molest any person or thing on their first approach, but kept sauntering about until there was a large number collected (say one or two hundred), at which time they commenced plundering the houses of the inhabitants, and the massacre of the wounded prisoners. I was one amongst the first that was taken prisoner, and was taken to a horse about twenty paces from the house, after being divested of part of my clothing, and commanded by signs there to remain for further orders. Shortly after being there, I saw them knock down Captain Hickman at the door, together with several others with whom I was not acquainted. Supposing a general massacre .had commenced, I made an effort to get to a house about one hundred yards distant, which contained a number of wounded, but on my reaching the house, to my great mortification, found it surrounded by Indians, which precluded the possibility of my giving notice to the unfortunate victims of savage barbarity. An Indian chief of the Tawa tribe of the name of M'Carty, gave me possession of his horse and blanket, telling me by signs to lead the horse to the house which I had just before leg. The Indian that first took me, by this time came up, and manifested a hostile disposition towards me, by raising his tomahawk as if to give me the fatal blow, which was prevented by my very good friend M'Carty. On my reaching the house which I had first started from, I saw the Indians take off several prisoners, which I afterwards saw in the road, in a most mangled condition, and entirely stripped of their clothing. Messrs. Bradford, Searls, Turner and Blythe, were collected round a carryall, which contained articles taken by the Indians from the citizens. We had all been placed there, by our respective captors, except Blythe, who came where we were entreating an Indian to convey him to Malden, promising to give him forty or fifty dollars, and whilst in the act of pleading for mercy, an Indian more savage than the other, stepped up behind, tomahawked, stripped and scalped him. The next that attracted my attention, was the houses on fire that contained several wounded, whom I knew were not able to get out. After the houses were nearly consumed, we received marching orders, and after arriving at Sandy Creek, the Indians called a halt and commenced cooking; after preparing and eating a little sweet- ened gruel, Messrs. Bradford, Searles, Turner and myself, received some, and were eating, when an Indian came up and proposed exchanging his moccasins for Mr. Searls' shoes, which he readily complied with. They then exchanged hats, after which the Indian inquired how many men Harrison had with him, and, at the same The Massacre at River Raisin - 151 time, calling Searls a Washington or Madison, then raised his tomahawk and struck him on the shoulder, which cut into the cavity of the body. Searls then caught hold of the tomahawk and appeared to resist, and upon my telling him his fate was inevitable, he closed his eyes and received the savage blow which terminated his existence. I was near enough to him to receive the brains and blood, after the fatal blow, on my blanket. A short time after the death of Searls, I saw three others share a similar fate. We then set out for Brownstown, which place we reached about 12 or 1 o'clock at night. After being exposed to several hours' incessant rain in reaching that place, bweewere put into the council house, the floor of which was partly covered with water, at which place we remained until next morning, when we again received marching orders for their village on the river Rouge, which place we made that day, where I was kept six days, then taken to Detroit and sold. For a more detailed account of the proceedings, I take the liberty of referring you to a publication which appeared in the public prints, signed by Ensign J. L. Baker, and to the publication of Judge Woodward, both of which I have particularly examined, and find them to be literally correct, so far as came under my notice. I am, sir, with due regard, your fellow-citizen, GUSTAVUS M. BOWER, Surgeon's Mate Fifth, Regiment Kentucky Volunteers. Jesse Bledsoe., Esq., Lexington. Of the American army, which was about 800 strong, one-third were killed in the battle and the massacre which followed, and but 33 escaped.  . General Harrison, as we have stated, was at Upper Sandusky when Winchester reached the Rapids ; on the night of the 16th word came to him of the arrival of the left wing at that point, and of some meditated movement. He at once proceeded with all speed to Lower Sandusky, and on the morning of the 18th sent forward a battalion of troops to the support of Winchester. On the 19th he learned what the movement was that had been meditated and made, and with additional troops he started instantly for the Rapids, where arrival of the regiment with which he had started, but which he had outstripped ; this came on the evening of the 21st, and on the following early on the morning of the 20th ; here he awaited the arrived morning was despatched to Frenchtown, while all the troops belonging to the army of Winchester yet at the Rapids, 300 in number, were also hurried on to the aid of their commander. But it was, of course, in vain ; on that morning the battle was fought, and General Harrison with his reinforcements met the few survivors 152 - Harrison Abandons Fort Meigs.   long before they reached the ground. A council being called, it was deemed unwise to advance any further, and the troops retired to the Rapids again ; here, during the night, another consultation took place, the result of which was a determination to retreat yet farther in order to prevent the possibility of being cut off from the convoys of stores and artillery upon their way from Sandusky. On the next morning, therefore, the block-house which had been built was destroyed, together with the provisions it contained, and the troops retired to Portage river, eighteen miles in the rear of Winchester's position, there to a wait 'the guns and reinforcements which were daily expected, but which, as it turned out, were detained by rains until the 30th of January. Finding his army 1700 strong, General Harrison on the 1st of February again advanced to the Rapids, where he took up a new and stronger position, at which point he ordered all the troops as rapidly as possible to gather. He did this in the hope of being able before the middle of the month to advance upon Malden, but the causes which compelled him to abandon this hope are clearly set forth in the following letter addressed to the Secretary of War: HEADQUARTERS, FOOT OF THE MIAMI RAPIDS, } 11th February, 1813. Sir :—Having been joined by General Leftraech, with his brigade, and a regiment of the Pennsylvania quota at Portage river, on the 30th ultimo, I marched from thence on the 1st instant, and reached this place on the morning of the 2d, with an effective force of about sixteen hundred men. I have been since joined by a Kentucky regiment, and General Tupper's Ohio brigade, which has increased our numbers to two thousand non-commissioned officers and privates. Your letter of the 27th ultimo, was received before I left the camp at Portage river, and although the injunctions contained in it were such as to produce many doubts of the propriety of pushing on the arrangements calculated for the accomplishment of the principal objects of the campaign during the present winter, yet there were other considerations which produced a preponderence in' my mind in favor of prosecuting them with vigor as long as a hope remained of their being successful. I accordingly ordered the whole of the troops of the left wing, excepting one company for each of the six forts in that quarter—the balance of the Pennsylvania brigade, and the Ohio brigade, under General Tupper, and a detachment of regular troops and twelve months' volunteers, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, to march to this place as soon as possible, believing I should be able to advance from hence by this day or to-mor- Dufficulties of Transporting Army Supplies - 153 row; and if it were not in my power to take heavy artillery for the siege of Malden I should be enabled to scour the whole country— disperse the Indians—destroy all the shipping of the enemy and the greater part of their provisions, and leave a portion at or near Brownstown until a further supply of cannon and stores could be brought up. Such was my plan when I marched from Portage river on the 1st instant, and my situation was such as to authorize the strongest hopes of success. Although the aggregate amount of all the effective men in all the corps above mentioned was only a number that will greatly surprise you to be furnished with so many nominal brigades, and the period of service of the Kentucky and Ohio troops was rapidly terminating—some of I hem expiring about the middle of the month, and all before the last of it—I had established with them the principal that I had a right to march them to any point before the day. which would complete their fourteen months' tour ; and I know them too well to believe that they would abandon me in the country of the enemy. Provisions and ammunition were also on the road from the Sanduskys [Upper and Lower] and McArthur's Blockhouse, in considerable quantities, and measures faken to supply the means of transportion for the advance from this place. These fair prospects have been entirely destroyed by circumstances which no human being could control. The present is precisely the season, in common years, when the most intense frosts prevail in this country, giving the most perfect security and facility in passing the lakes, rivers and swamps with which it abounds. For the last twelve or fifteen days, however, it has been so warm that the roads have become entirely broken up, and for a considerable distance in our rear absolutely impassable for wagons or sleds, and can with great difficulty be trayersed with single horses. A number of wagons and sleds, loaded with ammunition and other munitions of war, have been, eighteen days coming from Upper Sandusky, and are yet twenty-five miles off. Eight days they were stopped by an uncommon freshet in the Tymocta, and have been two more in getting twenty-five miles. The weather has even affected the ice of the lake. On the evening before last, I went with a detachment in pursuit of a body of Indians, who were driving off the cattle from a small French settlement about fourteen miles from this place. We pursued them for about twenty-six miles upon the ice, which was so weak in many places that a 6-pounder which was taken with us broke through and was nearly lost, as did several of the officers who were mounted. I have waited with an anxiety which I cannot describe for a change in the weather ; and until this day I never abandoned the hope of being able to execute the plan which I had formed. It is now, however, the 11th of the month, the period for which the Kentucky troops, which first took the field, were to serve, expires in four days; but if I were ready to advance, I am satisfied they would not hesitate to follow me. To persevere longer under the expecta- tion of accomplishing the objects of the campaign during the winter, 154 - Posts on the Auglaize, St. Mary's, and at is, in my opinion, no longer proper, considering the enormous expense which a continuance of these efforts at this season daily produces, and which could only be justified by a reasonable hope of success under present appearances. I can no-longer indulge sue hopes. Indeed, I fear I shall be censured for having cherished the too long, and that I have sacrificed the public interests in a vain pursuit. I have no hesitation, however, in asserting that I have it in my power to satisfy the government that their wishes would hay been accomplished but for the unfortunate event of the River Raisin, and others over which I could have no control ; and that until a few days since my calculations of succeeding were supported by the opinion of every general and field officer in the army. It remains for me, sir, to inform you of the disposition I shall make of the troops for the remaining part of the winter. A battalion of the militia lately called out from this State, with the company of regular troops now at Fort Winchester, will garrison the posts upon the waters of the Auglaize and St. Mary's. The small block. houses upon Hull's trace, will have a subaltern's command in each. A company will be placed at Upper Sandusky, and another at Lower Sandusky. All the rest of the troops will be brought to this place, amounting to from fifteen to eighteen hundred men. I am erecting here a pretty strong fort—capable of resisting field artillery at least. The troops will be placed in a fortified camp, covered on one flank by the fort. This position is the best that can be taken to cover the frontiers, and the small posts in the rear of it, and those above it on the Miami and its waters. The force placed here ought, however, to be strong enough to encounter any that the enemy may detach against the forts above. Twenty-five hundred would not be too many. But anxious to reduce the expenses during the winter within as narrow bounds as possible, I have desired the Governor of Kentucky not to call out, but to hold in readiness to march, the fifteen hundred men lately required of him. All the teams which have been hired for the public service will be immediately discharged, and those belonging to the public which are pricipally oxen, disposed of in the settlements, where forage is cheaper, and every other arrangement made which can lessen the expenses during the winter. Attention will still, however, be paid to the deposit of supplies for the ensuing campaign. Little remains to complete these. Immense supplies of provisions have been accumulating upon the Auglaize river, and boats and pirogues prepared to bring them down as soon as the river opens. I shall have the honor to give you a more particular account of these in a few days. I regret that I had the misfortune to be misunderstood by Colonel Munroe, in his letter of the 17th ultimo. He supposed that I had asserted in mine of the 4th, that Malden could not betaken by first marching to Detroit and crossing the strait there with an army sufficiently strong, and taking with it everything which it would want, either for its subsistence or for annoying the enemy. It would certainly not be material at what point it would cross the strait. Upper and Lower Sandusky to be Garrisoned - 155 The whole tenor of my argument, whenever the subject has been mentioned in my letters, is this: That by going around by Detroit more time would be required to effect the object, and more provisions of course wanted; and that if supplies of these were to be drawn from the rear, each convoy, must be. strong enough to resist the whole of the enemy's disposable force, because the line of operation upon which these convoys would move—passing almost in sight of Malden, and the enemy haying the means of crossing the strait, they could attack them when and where they pleased. I never doubted that our army would be able to go anywhere, if sufficiently strong, and having with it such a quantity of provisions and other necessaries as to require no supplies from the deposits in the rear. I have the honor to enclose you the deposition of a certain —, who was at the River Raisin the 22d ultimo, and remained there until the 6th inst. His account of the loss of the enemy in the action is corroborated by several others ; nor is there the least reason to doubt his statement as regards the horrible fate of our wounded men. There is another circumstance which plainly shows that the British have no intention to conduct the war (at least in this quarter,) upon those principles which have been held sacred by all civilized nations. On the 30th ultimo I dispatched Doctor McGeehan, a Surgeon's mate in the militia, with a flag of truce to ascertain the situation of our wounded. He was attended by one of our militia men and a Frenchman. On the night after their departure, they halted near this place for the purpose of taking a few hours sleep in a vacant cabin upon the bank of the river. The cariole in which they travelled was left at the door with the flag set up in it. They were discovered by a party of Indians, accompanied, it is said, by a British officer, and attacked in the manner described in the deposition.. Le Monte, the militia man, was killed and scalped, and the doctor and Frenchman taken. Dr. McGeehan was furnished with a letter addressed to any British officer whom he might meet with, describing the character in. which he went, and the object for which he was sent. An open letter to General Winchester, and written instructions to himself, all of which he was directed to show to the first officer he met with. He was also supplied with one hundred dollars in gold to procure necessaries for the wounded. Should any opportunity occur of doing anything in advance, by way of a coup de-main, it shall not be neglected, and there is a probability that a stroke of this kind may reach the Queen Charlotte, although she is covered by the guns of Malden. I have not yet received the promised letter of Colonel Munroe, with the late acts of Congress for raising an additional force. When I do receive it, I will immediately communicate my sentiments as to what may be done under them in the western country. I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, Your obedient humble servant. Wm. HENRY HARRISON. To Hon. John Armstrong, Secretary of War. 156 - State of the Country and of Public Opinion. The communications which follow will afford a view of the state of the country and of the public opinion which followed the disaster at River Raisin : DAYTON, February 2d, 1813, Gov. MEIGS : Sir :—Since the news reached this place of the destruction of the left wing of the Northwestern Army under Winchester, the inhabitants are much alarmed. Many families, even in this town, are almost on the wing for Kentucky. If the posts at Greenville are to be abandoned, this place will be a part of the frontier in ten days after. The collections of Indians on our frontiers also heighten the alarm. I verily believe that if the Indians are not removed from Piqua, the people will rise in a Mass and drive them off. I am sorry the second expedition to Mississinnaway is given up for the present. I am confident, from very recent information, that Tecumseh is now at Mississinnaway, with upwards of 1,000 warriors. He has not been sent there by Proctor to be an idle spectator of passing events: the frontier and rear of our army, I presume, is marked out for him to act upon. Lieutenant Graves, who bears this, and a memorial from the citizens of the town, can relate to you information received from Colonel Wells, who is immediately from General Harrison's camp, &c. I have just heard the officers of the three regiments of militia have been exchanged, but know nothing as respects my situation. With great respect, Your obedient, humble servant, A. EDWARDS. General Meigs, Chillicothe. MIAMI COUNTY, State of Ohio, Feb. 3d, 1813. To His Excellency R. J. Meigs, Gov. of said State : The petition of the undersigned humbly sheweth : That whereas there are a considerable number of Indians of the Delaware tribe called in by order of General Harrison, and are now in our county ; that it is but thinly settled on the frontier, distant from a market where provisions can be furnished them, and the people of the neighborhood feel themselves in a dangerous situation in consequence of their being exposed to invasion and depredations from them, they being contiguous to the enemy : hence every opportunity of conveying information to them of our situation, moving off and joining them, and doing much mischief from their knowledge of our country, &c. This brief petition we would humbly beg your Excellency to take into consideration, and relieve us from a state of uneasiness and alarm, by having them removed into the interior of the State, where, from its population, they will be awed into submis- sion to the authorities having charge over them, and supported at a much less expense to the Government. And we shall as in duty bound, &c., G. SMITH HOUSTON, and 52 others. A Plucky Irishman Reports for Duty - 157 HAMILTON COUNTY, Feb. 11th, 1813. Dear Sir :—I have just read the journal of an American officer captured at Queenstown on 10th October), kept on his passage from Fort George to Boston, stating that while at Quebec, between fifteen and twenty Irishmen (naturalized citizens, and several of them having amines in the United States) were separated from the American prisoners, and put on board a ship-of-war to be sent to Botany Bay, or executed, for having borne arms against a Power which, by its multiplied oppressions, had driven them from their native homes to eek shelter in a foreign land. I have no doubt of the foregoing statement being correct. The British have adopted this system of cruelty in order to deprive the United States of the aid of a numerous class It was my lot to to be born in Ireland. I have been sixteen years in the United States, married here, and have a numerous family. I am on the next class for duty, (and it appears our land forces are in the habit of being taken prisoners.) To march in the ranks with native citizens who, if overpowered, might find safety in surrendering, appears for me to be highly imprudent : what would be safety for them would be certain destruction to me. I have talked with several well-informed persons on the subject, whose opinions coincide with mine, and I have no doubt the same sentiment pervades the breast of every Irishman in the State. I would march cheerfully enrolled with native citizens against the Indians. Our cases would be equal ; but to march against the British in the same manner, there would be no equality whatever. Let us be enrolled in a distinct corps, armed and provided, and placed under the direction of General Harrison, and I have no doubt we will deserve well of our adopted country. We would expect no mercy and take no prisoners. If enrolled in a distinct corps, I would prefer marching against the British (the Indians have done me no "essential injury"). I have received much injury from the British personally, and they have plundered and insulted my progenitors these twelve hundred years. Therefore, vengeance calls aloud, and the voice is irresistible. Dear sir, pardon the liberty 1 have taken in suggesting the foregoing. The urgency of the case is evident. Therefore, I pray your Excellency to divine how (I presume) six or eight hundred men may be of service to their country, and at the same time take ample vengeance on their enemies. I am, with great respect, your ob't servant, JOHN CAMPBELL, Ensign 1st Battalion 2d Regiment lst D. 0. Militia. Ms Excellency Governor Meigs. P. S.—Since the Prince Regent has declared this shall be a war of (-germination, the sooner we commence business the better. I would glory to march in the ranks of a Spartan band whose best alternative would be to die with face to the enemy. J. C. 158 - Unsatisfactory State of Military Affairs. So far the military operations of the Northwest had certainly been. sufficiently discouraging: the capture of Mackinac, the surrender of Hull, the massacre at Chicago, and the overwhelming defeat at Frenchtown, are the leading events. Nothing had been gained, and of what had been lost, nothing had been retaken. The slight successes over the Indians by Hopkins, Edwards and Campbell, had not shaken the power or confidence of Tecumseh and his allies.; while the fruitless efforts of Harrison through five months, to gather troops enough at the mouth of the Maumee to attempt the reconquest of Michigan, which had been taken in a week, depressed th spirits of the Americans, and gave new life and hopes to their foes About the time that Harrison's unsuccessful campaign drew to a close, a change took place in the War Department, and General Armstrong succeeded his incapable friend, Dr. Eustis. Armstrong's views were those of an able soldier. In. October, 1812, he had again addressed the government, through Mr. Gallatin, on the necessity of obtaining command of the Lakes, and when raised to power determined to make naval operations the basis of the military movements in the Northwest. His views in relation to the coming campaign in the West, were based upon two points, viz. : the use of regular troops alone, and the command of the Lakes, which he was led to think could be obtained by the 20th of June. Although the views of the Secretary in regard to the non-employment of militia, were not, and could not be, adhered to, the general pan of merely standing upon the defensive until the command of th lake was secured, was persisted in, although it was the 2d of Angus, instead of the 1st of June, before the vessels on Erie could leave the harbor in which they had been built, Among these defensive operations in the spring and summer of 1813, that 'of Fort Meigs, the new post taken by Harrison at the foot of the rapids, and that at Lower Sandusky, deserve to be especially -noticed, as they form historical wealth which the whole country, and especially the inhabitants 01 the Maumee valley, will ever regard with feelings of pride and in terest. It had been anticipated that, with the opening of spring, the British would attempt the conquest of the position upon the Maumee, and measures had been taken by the General to forward reinforce a ments, which were detained, however, as usual, by the spring freshets and the bottomless roads. It was no surprise, therefore, to General Harrison, that on the breaking up of the ice in Lake Erie, General Proctor, with all his disposable force, consisting of regulars and Seige of Fort Meigs—Fort Findlay Attacked - 159 Canadian militia from Malden, and a large body of Indians under Tecumseh, amounting in the whole to two thousand men, made bum a hostile visit, and laid siege to Fort Meigs. To encourage the Indians, he had promised them an easy conquest, and assured them that General Harrison should be delivered up to Tecumseh. On the 26th of April, the British columns appeared on the other bank of the river, and established their principal batteries on a commanding eminence opposite Fort Meigs. On the 27th the Indians crossed the river, and established themselves in the rear of the American lines. The garrison not having completed their wells, had no water except what they obtained from the river, under a constant firing from the enemy. At this point it may not be out of place to turn aside from the regular narrative and introduce the following characteristic letter of the gallant Major Oliver, which will exhibit the condition of affairs in the neighborhood : FORT FINDLAY, April 29, 1813. To His Excellency Governor Meigs : Sir : You will observe the seal of the letter from His Excellency General Harrison, has been broken. This I did to take a copy and transmit Governor Shelby, pursuant to directions from General Harrison on that subject at the moment I was setting off. General Harrison has not written you at such length as he would, could he have confidently calculated on my getting through safe. Yesterday the British let loose a part of their savage allies upon the fort from the opposite shore, whilst the former were concerting plans below. There is little doubt the enemy intends erecting batteries on the opposite shore. No force can reduce the fort. All are in fine spirits, anxiously waiting a share of the glory to be acquired over the British and their savage allies ; though one thing is certain, whilst their forces are so far superior, they cannot be driven from their position on the opposite shore. Captain Hamilton, who was detached with a discovering party, estimated their forces at three thousand—independent of the Indians lurking in the neighborhood. I am now in pursuit of General Clay, and expect to come up with him to-day. Yesterday's mail had been opened before it arrived at the rapids —from what cause to the General unknown ; in consequence of Which he directed that the earliest possible inquiry be made to 160 - The Furst Beige of Fort Meigs Opened. ascertain the source ; that, if treason be on foot, it may be suppress in the bud. You will be pleased to have all express mails stopped beyond Franklinton towards the rapids until General Harrison directs their resumption. With sentiments of highest respect, I have the honor to be, Your obedient servant, WILLIAM OLIVER, On the 1st, 2d and 3d of May, the British kept up an incessant shower of balls and shells upon the fort. On the night of the third the enemy erected a gun and mortar battery upon the left (or Maumee City bank) of the river, within two hundred and fifty yards of the American lines. The Indians climbed the trees in the neighborhood of the fort, and poured in a galling fire upon the garrison. In this situation, General Harrison received a summons from Proctor for a surrender of the garrison, greatly magnifying his means of annoyance. This was answered by a prompt refusal, assuring the British General that if he obtained possession of the fort, it would not be by capitulation, and that the post would not be surrendered upon any terms ; that should it fall into his (General Proctor's) hands, it would be in a manner calculated to do him more honor, and give him higher claims upon the gratitude of his government, than any capitulation could possibly do- Anticipating, as before stated, this attack, General Harrison had made the Governors of Kentucky and Ohio minutely acquainted with his situation, and stated to them the necessity of reinforcements for the relief of Fort Meigs. His requisitions had been zealously anticipated, and General Clay was at this moment descending the Maumee with twelve hundred Kentuckians, conveyed on flat boats for his relief. At twelve o'clock in the night of the fourth, Captain William Oliver arrived from General Clay, with the welcome intelligence of his approach, stating that he was just above the rapids, and could reach him in two hours, and requesting his orders. Harrison at once determined upon a general sally, and directed Clay to land eight hundred men on the left bank, take possession of the British batteries and spike their cannon, immediately return to their boats and cross over to the American fort. The remainder of Clay's force were ordered to land on the right bank and fight their way to the fort, while sorties were to be made from the garrison in aid of these The Unfortunate Dudley - 161 operations. Captain Hamilton was ordered to proceed up the river in a pirogue, land a subaltern force on the right bank, who should be a pilot to conduct General Clay to the fort ; and then cross over and station his pirogue at the place designated for the other division to General Clay, having received these instructions, descended the river in order of battle, in solid columns, each officer taking position according to rank. Colonel Dudley, being senior in command, led the van, and was order of battle, in solid columns, each officer taking ordered to take the men in the twelve front boats, and execute General Harrison's orders on the left bank. He effected his landing at the place designated. without difficulty. General Clay kept close along the right bank until he came opposite the place of Dudley's landing, but not finding the,subaltern there, he attempted to cross over and join Colonel Dudley ; but this was prevented by the violence of the current on the rapids, and he again attempted to land on the right bank, and effected it with only fifty men amid a brisk fire from the enemy on shore, and made his way to the fort, receiving their fire until within protection of its guns. The other boats, under command of Colonel Boswell, were driven further down the current, and landed on the left to join Colonel Dudley. 'Here they were ordered to re-embark, land on the right bank and proceed to the fort. In the meantime, two sorties were made from the garrison, one on the left in aid of Colonel Boswell, by which the Canadian militia and Indians were defeated, and he enabled to reach the fort in safety ; and one on the right against the British batteries, which was also successful. The troops in this attack on the British battery were commanded by Colonel John Miller, of the Nineteenth United States Regiment, and consisted of about two hundred and fifty of the Seventeenth and Nineteenth Regiments, one hundred twelve month volunteers, and Captain Seebre's company of Kentucky militia. They were drawn up in a ravine under the east curtain of the fort, out of reach of the enemy's fire ; but to approach the batteries it was necessary, after having ascended from the ravine, to pass a plain of two hundred yards in width, into the woods, beyond which were the batteries protected by a company of grenadiers and another of light infantry, upwards of two hundred strong. These troops were flanked on the right by two or three companies of Canadian militia, and on the left by a large body of Indians, under Tecumseh. After passing along the ranks and encouraging the men to do their duty, the Gen- - 12 - 162 - The Siege of Fort Meigs. eral placed himself upon the battery of the rear right angle to witness the contest. The troops advanced with loaded but trailed arms. They had scarcely reached the summit of the hill when they received the fire of the British infantry. It did them little harm; but the Indians being placed in position, and taking sight or aim, did great execution. They had not advanced more than fifty yards on the plain, before it became necessary to halt and close the ranks. This was done with as much order by word of command from the officers as if they had been on parade. The charge was then made, and the enemy fled with so much precipitation that although many were killed none were taken. The General, from his position on the battery, geeing the direction that part of them had taken, dispatched Major Todd with the reserve of about fifty regulars, who quickly returned with two officers and forty-three non-commissioned officers and privates. In this action the volunteers and privates suffered less than the regulars, because, from their position, the latter were much sooner unmasked by the hill, and received the first fire of all the enemy. It was impossible that troops could have behaved better than they did upon this sortie. Colonel Dudley, on the left bank, with his detachment of eight hundred Kentucky militia, completely succeeded in driving the British from their batteries, and spiking their cannon. Having accomplished this object, his orders were peremptory to return immediately to his boats and cross over to the fort; but the blind confidence which generally attends militia when successful, proved their ruin. Although repeatedly ordered by Colonel Dudley, and warned of their danger and called upon from the fort to leave the ground, and although there was abundant time for that purpose before the British reinforcements arrived, yet they commenced a pursuit of the Indians, and suffered themselves to be drawn into an ambuscade by some feint skirmishing, while the British troops and large bodies of Indians were brought up, and intercepted their return to the river. Elated with their first success, they considered their victory as already gained, and pursued the enemy nearly two miles into the woods and swamps, where they were suddenlY caught in a defile and surrounded by double their numbers. Find ing themselves in this situation, consternation prevailed ; their line became broken and disordered, and huddled together in unresisting crowds, they were obliged to yield to the fury of the savages. Fortunately for these unhappy victims of their own rashness, Gen' Magnanimity of Tecumseh - 163 Tecumseh commanded at this ambuscade, and had imbibed, since his appointment, more humane feelings than his brother Proctor. After the surrender, and all resistance had ceased, the Indians, finding five hundred prisoners at their mercy, began the work of massacre with the most savage delight. Tecumseh sternly forbade it, and buried his tomahawk in the head of one of his chiefs who refused obedience. This order accompanied with this decisive manner of enforcing it, put an end to the massacre. Of eight hundred men, only one hundred and fifty escaped. The residue were slain or made prisoners. Colonel Dudley was severely wounded in the action, and afterwards tomahawked and scalped. Proctor, seeing no prospect of taking the fort, and finding his Indians fast leaving him, raised the siege on the 9th of May, and returned with precipitation to Malden. Tecumseh and a considerable portion of the Indians remained in service ; but large numbers left it in disgust, and were ready to join the Americans. On the right hank, in the several sorties of the 5th of May, and during the siege, the American loss was eighty-one killed and one hundred and eighty wounded. When the enemy raised the siege, they gave a parting salute, which killed ten or twelve and wounded double that number. " However," says one who was present, " we were glad enough to see them off on any terms. The next morning found us something more tranquil. We could leave the ditches and walk about with something more of an air of freedom than we had done for the last fourteen days ; and here I wish I could present to the reader a picture of the condition we found ourselves in, when the withdrawal of the enemy gave us time to look at each others' outward appearance. The scarcity of water had put the washing of our hands and faces, much less our linen, out of the question. Many had scarcely any clothing left, and that which they wore was so begrimmed and torn by our residence in the ditch, and other means, that we presented the appearance of so many scarecrows." Henry Howe, in his Ohio Historical Collections, (to whom we are chiefly indebted for the material relating to this and the second siege of 'Fort Meigs,) estimates the British force under Proctor, during the siege, at three thousand two hundred men, of whom six hundred were British regulars, eight hundred Canadian militia, and one thousand eight hundred Indians. Those under Harrison included the troops who arrived on the morning of the 5th, under General 164 - Fort Meigs and its Environs. Clay, were about one thousand two hundred. The number of his men fit for duty, was, perhaps, less than one thousand one hundred Fort Meigs and it Environs. Explanations :—a, grand battery, commanded by Captain Daniel Cushing ; b, mortar battery ; e, i, o, minor batteries ; g, battery commanded at the second siege by Colonel Gaines ; c, magazines. The black squares on the lines of the fort represent the position of the block houses. The dotted lines show the traverses, or walls of earth thrown up. The longest, the grand traverse, had a base of twenty feet, was twelve in height, and about nine hundred in length. The traverses running lengthwise of the fort, were raised as a protection against the batteries on the opposite side of the river, and those running crosswise were to defend them from the British batteries on this side. The British batteries on the north side of the river were named as follows : a Queen's; b, Sailors' ; d, King's ; and c, Mortar. The fort stood upon high ground, on the margin of the bank, elevated about sixty feet above the Maumee. The surface is nearly level, and is covered by a green sward. The outline of the fort is now well defined, and the grand traverse yet rises six or eight felt from the sur- rounding ground. Tecumseh, and Proctor in Peril - 165 In an excursion of the veterans of the war of 1812-13, made to Fort Meigs, in Mayor Tyler, in his address of welcome to the soldiers remarked, with 1870, regard to the present condition of this consecrated ground : "On to-morrow you will be escorted to the old fortifications of Fort Meigs. There you will find its earthworks faithfully preserved, safe, only as far as the hand of time has marred its former war-frowning front.' No instrument of agriculture has torn down or plowed up any part of the old Fort. Two of the original pickets, placed there in 1812, are there yet. Then you will find, marked by stones long since placed over them, the graves of your fallen comrades, there the trenches, there the magazine, there all the outlines of the ancient warfare. Mr. Michael Hayes and his brothers, who own the soil of the old fort, have faithfully performed their duty in guarding this landmark of history from destruction or desolation. They have preserved many of the relics of the battle-field—grape-shot, canister, bayonets, and many other evidences of the conflict." The work originally covered about ten acres, but was reduced in area between the two seiges, to accommodate a smaller number of troops. Just above, a large number of sunken graves indicate the locality of the soldiers' burying ground. The graves of Lieutenant Walker and Lieutenant McCullough—the last of whom was shot while conversing with General Harrison—are within the fort. The first is surmounted by a small stone, with an inscription—the last is enclosed by a fence. To understand the position of Fort Meigs, with reference to the British fort and surrounding country, see map in this volume of the " Plan illustrating the battles of the Maumee." Below is an extract from an article on the siege of Fort Meigs, by Rev. A. M. Lorraine, originally published in the Ladies' Repository for March, 1845 : " One afternoon, as numbers were gathered together on the "parade.," two strangers, finely mounted, appeared on the western bank of the river, and seemed to be taking a very calm and deliberate survey of our works. It was a strange thing to see travellers in that wild country, and we commonly held such to be enemies, until they proved themselves to be friends. So one of our batteries was cleared forthwith, and the gentlemen were saluted with a shot that tore up the earth about them, and put them to a hasty flight. If that ball had struck its mark, much bloodshed might have been prevented ; for we learned subsequently that our illustrious visitors were Proctor and Tecumseh. The garrison was immediately employed in cutting deep traverses through the fort, taking down the tents and preparing for a siege. The work accomplished in a few hours, under the excitement of the occasion, was prodigious. The grand traverse being completed, each mess was ordered to excavate, under the embankment, suitable lodgings, as substitutes for our tents. Those rooms were shot proof and bomb proof, except in the event of a shell falling in the traverse and at the mouth of a cave. 166 - The British Erect Batteries on the Left Bank, " The above works were scarcely completed before it was discovered that the enemy, under cover of night, had constructed batteries on a commanding hill north of the river. There their artillery men were posted ; but the principal part of their army occupied the old English fort below. Their Indian allies appeared to have a roving commission, for they beset us on every side. The cannonading commenced in good earnest on both sides. It was, however, more constant on the British side, because they had a more extensive mark to batter. We had nothing to fire at but their batteries, but they were coolly and deliberately attended to ; and it was believed that more than one of their guns were dismounted during the siege. One of our militia men took his station on the embankment, and gratuitously forewarned us of every shot. In this he became so skillful, that he could, in almost every case, predict the destination of the ball. As soon as the smoke issued from the muzzle of the gun, he would cry out "shot," or "bomb," as the case might be. Sometimes he would exclaim, " Block-house No. 1," or " Look out, main battery; " " Now for the meat-house ; " " Good-by, if you will pass." In spite of all the expostulations of his friends, he maintained his post. One day there came a shot that seemed to defy all his calculations. He stood silent—motionless—perplexed. In the same instant he was swept into eternity. Poor man ! he should have considered, that when there was no obliquity in the issue of the smoke, either to the right or left, above or below, the fatal messenger would travel in the direct line of his vision. He reminded me of the peasant, in the siege of Jerusalem, who cried 'out, " Woe to the city ! woe to myself! " On the most active day of the investment, there were as many as five hundred cannon balls and bombs* thrown at our fort. Meantime, the Indians, climbing up * "A large number of cannon balls were thrown into the fort, from the batteries on the opposite side of the river- Being short of a supply, Harrison offered a gill of whisky for every cannon ball delivered to the magazine keeper, Mr. Thomas L. Hawkins, since resident of Fremont. Over 1,000 gills of whisky were thus earned by the soldiers. "For safety against bombs, each man had a hole dug under ground in rear of the grand traverse, which, being covered over with plank, and earth on top, fully protected them. When the cry bomb was heard, the soldiers either threw themselves upon the ground, or ran to the holes for safety. A bomb is most destructive when it bursts in the air, but it rarely explodes in that way: it usually falls with so much force as to penetrate the earth, and when it explodes, flies upward and in an angular direction, in consequence of the pressure of the earth beneath and at its sides; consequently, a person lying on the ground is comparatively safe. " A heavy rain at last filled up the holes, rendering them uninhabitable, and the men were obliged to temporarily sleep in their tents. Then every once in a while, the startling cry, "BOMB !" aroused them from their slumbers. Rushing from their tents, they watched the course of the fiery messenger of death, as it winged its way through the midnight sky, and if Fort Meigs Narrowly Escapes Destruction - 167 into the trees, fired incessantly upon us. Such was their distance, that many of their balls barely reached us, and fell harmless to the ground. Occasionally they inflicted dangerous fatal wounds The number killed in the fort was small, considering the profusion of powder and ball expended on us. About 80 were slain, many wounded, and several had to suffer the amputation of limbs. The most dangerous duty which we performed within the precincts of the fort, was in covering the magazine. Prious to this, the Lowder had been deposited in wagons, and these stationed in the traverse. Here there was no security against bombs; it was therefore thought to be prudent to remove the powder into a small blockhouse, and cover it with earth. The enemy, judging our designs from our movements, now directed all their shot to this point. Many of their balls were red-hot. Wherever they struck, they raised a cloud of smoke, and made a frightful hissing. An officer, passing our quarters, said, " Boys, who will yolunteer to cover the magazine ?" Fool-like, away several of us went. As soon as we reached the spot, there came a ball and took off' one man's head. The spades and dirt flew faster than any of us had before witnessed. In the midst of our job, a bombshell fell on the roof, and lodging on one of the braces it spun round for a moment. Every soldier fell flat on his face, and with breathless horror awaited the vast explosion which we expected would crown all our earthly sufferings. Only one of all the gang presumed to reason on the case. He silently argued that, as the shell had not bursted as quickly as usual, there might be something wrong in its arrangement. If it bursted where it was, and the magazine exploded, there could be no escape : it was death anyhow ; so he sprung to his feet, seized a boat-hook, and pulling the hissing missile to the ground, and jerking the smoking match from its socket, discovered that the shell was filled with inflammable matter, which, if once ignited, would have wrapped the whole blttdilding in a sheet of flame. This circumstance added wings to our shovels, and we were right glad when the officer said, That will do ; go to your lines.' " The following particulars of the defeat of Colonel Dudley, were published in a public print many years since, by Joseph R. Under- it fell near, fell flat upon the ground ; otherwise, return to their tents, only to be aroused again and again by the startling cry. So harrassing was this, so accustomed had the men become to the danger, and so overpowering the desire for sleep, that many of the soldiers remained in their tents locked in the embrace of sleep, determined, as one said, not to be disturbed in their slumbers ' if ten thousand bombs burst all around them-' "—H. Howe 168 - Movements of General Clay's Brigade. wood, who was present on the occasion, in the capacity of lieutenant in a volunteer company of Kentuckians, commanded by Captain John C. Morrison. " After a fatiguing march of more than a month, General Clay's brigade found itself, on the night of the 4th of May, on board of open boats, lashed to the left bank of the Miami of the Lakes, near the head of the rapids, and within hearing of the cannon at Fort Meigs, which was then besieged by the British and Indians. Very early on the morning of the 5th, we set off, and soon began to pass the rapids. We were hailed by a man from the right bank, wild proved to be Captain Hamilton, of the Ohio troops, with orders from Gen. Harrison, then commanding at the fort. He was taken to the boat of General Clay, and from that to Colonel Dudley's, this last being in advance of the whole line. Captain Morrison's company occupied the boat in which the Colonel descended. It being a damp, unpleasant morning, I was lying in the stern, wrapped in my blanket, not having entirely recovered from a severe attack of the measles. I learned that we were to land on the left bank, storm the British batteries erected for the purpose of annoying the fort ; but what further orders were given, I did not ascertain. Hearing that we were certainly to fight, I began to look upon all surrounding objects as things which to me might soon disappear forever, and my mind reverted to my friends at home, to bid them a final farewell. These reflections produced a calm melancholy, but nothing like trepidation or alarm. My reveries were dissipated by the landing of the boat, about a mile or two above the point of attack. Shortly before we landed, we were fired upon by some Indians from the right bank of the river, and I understood that Captain Clarke was wounded in the head. The fire was returned from our boats, and the Indians fled, as if to give intelligence of our approach. Captain Price and Lieutenant Sanders, of the regular army, landed with us and partook in the engagement, having under command a few regular soldiers, but I think not a full company. The whole number of troops that landed, amounted probably to 700 men. We were formed on the shore in three parallel lines, and ordered to march for the battery at right angles with the river; and so far as I understood the plan of attack, one line was to form the line of battle in the rear of the battery, parallel with the river ; the other two lines to form one above and one below the battery, at right angles to the river. The lines thus formed were ordered to advance, and did so, making as little noise Dudley's Command Pursue the Indians - 169 as possible—the object being to surprise the enemy at their battery. Before we reached the battery, however, we were discovered by some Indians, who fired upon us and then retreated. Our men, ple:segdlin at seeingseeing them run, andserceiving that we were discovered, no alonger deemed silence necessy, and raised a tremendous shout. This was the first intimation that the enemy received of our approach, and it so alarmed them that they abandoned the battery without making any resistance. In effectuating the plan of attack, Captain J. C. Morrison's company were thrown upon the river, above the battery. While passing through a thicket of hazel, toward the river, in forming the line of battle, I saw Colonel Dudley for the last time. He was greatly excited ; he railed at me for not keeping my men better dressed. I replied, that he must perceive from the situation of the ground, and the obstacles that we had to encounter, that it was impossible. When we came within a small distance of the river, we halted. The enemy at this place had gotten in the rear of our line, formed parallel with the river, and were firing upon our troops. Captain J. C. Morrison's company did not long remain in this situation. Having nothing to do, and being without orders, we determined to march our company out and join the combatants. We did so accordingly. In passing out, we fell upon the left of the whole regiment, and were soon engaged. in a severe conflict. The Indians endeavored to flank and surround us. We drove them between one and two miles, directly back from the river. They hid behind trees and logs, and poured upon us, as we advanced, a Most destructive fire. We were from time to time ordered to charge. The orders were passed along the lines, our field officers being on foot. . . . . . Shortly after this, Captain J. C. Morrison was shot through the temples. The ball passing behind the eyes and cutting the optic nerve, deprived him of his sight. . ..... Having made the best arrangement for the safety of my much esteemed Captain that circumstances allowed, I took charge of the company and continued the battle. We made several charges afterwards, and drove the enemy a considerable distance . . . . . . At length orders were passed along the line directing us to fall back and keep up a retreating fire. As soon as this movement was made, the Indians were greatly encouraged, and advanced upon us with the most horrid yells. Once or twice the officers succeeded in producing a temporary halt and a fire on the Indians; but the soldiers of the different companies soon became mixed—confusion ensued—and a 170 - Dudley's Command Slain or Prisoners. general rout took place. The retreating army made its way towards the batteries, where I supposed we should be able to form and repel the pursuing Indians. They were now so close in the rear, as to frequently shoot down those who were before me. About this time I received a ball in my back, which yet remains in my body. It struck me with a stunning, deadening force, and I fell on my hands and knees. I rose and threw my waistcoat open to see whether it had passed through me ; finding it had not, I ran on, and had not proceeded more than a hundred or two yards before I was made prisoner. In emerging from the woods into an open piece of ground, near the battery we had taken, and before I knew what had happened, a soldier seized my sword and said to me, " Sir! you are my prisoner !" I looked before me and saw, with astonishment, the ground covered with muskets. The soldier, observing my astonishment, said : "Your army has surrendered," and received my sword. He ordered me to go forward and join the prisoners. I did so. The first man I met whom I recognized, was Daniel Smith, of our company. With eyes full of tears, he exclaimed, "Good Lord, Lieutenant, what does all this mean ? " I told him we were prisoners of war. . . " On our march to the garrison, the Indians began to strip us of our valuable clothing and other articles. One took my hat, another my hunting shirt, and a third my waistcoat, so that I was soon left with nothing but my shirt and pantaloons. I saved my watch by concealing the chain, and it proved of great service to me afterwards. Having read, when a boy, Smith's narrative of his residence among the Indians, my idea of their character was that they treated 'those best who appeared the most fearless. Under this impression, as we marched down to the old garrison, I looked at those whom we met with all the sternness of countenance I could command. I soon caught the eye of a stout warrior painted red. He gazed at me with as much sternness as I did at him, until I came within striking distance, when he gave me a severe blow over the nose and cheekbone with his wiping stick. I abandoned the notion acquired from Smith, and went on afterwards with as little display of hauteur and defiance as possible. " On our approach to the old garrison, the Indians formed a line to the left of the road, there being a perpendicular bank to the right, on the margin of which the road passed. I perceived that the prisoners were running the gauntlet, and that the Indians were whipping, shooting and tomahawking the men as they ran by their The Prisoners Run the Gauntlet - 171 line. When I reached the starting-place, I dashed off as fast as I was able, and ran near the muzzles of their guns, knowing that they would have to shoot me while I was immediately in front, or let me for to have turned their guns up or down the lines to shoot me, pass, would have endangered themselves, as there was a curve in their line. In this way I passed without injury except some strokes over the shoulders with their gun-sticks. As I entered the ditch around the garrison, the man before me was shot and fell, and I fell over him. The passage for a while was stopped by those who fell over the dead man and myself. How many lives were lost at this place I cannot tell—probably between twenty and forty. The brave Captain Lewis was among the number. When we got within the walls we were ordered to sit down. I lay in the lap of Mr. Gilpin, a soldier of Captain Henry's company, from Woodford. A new scene commenced. An Indian, painted black, mounted the dilapidated wall, and shot one of the prisoners next to him. He re-loaded and shot a second, the ball passing through him into the hip of another, who afterwards died, I was informed, at Cleveland, of the wound. The savage then lay down his gun and drew his tomahawk, with which he killed two others. When he drew his tomahawk and jumped down among the men, they endeavored to escape from him by leaping over the heads of each other, and thereby to place' others between themselves and danger. Thus they were heaped upon one another, and as I did not rise, they trampled upon me so that I could see nothing that was going on. The confusion and uproar at this moment cannot be adequately described. There was an excitement among the. Indians, and a fierceness in their conversation, which betokened on the part of some a strong disposition to massacre the whole of us. The British officers and soldiers seemed to interpose to prevent the further effusion of blood. Their expression was—." Oh, nichee, wah!" meaning, " Oh ! brother, quit !" After the Indian who had occasioned this horrible scene, had scalped and stripped his victims, he left us, and a comparative calm ensued. The prisoners resumed their seats on the ground. While thus situated, a tall, stout Indian walked into the midst of us, drew a long butcher-knife from his belt and commenced whetting it. As he did so, he looked around among the prisoners, apparently selecting one for the gratification of his vengeance. I viewed his conduct, and thought it probable that he was to give the signal for a general massacre. 172 - Elliott and Tecumseh,. But after exciting our fears sufficiently for his satisfaction, he gave a contemptuous grunt and went out from among us.  " About this time, but whether before or after, I do not distinctly recollect, Colonel Elliott and Tecumseh, the celebrated Indian diet rode into the garrison. When Elliott came to where Thos. Moore of Clark county, stood, the latter addressed him, and inquired it was compatible with the honor of a civilized nation, such as the British claimed to be, to suffer defenseless prisoners to be murdered by savages ?" Elliott desired to know who he was. Moore replied that he was nothing but a private in Captain Morrison's company—and here the conversation ended. . . . . Elliott was an old man; his hair might have been termed, with more propriety, white than gray, and to my view he had more of the savage in his countenance than Tecumseh. This celebrated chief was a noble, dignified personage. He wore an elegant broadsword, and was dressed in the Indian costume. His face was finely proportioned, his nose inclined to the aquiline, and his eye displayed none of that sage and ferocious triumph common to the other Indians on that occasion. He seemed to regard us with unmoved composure, and I thought a beam of mercy shone in his countenance, tempering the spirit of vengeance inherent in his race against the American people. I saw him only on horseback. " Shortly after the massacre in the old garrison, I was the object of a generous act. A soldier, with whom I had no acquaintance, feeling compassion for my situation, stripped off my clothes, muddy and bleeding, and offered me his hunting shirt, which the Indians had not taken from him. At first I declined receiving it, but he pressed it upon me with an earnestness that indicated great magnanimity. I inquired his name and residence. He said that his name was James Boston, and that he lived in Clarke county, and belonged to Captain Clarke's company. I have never since seen him, and regret that I should never be able to recall his features, if I were to see him. " Upon the arrival of Elliott and Tecumseh, we were directed to stand up and form in lines, I think four deep, in orderto be counted. After we were thus arranged, a scene transpired scarcely less affecting than that which I have before attempted faintly to describe. The Indians began to select the young men whom they intended toll take with them to their towns. Numbers were carried off. I saw Corporal Smith, of our company, bidding farewell to his friends, The British Shipping at Mouth of Swan Creek - 173 and pointing to the Indian with whom he was to go. I never heard of his return. The young men, learning their danger, endeavored avoid it by crowding into the centre, where they could not be so readily reached. I was told that a quizzical youth, of diminutive size, near the outside, seeing what was going on, threw himself upon his hands and knees, and rushed through the legs of his comrades, exclaiming, ' Root, little hog, or die ! ' Such is the impulse of self-preservation, and such the levity with which men inured to danger will regard it. An Indian came up to me and gave me a piece of meat. I took this for proof that he intended carrying me off with him. Thinking it the best policy to act with confidence, I made a sign to him to give me his butcher knife—which he did. I divided the meat with those who stood near me, reserving a small piece for myself—more as a show of politeness to the savage, than to gratify any apetite I had for it. After I had eaten it and returned the knife, he turned and left me. When it was near night, we were taken in open boats about nine miles down the river, [near the mouth of Swan creek,] to the British shipping. On the day after, we were visited by the Indians in their bark canoes, in order to make a display of their scalps. These they strung on a pole, perhaps two inches in diameter, and about eight feet high. The pole was set up perpendicularly in the bow of their canoes, and near the top the scalps were fastened. On some poles I saw four or five. Each scalp was drawn closely over a hoop about four inches in diameter ; and the flesh sides, I thought, were painted red. Thus their canoes were decorated with a flag-staff of a most appropriate character, bearing human scalps, the horrid ensigns of savage warfare. We remained six days on board the vessel—those of us, I mean, who were sick and wounded. The whole of us were discharged on parole. The officers signed an instrument in writing, pledging their honors not to serve against the King of Great Britain and his allies during the war, unless regularly exchanged. It was inquired whether the Indians were included in the term ' allies.' The only answer was ' that his Majesty's allies were known: The wounded and sick were taken in a vessel commanded by Captain Stewart, at the mouth, I think of Vermillion river, and there put on shore. I afterwards met Captain Moore, a prisoner of War , at Frankfort, Kentucky, together with a midshipman, who Played Yankee Doodle on a flute, by way of derision, when we were first taken on board his vessel. Such is the fortune of war. They 174 - Second Siege of Fort Meigs. were captured by Commodore Perry, in the battle of Lake Erie. I visited Captain Stewart to requite his kindness to me when, like him, I was a prisoner." General Harrison having repaired the fort from the damage occasioned by the siege, left for the interior of the State, to organize new levies, and entrusted the command to General Green Clay. The enemy returned to Malden, where the Canadian militia were disbanded. Shortly after commenced the second siege of Port Meigs. On the 20th of July, the boats of the enemy were discovered ascending the Maumee to Fort Meigs, and the following morning a party of ten men were surprised by the Indians, and only three escaped death or capture. The force which the enemy had now before the post, was five thousand men under Proctor and Tecumseh, and the number of Indians was greater than any ever before assembled on any occasion during the war, while the defenders of the fort amounted to but a few hundred. The night of their arrival, General Clay dispatched Captain McCune, of the Ohio militia, to General Harrison, at Lower Sandusky, to notify him of the presence of the enemy. Captain McCune was ordered to return and inform General Clay to be particularly cautious against surprise, and that every effort would be made to relieve the fort. It was General Harrison's intention, should the enemy lay regular siege to the fort, to select four hundred men, and by an unfrequeted route reach there in the night, and at any hazard break through the lines of the enemy. The subjoined letter conveys its own explanation : HEADQUARTERS, LOWER SANDUSKY, July 22d, 1813 Dear Sir :—The enemy have again attacked Fort Meigs. They commenced their operations against it yesterday. Come on as Soon as possible, and bring with you all the troops you can collect. Write to the Governor, and get him to turn out as many militia as possible. My force will not be sufficient for anything but defensive operations, unless I get a large reinforcement of militia. Yours,  WM. HENRY HARRISON. Brigadier General McArthur.