50 - Massacre of Moravian Christians. " Soon after my birth, April 16th, 1781, times became very troub lesome, the settlements often in danger from war parties; and finally in the beginning of September of the same year, we were all mad prisoners. First, four of the missionaries were seized by a party of Huron warriors, and declared prisoners of war; they were then led into the camp of the Delawares, where the death song was sung over them. Soon after they had secured them, a number of war riors marched off for Salem and Shoenbrun. About thirty savages arrived at the former place in the dusk of the evening, and broke open the mission house. Here they took my mother and mysel prisoners, and after having led her into the street and placed guards over her they plundered the house of every thing they could take with them and destroyed what was left. When going to take m mother along with them, the savages were prevailed upon through the intercessions of the Indian families, to let her remain at Salem till the next morning—the night being dark and rainy, and almost impossible for her to travel so far—they at last consented on condition that she should be brought into the camp the next morning, which was accordingly done, and she was safely conducted by our Indians to Gnadenhutten. "After experiencing the cruel treatment of the savages for some time, they were again set at liberty; but were obliged to leave their flourishing settlements, and forced to march through a dreary wilderness to Upper Sandusky. We went by land through Goseachgwenk to Walhonding, and then partly by water and partly along the banks of the river, to Sandusky creek. All the way I was carried by an Indian woman, carefully wrapped in a blanket on her back. Our journey was exceedingly tedious and dangerous; some of the canoe sunk, and those that were in them lost all their provisions, an everything they had saved. Those that went by land drove the cat tle, a pretty large herd. The savages now drove us along, the missionaries with their families usually in their midst, surrounded by their Indian converts. The roads were exceedingly bad, leading ,through a continuation of swamps. "Having arrived at Upper Sandusky, they built small huts of logs and bark to screen them from the cold, having neither beds or blankets, and being reduced to the greatest poverty and want; for the' savages had by degrees stolen almost every thing, both from the missionaries and Indians on the journey. We lived here extremely poor, oftentimes very little or nothing to satisfy the cravings of Calamities of Crawford and his Kindred - 51 hunger; and the poorest of the Indians were obliged to live on their dead cattle, which died for want of pasture." In the following March, 1782, some of the Moravians returned to their former homes to gather any remaining property and collect the corn which had been left in the fields. Unfortunately, about simultaneously, parties of Wyandots made an assault upon the white settlements which the frontier-men associated with the movements of the Moravians, and eighty or ninety of these set cut, captured the unsuspecting gleaners, bound them ; and Williamson, commander of the party asked: " Shall these men, women and children be taken to Pittsburg, or be killed?" Sixteen or eighteen only favored granting their lives, and soon about forty men, twenty women and thirty-four children—defenceless, innocent fellow-Christians,—were murdered in cold blood by eighty or ninety Americans. Another expedition as fierce and blood-thirsty, was at once organized against the Moravian Delawares and Wyandots upon the Sandusky. "No Indian was to be spared; friend or foe, every red man was to die." The expedition was led, though in justice let it be said, reluctantly and unavoidably, by Colonel William Crawford. Carrying a black flag and with the battle cry of "no quarters," five hundred men marched to Upper Sandusky in June, when they found the town deserted and savages prepared for the battle, in which the whites were defeated. Crawford's own fate is given by his associate in wretchedness, Dr. Knight. * About midnight on the 6th, Col. Crawford missed his son, a young man who had just attained his majority, and of great promise. Word was passed along the line, but no tidings of the youth were obtained, and the father became alarmed for his safety. He requested and obtained a number of men to return with him to the camping grounds of the previous day to search for his missing boy. It was a fruitless mission. Crawford had returned on the trail but a short distance, when he concluded not to follow the main body of the troops, but to strike off with his party, by the shortest possible road to Fort McIntosh. This was a fatal mistake. On the third day out the Indians attacked the Colonel's small force, and utterly routed it, killing and taking prisoners nearly the whole. Among the captives was the unfortunate commander. * These letters and statements were furnished the Bucyrus Forum, by A. T. Goodman. 52 - Crawford's Ill-fated Expedition. About the same time, and in the same way, perished Colonel Crawford's son, John Crawford and his nephew and namesake William Crawford, a promising son of Valentine Crawford. So also died Major William Harrison, the Colonel's son-in-law, and a near relative, Major Rose. Truly the Sandusky expedition broug its full share of calamity to the family of its unfortunate commander In corroboration of the foregoing is the following letter : FORT PITT, July 11th, 1782. SIR : Dr. Knight, (a surgeon I sent with Colonel Crawford, returned on the 4th instant to this place; he brings an account the melancholy fate of poor Crawford. The day after the ma body retreated, the Colonel, Doctor, and nine others, were ove taken within thirty miles from the field of action, by a body of Indians, to whom they surrendered, were taken back to Sandusky whe they all, except the Doctor, were put to death; the unfortunate Colonel, in particular, was burnt and tortured in every manner they could invent. The Doctor after being a spectator of this distressing seen was sent to the Shawanese town under guard of one Indian, where h was told he would share the same fate next day; but fortunately foun an opportunity of demolishing the fellow, and making his escape The Doctor adds that a certain Simon Girty, who was formerly in our service and deserted with McKee, is now said to have a commission in the British service, was present at the torturing of Col Crawford; and that he (the Doctor) was informed by an Indian that a British Captain commands at Sandusky ; that he believes that h was present also, but is not certain; but says he saw a person there who was dressed and appeared like a British officer. He also says the Colonel begged of Girty to shoot him, but he paid no regard to the request. A certain Mr. Shlover has also come in yesterday, who was under sentence at the Shawanese town; he says a Mr. William Harrison, son-in-law to Colonel Crawford, was quartered and burnt Both he and the Doctor say they were assured by several Indian whom they formerly knew, that not a single soul should in future escape torture, and gave as a reason for this conduct—the Moravia affair. A number of people informed me that Colonel Crawford ought t be considered as a continental officer, and are of opinion retaliation should, take place. These, however, are such facts as I can get Dr. Knight is a man of undoubted veracity. This account has struck the people, of this country with a strange mixture of fear and resentment. Their solicitations for making another excursion are increasing daily, and they are actually begin ning to prepare for it. I have the honor to be &c., WM. ERVINE. To His Excellency, General Washington. Crawford's Ill-fated Expedition - 53 The ancestors of William Crawford, were of Scotch-Irish origin. They came to America early in the eighteenth century, locating in Virginia. The father of William was a respectable farmer. His mother was a woman of masculine power and great energy of character, who was very attentive to her family of little ones. She was twice married. By Mr. Crawford, who died 1736, she had two sons, William and Valentine. William Crawford, was born in Berkley county, Virginia, in the year 1732,—the same that gave to the world the illustrious Washington. William was an intimate friend and playmate of George Washington, and at an early age, learned from him the art of surveying. It will be remembered, that for many years, Washington followed the occupation of a surveyor in Virginia. His services in that capacity, were often called into requisition in Berkley county. His visits were of weeks' duration. Upon these occasions he always stopped with his friend Crawford, and nowhere could he have found a more hospitable threshold. Weems in his life of Washington, thus refers to these visits : " This was a family exactly to George's mind, because promising him an abundance of that manly exercise in which he delighted. In front of the house lay a fine extended green, with a square of several hundred yards. Here it was, every evening, when his daily toils of surveying were ended, that George, like a young Greek training for the Olympic Games, used to turn out with his sturdy young companions, " to see," as they termed it, " which was the best man," at running, jumping and wrestling. And so keen was their passion for these sports, and so great their ambition to excel each other, that they would often persist, especially on moonshining nights, till bed time. The Crawfords and Stephensons, though not taller than George, were much heavier men ; so that at wrestling, and particularly at the close, or Indian hug, he seldom gained much matter of triumph. But in all trials of agility, they stood no chance with him This intimacy continued through life, and was proved upon more than one occasion to be genuine friendship ;—to be relied upon in emergency. Until William Crawford reached his 23d year, he followed the double occupation of a surveyor and farmer. He subsequently held important judicial trusts in Pennsylvania ; Was actively engaged in the French war and revolutionary struggle, 54 - Crawford's Ill-Expedition. and was energetic in urging Congress to an effectual defence of the western frontiers. During the fall of 1779, Colonel Crawford led several small parties into Ohio in pursuit of savage depredators. No better employment was desired by him than to follow up with success those bands of redskins who made the frontier a region of terror ; murdering families, destroying dwellings, stealing horses and cattle, and often carrying into hopeless captivity, men, women and children who had become objects of their rapacity. His expeditions to punish these fiends rarely failed of success, and long before his unfortunate end, the name of William Crawford was a terror to the Ohio Indians. It is to be regretted that no connected accounts of his Indian exploits have come down to us. With here and there an exception, treasured up in the memory of the aged, but little remains. We should probably have had a " storehouse " of pioneer history, had not the Colonel's records and papers, Journals and Orderly books been ruthlessly consigned to the flames soon after his death. That thoughtless act will ever be regretted by those who have felt an interest in the events of his career. In a letter addressed by Washington to President Moore of Pennsylvania, dated July 27th, 1782, is the following reference to Crawford : " It is with the greatest sorrow and concern that I have learned the melancholy tidings of Colonel Crawford's death. He was known to me as an officer of much care and prudence, brave, experienced and active. The manner of his death as given in letters of General Ervine, Colonel Gibson and others, was shocking to me, and I have this day communicated to the Honorable, the Congress, copies of such papers as I have regarding it." While the loss of Colonel Crawford was deeply felt by Washington, and by a host of comrades in the patriot army, perhaps the grief excited by his melancholy end was nowhere more poignant than in Western Pennsylvania and Virginia. There, he was familiarly known to one and all. He had long been looked up to as a leader, and the pioneers of the border knew that a place had been made vacant which could not be filled. Colonel Crawford possessed a sound judgment ; was a man of singular good nature and great humanity, and remarkable for his hospitality. It is said that during his life in the West, many an Indian captive was spared. through his influence. In times of peace Crawford's Ill-fated Expedition - 55 and quiet no man was more friendly disposed towards the red man than he. Hundreds of them at different times visited his humble dwelling and partook of his hospitality. Regarding Crawford's route to Upper Sandusky, the following extract of a letter from Hon. A. H. Byers, of Wooster, is here introduced as establishing a landmark of some historical value : WOOSTER, Ohio, March 7, 1872, H. S. KNAPP: On page 14, of your " History of Ashland County," you say that " probably the expedition of Crawford did not pass through any part of Ashland county." I think you are in error, and base my judgment on the following facts: My father had a brother-in law, named Carson. who was in that expedition, and escaped. After father moved to this county, he visited his relatives in Western Pennsylvania, and in conversation with Carson regarding that disastrous campaign, the question would likely arise, whether it passed through Wayne county ? Carson assured him that the troops passed a small body of water, known as " Mohecan John's Lake" This, beyond doubt, fixes a portion of the route, so that, westward, they passed through Hanover and Green townships, Ashland county. You will remember that the lake now called " Odell's," was originally designated as " Mohecan John's Lake." Accept my best wishes, &c. A. H. BYERS In the narrative of Dr. Knight, Colonel Crawford's associate, he states that on " Monday morning the tenth of June, we were paraded to march to Sandusky, about thirty-three miles distant ; they had eleven prisoners of us and four scalps, the Indians being seventeen in number. "Colonel Crawford was very desirous to see a certain Simon Girty, who lived with the Indians, and was on this account permitted to go home the same night, with two warriors to guard him, having orders at the same time to pass by the place where the Colonel had turned out his horse, that they might if possible find him. The rest of us were taken as far as the old town, which was within eight miles of the new. "Tuesday morning, the eleventh, Colonel Crawford was brought out to us on purpose to be marched in with the other prisoners. I asked the Colonel if he had seen Mr. Girty? He told me he had, and that Girty had promised to do every thing in his power for him, but that the Indians were very much enraged against the prisoners ; particularly Captain Pipe, one of the chiefs, he likewise told. me 56 - Crawford at the Stake. that Girty had informed him that his son-in-law, Colonel Harrison, and his nephew, William Crawford, were made prisoners by the Shawanese, but had been pardoned. This Captain Pipe had come from the town about an hour before Colonel Crawford and had, painted all the prisoners' faces black. As he was painting me he told me I should go to the Shawanese towns and see my friends. When the Colonel arrived he painted him black also, told him he was glad to see him, and that he would have him shaved when he came to see his friends at the Wyandot town. When we marched, the Colonel and I were kept back between Pipe and Wyngenim, the two Delaware chiefs; the other nine prisoners were sent forward with another party of Indians. As we went along we saw four of the prisoners lying tomhawked and scalped; some of them were at the distance of half a mile from each other. When we arrived within half a mile from the place where the Colonel was executed, we overtook the five prisoners that remained alive ; the Indians had caused them to sit down on the ground, as they did also the Colonel and me at some distance from them. I was there given in charge to an Indian fellow to be taken to the Shawanese towns. " In the place where we were now made to sit down, there was a number of squaws and boys, who fell on the five prisoners, and tomahawked them. There was a certain John McKinley among the prisoners, formerly an officer in the 13th Virginia regiment, whose head an old squaw cut off, and the Indians kicked it about upon the ground. The young Indian fellows came often where the Colonel and I were and dashed the scalps in our faces. We were then conducted along toward the place where the Colonel was afterwards executed; when we came within about a half a mile of it, Simon Girty met us with several Indians on horseback ; he spoke to the Colonel, but as I was about one hundred and fifty yards behind, could not hear what passed between them. "Almost every Indian we met struck us with sticks, or their fists. Girty waited till I was brought up; then asked, was that the Doctor? I told him yes, and went towards him, reaching out my hand, but he bid me be gone, and called me a damned rascal, upon which the fellows who had me in charge pulled me along. Girty rode up after me and told me I was to go to the Shawanese towns. " When we went to the fire the Colonel was stripped naked, ordered to sit down by the fire, and then they beat him with sticks and their fists. Presently after I was treated in the same manner.' They Crawford and Girty - 57 then tied a rope to the foot of a post about fifteen feet high, bound the Colonel's hands behind his back and fastened the rope to the ligature between his wrists, The rope was long enough for him to sit down or walk round the post once or twice, and return the same way. The Colonel then called to Girty and asked him if they intended to burn him? Girty answered, yes. The Colonel said he he would take it all patiently. Upon this Captain Pipe, a Delaware chief, made a speech to the Indians, viz : about thirty or forty men, sixty or seventy squaws and boys. "When the speech was finished they all yelled a hideous and hearty assent to what had been said. The Indian men took up their guns and shot powder into the Colonel's body, from his feet to his neck. I think not less than seventy loads were discharged upon his naked body. They then crowded about him, and to the best of my observation, cut off his ears; when the throng had dispersed a little, I saw the blood running from both sides of his head in consequence thereof.  " The fire was about six or seven yards from the post to which the Colonel was tied; it was made of small hickory poles burnt quite through in the middle, each end of these poles remaining about six feet in length. Three or four Indians by turns would take up, individually, one of these burning pieces of wood, and apply it to his naked body, already burnt black with the powder. These tormentors presented themselves on every side of him with the burning faggots and poles. Some of the squaws took broad boards upon which they could carry a quantity of burning coals and hot embers and threw on him, so that in a very short time he had nothing but coals of- fire and hot ashes to walk upon. "In the midst of these extreme tortures, he called to Simon Girty and begged him to shoot him ; but Girty making no answer, he called to him again. Girty then, by way of derision, told the Colonel he had no gun, at the same time turning about to an Indian who was behind him, laughed heartily, and by all his gestures seemed delighted at the horrid scene. " Girty then came up to me and told me to prepare for death. He said, however, I was not to die at that place, but to be burnt at the Shawanese towns. He swore by G.--d I need not expect to escape death, but should suffer it in all its extremities. " He then observed that some prisoners had given him to understand, that if our people had him they would not hurt him ; for his 58 - Indian Barbarities. part, he said he did not believe it, but desired to know my opinion of the matter ; but being at that time in great anguish and distress for the torments the Colonel was suffering before my eyes, as well as the expectation of undergoing the same fate in two days, I made little or no answer. He expressed a great deal of ill will for Colonel Gibson, and said he was one of his greatest enemies, and more to the same purpose, to all which I paid very little attention. "Colonel Crawford at this period of his sufferings besought the Almighty to have mercy on his soul, spoke very low, and bore his torments with the most manly fortitude. He continued in all the extremities of pain for an hour and three quarters or two hours longer, as near as I can judge, when at last being almost exhausted, he lay down on his belly; they then scalped him and repeatedly threw the scalp in my face, telling me " that was my great captain." An old squaw (whose appearance every way answered the ideas people entertain of the devil,) got a board, took a parcel of coals and ashes and laid them on his back and head, after he had been scalped : "He then raised himself upon his feet and began to walk round the post. They next put a burning stick to him, as usual, but he seemed more insensible of pain than before. " The Indian fellow who had me in charge, now took me away to Captain Pipe's house, about three-quarters of a mile from the place of the Colonel's execution. I was bound all night, and thus prevented from seeing the last of the horrid spectacle. Next morning, being June 12th, the Indian untied me, painted me black, and we Set off for the Shawanese town, which he told me was somewhat less than forty miles distant from that place. We soon came to the spot where the Colonel had been burnt, as it was partly in our way. I saw his bones lying amongst the remains of the fire, almost burnt to ashes. I suppose after he was dead they laid his body on the fire. The Indian told me that was my big Captain, and gave the scalp halloo! '" Girty, in the spring of this year, had given orders to have Heckewelder and his comrades driven like beasts from Sandusky to Detroit, and enjoining especial brutality toward them. However, his agents, and those of the English commandant in the West, together with the traders employed to effect their removal, marked their conduct by conspicuous kindness, and especially in defending them against the outrageous brutality of Girty, who overtook the captives at Lower Sandusky, swearing he would have their lives, and finally The Girty Family - 59 conducted them to their fellow disciples at a Moravian settlement upon the river Huron. As the infamous white Indian, Simon Girty, is so often mentioned in these pages, it may be well to append here a sketch of the family from the writings of Judge Campbell: " Girty, the father was an emigrant from Ireland, about eighty years ago, if report can be relied on. He settled in Pennsylvania, where that liberty which he sought, degenerated in his possession into the basest licentiousness. His hours were wasted in idleness and beastly intemperance. Nothing ranked higher in his estimation, or so entirely commanded his regard, as a jug of whisky. "Grog was his song, and grog would he have." His sottishness turned his wife's affection, and she yielded her heart to a neighboring rustic, who, to remove all obstacles, to their wishes, knocked Girty on the head and bore off the trophy of his prowess. "He left four sons—Thomas, Simon, George, and James. The three latter were taken prisoners by the Shawanese, Delawares, and Senecas, in that year which developed the military talents of General Washington. George was adopted by the Delawares, and continued with them until his death. He became a perfect savage—his manners being entirely Indian. To consummate cunning, he added the most fearless intrepidity. He fought in the battles of Kenhawa, Blue Licks, and Sandusky, and gained himself much distinction for skill and bravery. In his latter years, like his father, he gave himself up to intemperance, and died drunk, about twenty-five years ago, on the Miami of the lake or Maumee. "Simon was adopted by the Senecas, and became as expert a hunter as any of them. In Kentucky and Ohio, he sustained the reputation of an unrelenting barbarian. Forty-five years ago, with his name was associated everything cruel and fiend-like. To the women and children in particular nothing was more terrifying than the name of Simon Girty. At that time it was believed by many, that he had fled from justice and sought refuge among the Indians, determined to do his countrymen all the harm in his power. This impression was an erroneous one. It is true he joined the Indians in their wars with the whites, and conformed to their usages. This was the education he had received, and those who were the foes of his red brethren were his foes. Although trained in all his pursuits as an Indian, it is said to be a fact, susceptible of proof, that through his importunities, many prisoners were saved froth. death. His influ- 60 - Washington's Indian Policy. ence was great, and when he chose to be merciful, it was generally in his power to protect the imploring captive. His reputation was that of an honest man. In the payment of his debts, he was scrupulously exact. Knowing and duly appreciating integrity, he fulfilled his engagements to the last cent. It is stated that on one occasion he sold his horse rather than incur the odium of violating his promise. He was a great lover of rum. Nothing could afford him more joy than a keg of this beverage. When intoxicated, in abuse he was indiscriminate, sparing neither friends nor foes. Then it was he had no compassion in his heart. Although much disabled by rheumatism for the last ten years of his life he rode to his hunting ground in pursuit of game. Suffering the, most excruciating pains, he often boasted of his war like spirit. It was his constant wish that he might breathe his last in battle. So it happened. He was at Procter's defeat on the river Thames, and was cut to pieces by Colonel Johnson's mounted men. "James Girty fell into the hands of the Shawanese, who adopted him as a son. As he approached manhood, he became dextrous in all the arts of savage life. To the most sanguinary spirit, he added all the vices of the depraved frontiersmen, with whom he frequently associated. It is represented that he often visited Kentucky at the time of its first settlement, many of the inhabitants feeling the effects of his courage and cruelty. Neither age nor sex found mercy at his hand. His delight was in carnage. When unable to walk, in consequence of disease, he laid low, with his hatchet, captive women and children who came within his reach. Traders, who were acquainted with him, say, so furious was he that he would not have turned on his heel to save a prisoner from the flames. His pleasure was to see new and refined tortures inflicted ; and to perfect this gratification, he frequently gave directions. To this barbarian are to be attributed many of the cruelties charged upon his brother Simon. Yet this monster was caressed by Elliot and Proctor." The cessation of hostilities between England and her unconquerable colonies in 1783, inspired in candid, reflecting minds, no belief that warfare with the Western border savages was at an end. To throw open the country beyond the mountains without arousing the savages, became the 'study of the ablest minds, and in September, 1783, Washington addressed a letter to James Duane, in Congress, relative to the difficulties in connection with the public lands. He urged the necessity for making settlements compact, and suggested Britain Violates the Treaty of 1783 - 61 stringent laws against settling upon or surveying lands west of a line which might extend from the mouth of the Great Miami to Mad river; thence to Fort Miami on the Maumee, and thence northward so as to include Detroit, or perhaps from the fort down the river to Lake Erie. He pointed ̊Tit the propriety of excluding Indian agents from all share in the trade with the red men, and prohibiting all purchases of land from Indians, except by Congress, or State Legislatures. Unless these, or similar measures were taken, he prophesied renewed violent border wars. On the 22d of September, Congress, in pursuance of these suggestions, forbade all purchase of, or settlement on Indian lands ; and October 15th, the Commissioners, to treat with the natives, were instructed : 1st. To require the delivery of all prisoners. 2d. To, inform the Indians of the boundaries between the British possessions and the United States. 3d. To dwell upon the fact that the red men had not been faithful to their agreements. 4th. To negotiate for all the land east of the line proposed by Washington, namely : From the mouth of the Great Miami to Mad river; thence to Fort Miami, on the Maumee, and thence down the Maumee to the lake. 5th. To hold, if possible, one convention with all the tribes. 7th. To learn all they could respecting the French of Kaskaskia, etc. 8th. To confirm no grants by the natives to individuals. 9th. To look after American stragglers beyond the Ohio, to signify the displeasure of Congress at the invasion of the Indian lands, and to prevent all further intrusions. Upon the 9th of the following March, the 4th and 5th of these instructions were entirely changed at the suggestion of the committee, headed by Mr. Jefferson ; the western. boundary line being made to run due north from the lowest point of the Falls of the Ohio to the northern limits of. the United States; and the Commissioners being told to treat with the natives at various places and at different times. The treaty of 1783, which terminated the war of the revolution, included Ohio within the boundaries of the United States, and the 7th Article of that treaty agreed that the King of Great Britain would 62 - Harmar's Campaign. " with all convenient speed " " withdraw all his forces, garrisons as fleets from the United States, and from every post, place and harbor within the same." Military posts were garrisoned, however, by British troops, and continued under the dominion of Great Britain many years after that date. But preparatory to taking possession of it, and in order to avoid collision with the Indian tribes, which owned the soil, treaties were held with them from time to time by which they ceded to the United States their title to their lands, But the territory thus secured by treaties with Great Britain, and with the Indian tribes, of which we had thus established an arnica. ble understanding, was many years sequestered from our possession, The British government urged the failure of Americans to fulfill that part of the treaty protecting the claims of British subjects against citizens of the United States ; but, from their "aid and tribes comfort," rendered the Indians in the campaigns of Harmar, St. Clair and Wayne, the apparent prime cause was to defeat the efforts of the United States to extend her power over the country and tribes north of the Ohio and continue to the British the advantage of the fur trade, which, from their relations with these tribes they possessed. The ultimate result of this international difficulty, was the campaigns of 1790,—'91 and –'94, ostensibly against the Indians, bet, substantially, against them and their British allies, which bear so intimate a relation with the formal surrender of the country to its rightful proprietor, that they perform an essential Part of history. The most satisfactory account furnished, relating to this important campaign, is that published by the late Charles Cist, in his first volume of the " Cincinnati Miscellany," issued in 1845. This rendition of the true history of these events is given with so much evident caution, emanates from a source of so great respectability, and is adopted or confirmed by such high authorities, that there is no hesitation to accept in full his premises and conclusions. He says : "Having gathered a variety of papers, which shed light on the various campaigns of Harmar, St. Clair, and Wayne, I feel it a duty imposed on me by that circumstance to compile a fuller and more accurate narrative of those events than I have thus far seen in print. Nor need it at all appear strange, under the existing state of society and condition of things, that much of what is already on record, should abound in errors; and that both Harmar and St. Clair should mistake the location of the battle they fought, and that many statements founded on conjecture, should pass current for years in the Indian Hatreds and Perfidy - 63 community, to an extent which even yet serves to confuse the truth of history. These things are all easily accounted for by the wilderness character of the untrodden West, the scattered state of the settlements in the Miami country, the little communication between the respective parts, and the utter, absence of newspapers. "I commence with Harmar's campaign. A volume would hardly serve to point out the errors in dates, places, and facts generally; in print upon this subject. The best mode of correction is to compile the narrative anew, availing myself of unpublished manuscript notes of Captain John Armstrong, who commanded a company of United States regulars attached to Harmar's army during that campaign, and whose escape with life in the first battle was so remarkable. "The Western frontier had been for some years, say from 1782 to 1788, in a very disturbed state by reciprocal aggressions, of Indians e and whites. There does not appear, in the history of those days, however, any systematic and general movement of the Indians for the extirpation of the whites, as was alleged to be the object of their great confederacy of 1782, which, dividing into two parties, broke, one upon the upper Ohio settlement, the other on the various Kentucky stations, carrying massacre and captivity so extensively , along their course. The irregular and precarious mode of living among the savages, forbade the accomplishment of such design, if it had even been their settled purpose ; the subsistence of themselves and families being principally derived from the chase, a species of provision which did not permit the laying up of extensive and permanent stores, if even their improvident mode of living had permitted the effort. " But when they found the settlers entrenching themselves in fort after fort, circumscribing their range, and cutting them entirely off from their favorite hunting grounds south of the Ohio, there can be no doubt that a determined hostility sprung up in the minds of the savages, which all the exertions of the American Government failed to allay, and soon rendered it apparent that the two races could not live together in amity, where it was the policy of the one to reclaim the country from the hunter, and of the other to keep it a wilderness. " After treaty upon treaty had been made and broken, and the frontiers had been suffering through this whole period, from the tomahawk and scalping knife, the government, then just going into operation detached a force of three hundred and twenty regular troops, 64 - Harmar's Campaign,. enlisted in New Jersey and Pennsylvania for the protection of the frontiers, and devolved the command on Josiah Harmar, who had borne arms as a colonel with credit during the Revolutionar struggle. A force of one thousand one hundred and thirty-three drafted militia from Pennsylvania and Kentucky, was also place under his orders. The regulars consisted of two battalions, coin manded respectively by Majors Wyllye and Doughty, and a company of artillery under Captain Ferguson, with three brass pieces of ordnance. Colonel Hardin, of Kentucky, was in command of th militia, in which Colonels Trotter and Paul, Majors Hall an McMillan held subordinate commands. The orders to General Harmar were to march on to the Indian towns adjacent the lakes, and inflict on them such signal chastisement as should protect the settlements from future depredations. The whole plan had been devised by Washington himself, who we understood the subject, having, prior to the Revolution, as is well known, learned much practically of the Indian character, as well as the condition of the West, although it is not easy to conceive why he should have selected such men as Harmar and .St. Clair, who were destitute of the training he himself had acquired, and which could have been found on the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Kentucky, in many distinguished Indian fighters, ready for use. The force of circumstances probably biased his judgment, as it served to effect appointments equally exceptionable during the war of 1812, such as those of Hull, Dearborn, Bloomfield, and Chandler, men who had outlived their energies, if ever qualified practically for the weighty trust devolving on them. On the 29th of December, 1789, General Harmar arrived at Cincinnati. He had been stationed for some months prior to this at the mouth of the Muskingum, waiting at that post for militia force and military supplies from the upper country, and the completion of Fort Washington, which Major Doughty, with one hundred and forty-six men from Fort Harmar, had been detached to construct. From this period to the 30th of September, 1790, he was employed in making everything ready for the expedition, and on that day, all his preparations being made, he started with the regulars, the militia under Colonel Hardin having already set out. The first day's advance was seven miles, and the encampment for the night was on a branch of Mill creek ; course, northeast. Eight miles more were made the second day, on a general course of Indian Towns at Fort Wayne - 65 northwest, the army encamping on another branch of Mill creek. On the third day a march of fifteen miles was made ; the course generally north, and the encampment on the waters of Muddy creek, a tributary of the Little Miami, within one mile of Colonel Hardin's command. The next morning Colonel Hardin, with the militia, were overtaken and passed ; and halting at Turtle creek, one mile further on, the whole army encamped for the night. On the 4th of October, the army reached and crossed the Little Miami, on a northeast course, moved up it one mile to a branch called Sugar or Caesar's creek, near Waynesville, where they encamped, having accomplished nine miles that day. Next day a march of ten miles, still on a northeast course, brought the army to Glade creek, near where Xenia now stands. On the 6th it reached Chillicothe, an old Indian village, now Oldtown, and crossed again the Little Miami, keeping a northeast course, making nine Miles that day. Next day the troops crossed Mad river, then called the Pickaway Fork of the Great Miami, and made nine miles ; their course for the first time becoming west of north. On the 8th, pursuing a northwest course, they crossed Honey creek, and made seven miles more. On the next day they followed the same course, and marching ten miles, encamped within two miles of the Great Miami. Next day the army crossed the Miami, keeping still a northwest course, and made ten miles more. On the 11th, by a course west of north, it passed the ruins of a French trading station, marked on Hutchins' map as the Tawigtwees —(Twigtwees or Miamies.) Encamped after making eleven miles. Next day the army kept a course west of northwest, near Loramie's creek, and across the head waters of the AuAuglaizeHere they found the remains of a considerable village, some of the houses being still standing; fourteen miles made this day. On the 13th, marched ten miles, keeping west of northwest, and encamped, being joined by a reinforcement from Cincinnati, with ammunition. Next day, the 14th, Colonel Hardin was detached with one company of regulars, and six hundred militia, in advance of the main body, and being charged with the destruction of the towns in the forks of the Maumee. On the arrival of this advance party, they found the towns abandoned by the Indians, and the principal one burnt. The main body marched on the 14th ten miles, and on the 15th eight more, both days on a northwest course. Next day made nine miles, same course, and on the 17th crossing the Maumee river 66 - Indian Villages at Fort Wayne. to the Indian village, formed a junction again with Hardin, at the Omee (au Miami, Fr.) village, [now called Harmar's Ford.] This was the same town burnt and abandoned by the savages. At this point of the narrative, there is considerable obscurity with names and places which I must explore as I best can. The Indians had seven villages it seems, clustering about the junction of the St. Mary's and St. Joseph's rivers, which, as is well known, form the river Maumee. These were : 1st, the Miami village, so called after the tribe of that name ; corruptly and by contraction, Omee, from Au Miami, the designation given it by the French traders, who were here resident in great force. This lay in the fork of the St. Joseph's and Maumee; [now the Cole-Taber farm.] 2d, a village of the Maumees, of thirty houses, Ke Kiogue, now Fort Wayne—in the fork of the St. Mary's and Maumee. 3d, Chillicothe, a name signifying town,' being a village of the Shawanees, down the Maumee, on its north bank, and of fifty-eight houses. Opposite this was another of the same tribe, of eighteen houses. The Delawares had their villages, two on the St. Mary's, [near where the Allen county, Ind., Poor Asylum is now situate,] about three miles from its mouth, and opposite each other, with forty-five houses together, and the other consisting of thirty- six houses, on the east side of the St. Joseph's, two or three miles from its mouth. The day of Harmar's junction with Hardin, two Indians were discovered by a scouting party, as they were crossing a prairie. The scouts pursued them and shot one; the other made his escape. A young man named Johnson, seeing the Indian was not dead, attempted to shoot him again; but his pistol not making fire, the Indian raised his rifle and shot Johnson through the body, which proved fatal. This night the Indians succeeded in driving through the lines between fifty and one hundred horses, and bore them off, to the no small mortification of the whites. The same day (October 17th) was employed in searching ill the hazel thickets for hidden treasure. Much corn was found buried in the earth. On the evening of this day, Captain McClure and McClary fell upon a stratagem peculiar to backwoodsmen. They conveyed a horse a short distance down the river undiscovered, fettered him, unstrapped the bell-tongue, and concealed themselves with their rifles. An Indian, attracted by the sound of the bell, came cautiously up and began to untie him, when McClure shot him. The report of the gun alarmed the camp, and brought many Hardin's Command Defeated - 67 of the troops to the place. A young man taken prisoner at Loramie's was brought to see the Indian just killed, and pronounced him to be " Captain Punk—great man—Delaware chief." The army burned all the houses at the different villages, and destroyed about twenty thousand bushels of corn, which they discovered in various places where it had been hidden by the Indians, a large quantity having been found buried in holes dug for that purpose. In this destruction a variety of property belonging to French traders was involved. On the 18th, the main body of the troops was moved to Chillicothe, the principal town of the Shawanese, General Harmar having previously detached a party of one hundred and eighty militia and thirty regulars in pursuit of the Indians, who appeared to have retired westward across the St. Joseph's, after the destruction by themselves of the Omee town, Capt. John Armstrong commanding the regulars, and Col. Trotter, of the Kentucky militia, the entire force. They found and cut off' a few Indian stragglers, but did not overtake the main body, being recalled to camp by signal, late in the evening. Next morning the same detachment was ordered out anew, and being placed under the command of Colonel Hardin, pursued the same route in search of the savages. Finding himself in their neighborhood, he detached Captain Faulkner, of the Pennsylvania militia, to form on his left, which he did at such a distance as to render his company of no service in the approaching engagement. Hardin's command moved forward to what they discovered to be the encampment of the enemy, which was flanked by a morass on each side, as well as by one in front, which was crossed with great promptness by the troops, now reduced to less than two hundred, who, before they had time to form, received a, galling and unexpected fire from a large body of savages. The militia immediately broke and fled, nor could all the exertions of the officers rally them ; fifty- two of the dispersing being killed in a few minutes. The enemy pursued until Major Fountain, who had been sent to hunt up Faulkner and his company, returning with them, compelled them to retire, and the survivors of the detachment arrived safe in camp. The regulars under Armstrong bore the brunt of this affair. One sergeant and twenty-one privates being killed on the battle ground, and while endeavoring to maintain their position, were thrown in disorder by the militia running through their lines, flinging away 68 - Captain Armstrong's Escape. their arms without even firing a shot. The Indians killed in affair nearly one hundred men. As regards the force of the savages, Captain Armstrong who w under no temptation to underrate their number, speaks of them about one hundred in force. Their strength has been stated, but as I think, without any data by Marshal, in his life of Washingto at seven hundred. The real strength of the Indians was in a wel chosen position, and in the cowardice of the militia, who fowl numerically, the principal force opposed to them. This destructiv contest was fought near the spot where the Goshen State road no crosses Eel River, near Heller's Corners, about twelve miles we of Fort Wayne. Captain Armstrong broke through the pursuing Indians and plunged in the deepest 'of the morasses referred to, where he remained to his chin all night in water, with his head con cealed by a tussock of high grass. Here he was compelled to Este' to the nocturnal orgies of the Indians, dancing and yelling around the dead bodies of his brave soldiers. As day approached the retired to rest, and Armstrong, chilled to the last degree, extricated himself from the swamp, but found himself obliged to kindle a fire in a ravine into which he crawled, having his tinder-box, watch and compass still on his person. By the aid of the fire, he recovered his feeling, and the use of his limbs, and at last reached the camp in safety. For some years after, bayonets were found upon this spot in numbers, and bullets have been cut out of the neighboring trees in such quanties as to attest the desperate character of this engagement. On the 20th the General published the following order : " CAMP, AT CHILLICOTHE, (One of the Shawanese Towns on the Omee (Maumee) River,) October 20th, 1790. The party under the, command of Captain Strong, is ordered to burn and destroy every house and wigwam in this village, together with all the corn, &c., which he can collect. A party of one hundred men, ( militia) properly officered, under command of Colonel Hardin, is to burn and destroy effectually this afternoon, the Pickaway . town with all the corn, &c., which he can find in it and its vicinity. "The cause of the detachment being worsted yesterday, was entirely owing to the shameful, cowardly conduct of the militia who ran away, and threw down their arms without firing scarcely a single gun. In returning to Fort Washington, if any officer or men The Indians Again Attacked - 69 shall presume to quit the ranks, or not to march in the form that they are ordered, the General will most assuredly order the artillery to fire on them. He hopes the check they received yesterday will make them in future obedient to orders. " JOSIAH HARMAR, Brigadier General." On the 21st the army left Chillicothe on their return to Fort Washington, marching eight miles, [to Merriam's creek, now named] when the scouts, who had been scouring the country, came in and reported that the Indians had re-occupied the Omee' village, lying in the junction of the St. Joseph's and Maumee rivers. Harmar, anxious to efface the stigma resting on the American arms in the affair of the 19th, detached Colonel Hardin with orders to surprise the savages, and bring on an engagement. The party under his orders consisted of three hundred militia, of which three companies were mounted men, with sixty regulars under command of Major Wyllys. Colonel Hardin arrived at the Omee town early on the morning of the. 22d. His force had been divided into two parties, the left division of which was to have formed down the St. Mary's and cross at the ford, after which they were to rest until daylight, and cross the St. Joseph's and commence an attack on the Indians in front, who had encamped out, near the ruins of their town. The right division under Hardin and Wyllys, were to proceed to " Harman's " ford, on the Maumee, where they were to remain until McMillan's party had reached the river, and commence the attack which was to be the signal for them to cross the Maumee and attack the Indians in the rear. Owing to the treachery or ignorance of the guides, however, McMillan's force lost its way in the thickets through which they had to pass, and although travelling all night, did not reach the ford until daylight. As soon as the Indians, who had been encamping about the ruins of their town, discovered Hardin's men, they began to rally for the fight, the alarm spreading, and the Indians rushing in. Colonel Hardin discovering that unless he crossed immediately he would be compelled to do it in the face of superior numbers, and expecting every moment to hear the report of McMillan's men in his rear, gave the order to cross, and by the time two-thirds of his force had passed over, the battle began. A severe engagement ensued ; the desperation of the savages in the contest surpassed anything previously known, and the greater part, throw. ing down their arms rushed or the bayonets, tomhawk in hands 70 - Affecting Incident. thus rendering everything useless but the rifles of the militia, and carrying rapid destruction everywhere in their advance. While this attack was going on, the rifles of the remaining Indians were fatally employed picking out the officers. Major Fountain and Wyllys, both valuable officers, fell directly after the battle began, the former pierced with eighteen bullets. Fifty one of Wyllys's repo. tars shared his fate, and the other divisions suffered severely in both killed and wounded. Major McMillan came up with his force while the battle w. raging, but could not turn its tide, although he succeeded in enabling the discomfited troops to retire, which they did in comparatively (rood order. The militia behaved well on this memorable day, and received th thanks of General Harmar for their good conduct. What the car nage in this battle was, may be inferred\ from the return of one hun dred and eighty killed and wounded, not more than half of those engaged in it escaping unhurt. There is no doubt, as respects the. second battle,---whatever was the fact in the first,—that the savages outnumbered, as well as overpowered, Hardin's forces, and the disparity was rendered still greater by the plan of night attack which separated McMillan from the main body when his aid was most needed. It is alleged by some historians that the American troops were not defeated, as was proven by their regular retreat, a disorderly flight being the usual concomitant of defeat. But the fact that our troops were obliged to leave the remains of the brave soldiers who fell on that occasion, to become scalped and lie unburied, and their bones bleaching on the ground, until Wayne's visit, four years afterwards, obtained them decent burial, scouts the idea. An affecting incident occurred at the place of crossing the river. A young Indian and his father and brother were crossing, when the ball of a white man passed through his body, and he fell. The old Mall seeing his boy fall, dropped his rifle, and attempted to raise his fallen son, in order to convey him beyond the reach of the white men, when the other son also fell by his side. He drew them both to the shore, then sat down between them, and with fearless, Roman composure, awaited the approach of the pursuing foe, who panne up and killed him also, Harmar's Unfortunate Generalship - 71 If there be any generalship in thus sending out detachment after detachment to be cut up in detail, then General Harmar deserves that distinction. He put the best face on the matter which the nature of the case permitted, and issued the following order on the 22d of October, the day of the second battle : " CAMP EIGHT MILES FROM THE RUINS OF THE MAUMEE TOWNS, 1790. "The General is exceedingly pleased with the behavior of the militia in the action of this morning. They have laid very many of the enemy dead upon the spot. Although our loss is great, still it is inconsiderable in comparison to the slaughter among the savages. Every account agrees that upwards of one hundred warriors fell in the battle. It is not more than man for man, and we can afford them two for one. The resolution and firm determined conduct of the militia this morning has effectually retrieved their character in the opinion of the General. He knows they can and will fight." It is easy to judge by the preceding narrative and orders what kind of fitness. Harmar possessed for the service to which he was called. A general who encamps in the neighborhood of the enemy, with a force large enough to exterminate him, and contents himself with sending out detachments to be destroyed successively, where no adequate reason exists why the whole force should not have been brought into action, deserves not the name of a military man. Harmar kept two-thirds or three-fourths of his troops eight miles from the battle ground, inactive, and of as little service as if he had left them at Fort Washington. He appeared to be fully consoled for the loss of the brave officers and soldiers who fell by the savage tomahawk and rifle, by the reflection expressed in the general orders that the American troops could afford to lose twice as many men as the Indians. My unfavorable judgment is supported by that of the actors of that campaign, who still survive. The celebrated Indian chief, Little Turtle, commanded the savages is both battles with Colonel Hardin and his troops, as he did afterwards in St. Clair's defeat, as well as bore a conspicuous part in the battle with General Wayne, at the Fallen Timbers. Harmar returned by easy marches to Fort Washington, where he arrived on the 3d of November, and which he left soon afterwards. for Philadelphia, being succeeded in his military command by St, Clair. He resided in comparative obscurity for some years, on the banks of the Schuylkill, and died about 1803. I was present at the 72 - St. Clair Appointed Major General. funeral, which was conducted with great military pomp, his horse being dressed in mourning, and his sword and pistols laid upon his coffin, which was borne on a bier, hearses not being in use in those days. Harmar's disastrous defeat having demonstrated the necessity of opposing some strong check upon the aggressions of the northern savages, immediate measures were devised for the attainment of that end. As early as 1785, Washington had been impressed with the superior advantages of the Miami villages at the confluence of the St. Mary's and St. Joseph's rivers, for the erection of a fort ; and it now became the paramount purpose during 1791, to build this and establish a chain of military posts from Fort Washington to the head of the Maumee. In pursuance of this object, St. Clair was appointed Major General, invested with the chief command of the frontier forces, and received instructions from which such extracts are taken as will define the general policy of the government. " It is only general principles which can be pointed out. In the execution of the duties of your station, circumstances which can not now be foreseen, may arise to render material deviations necessary. Such circumstances will require the exercise of your talents. The government possesses a guarantee in your character and mature experience, that your judgment will be proper on all occasions. You are well informed of the unfavorable impressions which the issue of the last expedition has made on the public mind, and you are also aware of the expectations which are formed of the success of the ensuing campaign. " An Indian war under any circumstances, is regarded by the great mass of the people of the United States, as an event which ought. if possible, to be avoided. It is considered that the sacrifices of blood and treasure in such a war far exceed any advantages which can possibly be reaped by it. The great policy, therefore, of the General Government, is to establish a just and liberal peace with the Indian tribes within the limits and in the vicinity of the territory of the United States. Your intimations to the hostile Indians, immediately after the late expedition, through the Wyandots and Delawares ; the arrangements with the Senecas, who were lately in this city, that part of the Six Nations should repair to the said hostile Indians, to influence them to pacific measures ; together with the recent mission of colonel Proctor to them for the same purpose Indian Policy of the United States - 73 will strongly evince the desire of the General. Government to prevent the eff'u'sion of blood, and to quiet all disturbances. And when you shall arrive upon the frontiers, if any other or further measures to effect the same object should present, you will eagerly embrace them, and the reasonable expenses thereof shall be defrayed by the public. But if all the lenient measures taken, or which may be taken, should fail to bring the hostile Indians to a just sense of their situation, it will be necessary that you should use such coercive means as you shall possess, for that purpose. " You are informed that, by an act of Congress, passed the 2d instant, another regiment is to be raised and added to the military establishment, and provision, made for raising two thousand levies for the term of six months, for the service of the frontiers. It is contemplated that the mass of the regulars and levies may be recruited and rendezvous at Fort Washington, by the 10th of July. In this case you will have assembled a force of three thousand effectives at least, besides leaving small garrisons on the Ohio, in order to -perform your main expedition, hereinafter mentioned. But, in the meantime, if the Indians refuse to listen to the messengers of peace sent to them, it is most probable they will, unless prevented, spread themselves along the line of frontiers, for the purpose of committing all the depredations in their power. In order to avoid so calamitous an event, Brigadier General Charles Scott, of Kentucky, has been authorized by me, on the part of the President of the United States, to make an expedition against the Wea or Ouiatanon towns, with mounted volunteers or militia from Kentucky, not exceeding the number of seven hundred and fifty, officers included. You will perceive, by the instructions to Brigadier General Scott, that it is confided to your discretion, whether there should be more than one of the said expeditions of mounted volunteers or militia. Your nearer view of the objects to be effected by a second desultory expedition, will enable you to form a better judgment than can at present be formed at this distance. The propriety of a second operation would, in some degree, depend on the alacrity and good composition of the troops of which the first may have been formed ; of its success ; of the probable effects a second similar blow would have upon the Indians, with respect to its influencing them to peace ; or, if they should be still hostilely disposed, of preventing them from desolating the frontiers by their Parties, 74 - Instructions to St. Clair. " You will observe in the instructions to Brigadier General Scott, which are to serve as a basis for the instructions of the commanders who may succeed him, that all captives are to be treated with great humanity. It will be sound policy to attract the Indians by kindness, after demonstrating to them our power to punish them, on all occasions. While you are making such use of desultory operations as in your judgment the occasion may require, you will proceed vigor. ously, in every operation in your power, for the purpose of the main expedition; and having assembled your force, and all things being in readiness, if no decisive indications of peace should have been produced, either by the messengers or by the desultory operations, you will commence your march for the Miami village, in order to establish a strong and permanent military post at that place. In your advance you will establish such posts of communication with Fort Washington, on the Ohio, as you may judge proper. The post at the Miami village intended for the purpose of aweing and curbing the Indians in that quarter, and as the only preventive of future hostilities. It ought, therefore, to be rendered secure against all attempts and insults of the Indians. The garrison which should be stationed there ought not only to be sufficient for the defence of the place, but always to afford a detachment of five or six hundred men, either to chastise any of the Wabash, or other hostile Indians, or to secure any convoy of provisions. The establishment of such a post is considered as an important object of the campaign, and is to take place in all events. In case of a previous treaty, the Indians are to be conciliated upon this point, if possible ; and it is presumed good arguments may be offered, to induce their acquiescence. The situation, nature, and construction of the works you may direct, will depend upon your own judgment. Major Ferguson, of the artillery, will be fully capable of the execution. He will be furnished with three five and a half inch howitzers, three six pounders; and three three pounders, all brass, with a sufficient quantity of shot and shells for the purpose of- the expedition. The appropriation of these pieces will depend upon your orders. " Having commenced your march upon the main expedition, and the Indians continuing hostile, you will use every possible exertion to make them feel the effects of your superiority ; and after having arrived at the Miami village, and put your works in a defensible state, you will seek the enemy with the whole of your remaining force, and endeavor, by all possible means, to strike them with great