200 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY "Camp near Fort Miami, August 30, 1794. "Sir—I have been employed several days in endeavoring to fix the Indians (who have been driven from their villages and cornfields) between the fort and the (Maumee) bay. Swan Creek is generally agreed upon, and will be a very convenient place for the delivery of provisions, etc." McKee in a former letter to Detroit told of a letter he had received from Elliott in regard to the council at Defiance, and Elliott's efforts to persuade the "lake Indians" to remain at the Glaize—Defiance. Eventually, the British government granted Girty a tract of land in Malden township, Essex County, Canada. But he was shunned by his neighbors for his former cruelties and record for depravity. After the birth of his last son, Simon and his wife separated. She could not endure his acts of cruelty and habits of drunkenness. By the near loss of his sight he was unable to engage actively in the War of 1812, but it is recorded that even then he rallied a band of Wyandots to join the forces of Tecumseh. It seems that he and his wife became reconciled, for when General Harrison invaded Canada, in pursuit of Proctor, Girty fled from his home on the Detroit River, but his wife remained and was not molested. After the American-British peace of 1816, Girty returned to his farm home, where he died February 18, 1818, and was buried on his own premises. The funeral service was attended by a squad of British soldiers which fired a salute over his grave. His youngest son Prideaux was once a candidate for the Canadian Parliament, but was defeated. He became a man of some affairs, finally moved to Ohio and died in this state. All of Simon's children were of good reputation and married. But Thomas died before his father and left three children. Simon's widow died in 1852. Oliver M. Spencer, taken prisoner when a boy in 1792, saw Simon Girty and the Indian Chief Blue Jacket at Defiance, and describes Girty as follows: "He had dark, shaggy hair, low forehead; his contracting brows meeting above his short nose; his gray, sunken eyes averted one's gaze; his lips were thin and compressed, and the dark and sinister expression of his countenance, to me seemed the very picture of a villain. He wore the Indian costume, but without any ornament; and his silk handkerchief, while it supplied the place of a hat, hid an unsightly wound in his forehead. On each side in his belt was stuck a silver mounted pistol, and at his left hung a short, broad dirk, TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 201 serving occasionally the use of a knife. He made of me many inquiries; some about my family and the particulars of my captivity; but more of the strength of the different garrisons; the number of American troops at Fort Washington, and whether the President intended soon to Send another army against the Indians. He spoke of the wrongs he had received at the hands of his countrymen, and with fiendish exultation of the revenge he had taken. He boasted of his exploits, of the number of his victories, and of his personal prowess." The deep cut in Girty's forehead is said to have been inflicted by the Indian chief Brandt in a drunken brawl, but Simon claimed it was a sabre wound received in the Indian battle with St. Clair and that he had dispatched the Yankee officer who made it. Girty's great concern was that he might at some time be captured by the Americans, and he always on opportunity asked about his probable fate if taken. One of the last accounts of Simon Girty is from a Mr. Daniel, shortly before the renegade's death. "On a visit to Malden (Canada) I put up at a hotel kept by a Frenchman. In the bar-room I noticed a gray-headed and blind old man. The landlady, about thirty years old and daughter of the proprietor, said : 'Do you know who that is?' On my reply being 'No' she said, 'It is Simon Girty.' He had lost his sight four years before that." James Girty in 1782 established a trading post at the head of the St. Marys River where the portage or trail led from—site of present town of St. Marys. The year before, he had participated in his last raid against the Americans. When he built his post, there was an Indian village at that point and it became known as Girty's Town. His wife was a Shawnee squaw known as Betsy. He had a monopoly of the trade throughout the surrounding section and prospered. The outlet for his furs and peltry was down the Maumee River to Detroit. At times the position of James was not secure and on several occasions he packed his goods for flight and finally when General. Harmar's army came north, he moved his stock in trade to the site of now Defiance where he occupied a log cabin. At the approach of General Wayne in 1794, he hurriedly moved his goods to Canada by way of the Maumee River.. After Wayne left he returned to the Maumee region again, but with fewer Indians, his trade was not profitable and he passed up to Canada again, locating at a town called Gosfield. Girty's Island in the Maumee River is named for him from the fact that his last Ohio country trading post was on 202 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY the west river bank, near that island. While he had the cruelty of the Girty blood, he was not intemperate. He took no, part in the War of 1812 and died April 15th, 1817, his wife passing on before him. Two children, James and Ann, survived them. George Girty as before stated, after the battle of Blue Licks returned to the Mad River section. He married a Delaware squaw and his career is lost in his close association with the Indians. But it is known that he died in a drunken carousal in the cabin of James, his brother, near Fort Wayne. Chronologically this narrative left off with the first siege of Fort Henry to touch upon the exploits of Daniel Boone. Again in speaking of the renegades, it was considered proper to treat of these characters in topical form and follow them through thei career. And now from Fort Henry the expedition of Georg Rogers Clark is reached. CHAPTER XXIV GEORGE ROGERS CLARK'S CONQUEST OF THE WEST HIS OWN STORY—PATRICK HENRY APPROVED CLARK'S PLANS—HIS START FROM RED STONE—REACHES FORT MASSAC—CAPTURE OF KASKASKIA —AID OF FATHER GIBAULT—CAPTAIN HELM OCCUPIES VINCENNESCLARK PACIFIES THE INDIANS—ATTEMPT AT CLARK'S CAPTURE--NEWS OF CLARK'S CONQUEST— BRITISH USE OF INDIANS—HAMILTON STARTS FOR VINCENNES— SURRENDER OF VINCENNES TO HAMILTON —CLARK STARTS FOR VINCENNES—GREAT DIFFICULTIES OF HIS MARCH—CLARK ATTACKS FORT SACKVILLE—SURRENDER OF HAMILTON—CREATION OF ILLINOIS COUNTY. There were four critical events in the history of the western country, the termination of any one of which was of vital importance to American Independence. Of the Revolutionary period in the then West, the battle of Point Pleasant, 1774, between the Americans under General Lewis and the Indians directed by Chief Cornstalk was the first; the conquest of Gen. George Rogers Clark and the capture of Vincennes was the second; and Wayne's battle of Fallen Timbers, 1794, was the third. The fourth event concerns the western operations of the War of 1812. This account of Clark's conquest is taken largely from his own story written at the request of James Madison of Virginia between 1789 and 1791 and the original manuscript is now preserved in the Wisconsin Historical Library at Madison. The narrative of Clark is told in a style which at times makes its meaning vague and the penmanship is difficult to decipher. Hence one reason for its unfamiliarity. It has remained to Mr. Milo M. Quaife,* secretary and editor of the Burton Historical Collections of the Detroit Public Library, to decipher and "translate" some of its doubtful meanings with great and conscientious labor and put it in a form to make it available to the general reader. His "Capture of Old 'Vincennes" published by the Bobbs-Merrill Company, Indianapolis, Copyrighted and used here by their permission, as is the story of Hamilton, is a priceless production and should be in every public and school library and read by every American. The quotations are largely as written by Mr. Quaife in his valuable production. *Author of "Wisconsin, Its History and Its People," S. J. Clarke Pub. Co., Chicago. 203 204 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY As history has noted, the posts at Detroit, Mackinac, Vincennes, Kaskaskia and Cahokia were built by French fur traders to house their stock of goods and as a refuge in times of danger. When the English replaced the French, most of these places were strengthened and enlarged and became formidable works of defense. The locations of all these posts are well known to the general reader, except perhaps two, Cahokia at the mouth of Cahokia Creek, about four miles below and opposite St. Louis, and Kaskaskia on the Kaskaskia River (Illinois) six miles from its entrance to the Mississippi. England coveted this vast western region as a part of her domain; and while the Americans appreciated the dangers confronting them as to its loss, it remained to the intrepid George Rogers Clark, then only twenty-six years old, but with the genius of a "courageous general and the mind of a farseeing statesman" to formulate plans and by their miraculous execution, rescue that territory to the Americans, never to be surrendered. All he asked was a sufficient military force, with which he planned to descend the Ohio River, proceed to Kaskaskia and march on to Detroit, capturing the British occupied posts each in turn in his advance. As Clark relates, the first settlers of now Kentucky at Harrodsburg in 1774, were compelled to abandon their enterprise on account of the war with the Shawnees (under Cornstalk). They marched through the wilderness and joined the army of Gen. Andrew Lewis, and in the spring of 1775, returned to the possession of their town. In the meantime, Col. Richard Henderson, who was by the way an associate of Daniel Boone, had made his celebrated land "purchase" of Kentucky from the Cherokees, established himself, and opened a land office at Boonesborough. It was at this period that Clark with only the education of the ordinary pioneer, but a born leader of men, a diplomat, fearless, intelligent and far-seeing in matters of state, "concerned himself about the interests of hi's country." There were conflicting claims regarding land titles that were likely to work serious internal disputes. There were many opinions concerning Henderson's claim. Some thought it good and others questioned the rights of Virginia there. To show Clark's diplomacy, he conceived the idea of assembling the settlers and having them select delegates to proceed to the Virginia capital and treat with the authorities concerning the Kentucky situation. "If suitable conditions were obtained, we would declare ourselves citizens of the state, if not TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 205 we would form an independent government and by giving away a large part of the lands and making other disposition of the balance, we could not only gain a large number of inhabitants, but in a large measure give them protection." To put his great idea into effect, Clark on his own initiative called a meeting of the settlers at Harrodsburg, to be held June 6, 1776. To further show his diplomacy, he simply gave out the information that at this gathering of the people, matters would come up of much importance to their interests, without stating the specific subject to be discussed. He did this for the reason that should he state in advance what he proposed to offer he feared that in small gatherings where the issue would be debated, there might be a division of opinion among the settlers that would result in friction; and also that by this method their curiosity would be aroused as to what was to take place, thus assuring a larger attendance. Clark himself and one other were selected by this democratic gathering and lost no time in starting to Williamsburg before the Assembly should adjourn ; and besides they did not wish to remain away long, being apprehensive that the Indians "stirred up by the British" might make an attack on Harrodsburg, and the place, therefore, must be put in a state of defense. Before arriving at the capital they learned the Assembly had adjourned. Continuing, Clark recites in detail the situation generally, as to the Indian raids into Kentucky, all of which brought to mind the idea of his expedition into the West. He eventually dispatched two young hunters, S. Moore and B. Linn, (who later became lieutenants with Clark) to the Illinois country as spies, who returned safely with full information as to the situation there. Late in December, 1777, Clark visited Williamsburg and laid the plans for his project before Gov. Patrick Henry and his advisors, Thomas Jefferson, George Wythe and George Mason. The governor and council entered so warmly into the enterprise that Clark had little trouble in getting matters adjusted and on January 2nd following received his instructions. The Continental army had drained the governmental resources in money and men, but Virginia, which claimed a large portion of this western country to be invaded, through the Assembly and Governor Henry, gave Clark authority to raise seven companies of fifty men each and commissioned him colonel. He also received twelve hundred pounds sterling for the use of the expedition, and an order on the authorities at Pittsburg, for boats, ammunition, etc. Finding from the gov- 206 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY ernor's conversation on the subject that he did not wish implicit attention to all his instructions should circumstances requir otherwise, Clark set out January 4, 1778, as he says: "Clothe with all the authority I could wish." In fact it was in a measur Clark's private enterprise and his men were to be enrolled a militia exclusively from the frontiers west of the Blue Ridge in order not to weaken the sea coast territory in their struggle against the British there. However, in case of success, each private volunteer was to be awarded three hundred acres of lam and officers a greater tract in proportion, out of the lands tha might be conquered, then in possession of the Indians. *"Being now," continues Clark, "in the country where all m: arrangements were to be made, I appointed Capt. William Har rod and many other officers to the recruiting service and con tracted for flour and other necessary stores. General Hand who then commanded at Pittsburg, promised a supply of the article for which I had orders. I received word from Capt. Leonard Helm that several gentlemen in his section were endeavoring to counteract his efforts at recruiting, saying no such service was known to the Assembly. In consequence he had to send to the governor to have his conduct ratified. I also encountered opposi tion to our enterprise in the country around Pittsburg, where the people were violently divided into parties over the territorial claims of Virginia and Pennsylvania. As my real instruction were kept secret, and only an instrument prepared by the governor designedly for deception and directing me to raise men for the defense of Kentucky was made public, many men of both parties considered it injurious to the public interest to draw off men at so critical a moment for defense of a few detached inhabitant; that had better be removed." And on the one hand, there was ground for caution by Clark against weakening the colonial cause in the East, for it was at one of the darkest periods. Philadelphia after Howe's success at Brandywine September 11, 1777, was in possession of the British, and the clash at Germantown later, was more discouraging. Washington had just passed through his harrowing experiences at Valley Forge, and Congress had taken refuge at York, Pennsylvania. Meeting with several disappointments, it was late in May, 1778, before Clark could leave Red Stone on the Monongahela River, with three companies of men and a considerable number of *The material in quotation marks is the language of the story of Mr. Quaife as written from Clark's manuscript. TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 207 families and private adventurers. Thwaites in his story gives this description : "They were a rough and for the most part unlettered folk, these Virginia backwoodsmen. * * * There was of course no attempt among them at military uniform, officers in no wise being distinguished from men. The conventional dress of the eighteenth century borders was an adaptation to local conditions, being in part borrowed from the Indians. Their feet were encased in moccasins. Perhaps a majority of the corps had loose, thin trousers of homespun or buckskin, with a fringe of leather thongs down each outer seam of the legs; but many wore Only leggins of leather and were as bare of knee and thigh as a Highland clansman; indeed many of the pioneers were Scotch-Irish, some of whom had been accustomed to this airy costume in the motherland. Common to all were fringed hunting shirts or smocks, generally of buckskin—a picturesque, flowing garment reaching from neck to knees, and girded about the waist by a leather belt, from which dangled the tomahawk and scalping-knife. On one hip hung the carefully scraped powder-horn ; on the other a leather sack, serving both as game-bag and provision-pouch, although often the folds of the shirt, full and ample above the belt, were the depository for food and ammunition. A broad-brimmed felt hat, or a cap of fox-skin or squirrel-skin, with the tail dangling behind, crowned the often tall and always sinewy frontiersman. His constant companion was his home-made flintlock rifle, a clumsy, heavy weapon, so long that it reached to the chin of the tallest man, but unerring in the hands of an expert marksman, such as was each of these backwoodsmen." Taking on his stores at Pittsburg and Wheeling, Clark with only about one hundred and fifty men formed into the three companies, proceeded cautiously in flat boats down the Ohio River. At the mouth of the Great Kanawha Captain Arbuckle, the commandant, informed Clark that two hundred and fifty Indians had warmly attacked his post the day before and wounded a few of his men and had then directed their course towards Green-briar. Further on his way, Clark was joined by Capt. James O'Hara. Clark learned that but one company of Major Smith's troops, that of Captain Dillard, had as yet arrived in Kentucky. This alarmed him and he feared the disappointment would prove fatal to his expedition. He wrote a letter to Colonel Bowman telling the latter of his intentions to place a garrison at the Falls of the Ohio (Louisville) and that he "had an object in view of the greatest importance to the country" (Clark had as yet not 208 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY revealed the plans for his expedition). He urged Colonel Bowman to meet him at the Falls with all the available troops recruited by Major Smith and what militia could safely be spared from the different posts. The commander then moved on to the Ohio Falls and inspected various sites available for a fortification. Reflecting that his secret instructions from Governor Henry were yet unknown to his own men and officers, and not knowing the consequences when they should be divulged, Clark wished to have everything as secure as possible when he was joined by the balance of his forces. He therefore took possession of "Corn Island" of seven acres (opposite the site of Louisville), fortified it and in June divided the island into gardens for the families that had followed his troops. He found these families to be a real help in a way, as they occasioned but little expense and with the invalids could hold the post until a garrison would be able to take up their position on the mainland—which they did later on. Clark's instructions after he had passed to Illinois. This post says Clark, "was one of the chief causes of the settlement of Kentucky." The people on the Monongahela had learned of the post from messengers dispatched by Clark. Upon the arrival of Colonel Bowman with part of the militia and several men of that section of Kentucky, including Simon Kenton, the forces all told were much less in number than was hoped for. The Indians the while continued their raids in that territory and spurred on by the British, their numbers along the Ohio steadily increased. This caused Clark to hesitate to leave the Kentucky posts depleted by the members of his expedition. A division into still smaller numbers would hazard the situation of both of them. It was finally decided to take only one complete company from Kentucky and a part of one other, supposing that those men would be replaced by troops yet expected from Major Smith. This arrangement was almost the unanimous opinion of all and while the soldiers with. Clark regretted that the post could not be left secure beyond question, they were, most of them, willing to proceed westward. A few were alarmed at being taken so far into the enemy's country. Clark kept spies continually among his men on the island and some dissatisfaction was discovered in Captain Dillard's company. The boats were, therefore, all secured and guards were stationed at points where there was a probability of men wading from the island. Despite this caution a lieutenant not named but of whom Clark had held a good opinion, while in swimming TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 209 during the day, discovered 'the channel opposite their camp might be waded. Before the following daybreak he and the greater number of the company, gained the island bank and crossed to the Kentucky shore before being discovered. Taking the horses belonging to the men from Harrodsburg, Clark ordered a strong party to pursue the deserters, the "foot and horse" to relieve each other. They were ordered to "put to death every man they could who would not surrender." In about twenty miles they overhauled the fleeing party, which on discovering their pursuers, scattered in the woods and only seven or eight were taken. Those who escaped made their way to the various posts; many of whom not being woodsmen, almost perished. The lieutenant and the few men who kept with him, after great suffering from hunger and fatigue arrived at Harrodsburg. Hearing of his conduct, it was some time before the settlers would allow him to enter their homes or feed him. On the return of the pursuing party to camp, the soldiers hung and burned the lieutenant's effigy. All was now in readiness as far as possible for the great wilderness plunge. After spending a day in visiting with their Kentucky friends who were to remain behind, the latter "returned to the defense of their county" says Clark, "and we in search of new adventures." The day of departure was June 24. They proceeded in their boats up the Ohio about a mile to gain the main channel and "shot the falls the very moment the sun was under a great eclipse, which caused conjectures on the part of the superstitious among us." Knowing that spies were watching the river below the Illinois towns, Clark planned to proceed a part of the way by land. Therefore, he left behind all baggage "except enough to equip the men after the Indian fashion." The force, after leaving behind those who were judged unequal to the journey, consisted of four companies, respectively under Captains Bowman, Montgomery, Helm and Harrod—a little less than two hundred active men. Vincennes was known to be a town of considerable strength, had four hundred militia with Indian towns adjoining and Indians always lurking in the forest. In this situation on account of his small force, Clark changed his plan of attacking Vincennes, first going against the smaller, scattered villages. He considered this less risk in being overpowered by the Indians. In case of necessity he could probably make good his retreat to the Spanish side of the Mississippi; and if successful in the smaller villages, the chances then were more favorable for taking possession of Vin- 210 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY cennes. "I was well aware of the fact," he continues, "that the French inhabitants of these western settlements had great influence over the Indians, by whom they were more beloved than any other Europeans. I knew also that their commercial intercourse extended throughout the entire western and northwestern country, while the governing interest on the Great Lakes was chiefly in the hands of the English, who were not popular with the natives. These reflections, along with others of similar import, determined me to strengthen myself, if possible, by adopting such a course of conduct as would tend to attach the whole French and Indian population to our interests and give us influence beyond the limits of the country which constituted the objective of our campaign." It was at this time that Clark received papers from Colonel (John) Campbell at Pittsburgh, giving him the contents of the treaty between France and America. (Treaty of alliance.) With the idea of leaving the Ohio at Fort Massac on the north side of the river and about four miles below the mouth of the Tennessee, Clark landed on a small island at the mouth of that river to prepare for his land journey. A party of hunters under one John Duff coming down the river was hailed by Clark's men, They were originally from the east, had been at Kaskaskia and gave Clark valuable information about that post. The hunters informed Clark that Governor Edward Abbott (British) who had built Fort Sackville at Vincennes, had recently left the latter place for Detroit. Philip Rocheblave (a Frenchman, but in the British service) was in command at Kaskaskia. The hunters further told Clark that the forces at Kaskaskia were in good condition, that spies were watching the Mississippi and that all hunters were told to keep close watch on the rebels (Americans). Should they receive timely notice of Clark's approach, it was thought that he would be given a lively reception; for the people at the fort had been taught to entertain horrible ideas of the barbarity of the rebels, especially the Virginians. The hunters asked permission to join Clark as guides, their offer was accepted and they proved of valuable assistance. Clark was pleased with the opinion the inhabitants held of the barbarity of his followers and proceed to make capital of it. Proceeding a little nearer Fort Massac the expeditionary fore concealed their boats and in a northwesterly direction, took up their march. While the weather was favorable, both water and game, in some places being scarce, the men suffered some fro lack of these necessaries. TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 211 July 4th, in the evening, they arrived within a few miles of Kaskaskia where Clark threw out scouts in advance and halted until nearly dark. Advancing they took possession of a house occupied by a large family on the bank of the Kaskaskia River, about three-quarters of a mile above the town. Clark obtained from the man of the house, boats sufficient to carry his forces across the river where he formed them in three divisions. He wished to get possession of the place with as little disturbance as possible, "but if necessary at the loss of the whole town. If I met with no resistance, at a certain signal a general shout was to be given and a certain part of the town was to be seized immediately, while men from each detachment who were able to talk French were to run through the streets proclaiming what had happened and informing the townsmen to remain in their houses on pain of being shot down." The people of Kaskaskia were in the most part made up of French, who were its first settlers in the early times of French discovery—they were French, Creoles and Indians. His plans says Clark "produced the desired effect and within a short time we were in possession of the town." While there was great silence among the townsmen, the troops of Clark kept up the greatest possible din throughout every quarter. Within two hours all the inhabitants were disarmed and informed that should anyone attempt to escape they would be put to death. "Rocheblave (the commander of the post) was secured, but some time elapsed before he could be got out of his room. I suppose he delayed to tell his wife what disposition to make of his public papers, but few of which were secured by us. Since his chamber was not entered during the night, she had ample opportunity to dispose of them, but how she did it, we could never learn. I do not suppose she put them in her trunks, although we never examined them. From the idea she entertained of us, she must have expected the loss even of her clothes." Several writers have given out in their description of the capture of Kaskaskia that in a large room in the stockade there was an elaborate ball in progress. While Clark omits such a scene, Roosevelt in his "Winning of the West" describes such an event as follows: "Inside the fort the lights were lit and through the windows came the sounds of violins. The officers of the post had given a ball, and the mirthloving creoles, young men and girls, were dancing and revelling within, while the sentinels had left their posts. One of his captives showed Clark a postern-gate by 212 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY the river-side and through this he entered the fort, having placed his men around about at the entrance. Advancing to the great hall where the revel was held, he leaned silently with folded arms against the door-post, looking at the dancers. An Indian, lying on the floor of the entry, gazed intently on the stranger's face as the light from the torches within flickered across it, and suddenly sprang to his feet uttering the unearthly warhoop. Instantly the dancing ceased ; the women screamed, while the men ran towards the door. But Clark, standing unmoved and with unchanged face, grimly bade them continue their dancing, but to remember that they now danced under Virginia and not Great Britain: At the same time his men burst into the fort and seized the French officers." Roosevelt claims Clark verbally related this scene to Maj. Ebenezer Denny, but Roosevelt has been criticized severely for this apparent fiction, which sounds, however, as if it might have some foundation. Clark secured little early information, but ascertained that several of the inhabitants were inclined towards the American cause; that a large number of Indians were in the vicinity of Cahokia sixty miles away; that Jean Gabriel Cerre a famous merchant of Illinois during the British regime and a staunch enemy of the Americans, had left Kaskaskia a few days previous with a large stock of furs, going to Quebec by way of Michilimackinac, from where he had returned to Kaskaskia; and that he was then in St. Louis, the Spanish capital, but that his wife was still in the town, together with a large supply of goods that would be of use to Clark's men. By the attitude of many of the inhabitants toward Cerre, Clark not knowing it at the time, believed that this merchant was a man of importance and that he had enemies who were indebted to him and who took this method of avoiding payment. Clark sensed that while Cerre was bitter against the Americans, could he win the merchant's friendship, it would be a great strike in aid of his cause. Clark's description of his success in this is fully told in his story as delineated by Mr. Quaife in his book on the "Capture of Vincennes," and is most interesting. To begin with, Clark had a guard stationed at Cerre's house and caused his stores to be sealed along with others. By the morning of July 5, Richard Winston and Daniel Murray, two merchants at Kaskaskia who proved friends to the American cause and gave them important aid, provided plenty of provisions TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 213 for Clark's forces and fed them well. In the situation, every man was forbidden to converse with the inhabitants. In the course of the day Father Pierre Gibault of Canada, who had come to the Illinois country as vicar-general and whose field included all the French settlements of the Illinois section and the Wabash, obtained permission, together with "five or six elderly gentlemen," to call on Clark. When they entered the room where the commander and his officers were sitting, they were evidently greatly shocked by the dirty, bedraggled appearance of the Americans, who had left all extra clothing at the Ohio River, and being "almost naked and torn by the bushes and briars, presented a savage aspect." After recovering from their surprise sufficiently to proceed, and being asked what they desired, Father Gibault asked which was the commander. Being informed, he stated that as the townsmen expected to be separated, "never perhaps to meet again," they had selected him to petition for permission to spend some time in the church taking leave of each other. Here, Clark says, "I knew that they supposed their very religion to be obnoxious to us, I carelessly told him, therefore, that I had nothing to say about his church and he might go there if he pleased; if he did, he was to tell the people not to leave the town." Clark says further that the whole populace seemed to assemble in the church. The infants were carried along, and the houses for the most part were deserted, with the exception of a few who seemed careless as to how matters turned out. Clark now issued an order preventing the soldiers from entering the houses. Quoting Clark at this important juncture as Mr. Quaife writes it: "The people remained some time in church, and on breaking up, the priest (Father Gibault) and many of the principle citizens came to thank me for the indulgence shown them, and to beg permission to address me further on a subject dearer to them than all things else. They stated that their present situation was the fate of war and they were reconciled to the loss of their property; but they hoped I would not part them from their families, and that the women and children might keep some of their clothes and a small quantity of provisions, that they might support themselves by their industry. Their entire conduct had been influenced by their commandants, whom they had felt obliged to obey, and they were not much acquainted with the American war, as they had had little opportunity to inform themselves. Many of them, however, had expressed themselves as strongly in 214 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY favor of the Americans as they had dared * * * I now asked them very abruptly whether they thought they were addressing a savage. I told them that from the tenor of their conversation I was sure they did. Did they suppose we meant to strip the women and children or take the bread out of their mouths? Or that we should condescend to make war on women and children or the church? I informed them that it was to prevent the effusion of innocent blood by the Indians, instigated thereto by their (British) commandants and enemies, and not the prospect of plunder, that had caused us to visit them. As soon as this object was obtained we would be perfectly satisfied; and as the king of France had joined the Americans (this information affected them very visibly) it was probable the war would shortly come to an end. They were at liberty to take whichever side they pleased without danger of losing their property or having their families distressed. As for their church, all religions would be tolerated in America, and so far were we from meddling with it, that any one who offered insult to it would be punished by me. To convince them we were not savages and plunderers, as they had conceived us to be, they might return to their families and tell them to conduct themselves as usual with entire freedom and without any apprehension of danger. * * * Their friends who were in confinement would be released immediately and the guards with; drawn from every part of the town except the house of Cerre." Clark now turned his attention towards Cahokia. He ordered Major Bowman to procure horses from the town to mount his own company and part of another, and to take with him a few of the Kaskaskia townsmen, to "inform their friends what had hap= pened," and proceed to Cahokia and gain possession of that post. The French townsmen to take the trip were much pleased at the suggestion that they be armed and commanded by their former militia officers, and with their addition, Colonel Bowman had a force equal to that of Clark when he first arrived. The mode of taking possession of this town and the scenes on the arrival of the invaders was much the same as had occurred at Kaskaskia. Major Bowman told the people not to be alarmed; that resistance was out of the question and he would convince them that he would prefer their friendship to their hostility. He was given authority to declare to them that they were at liberty to become free Americans as their friends at Kaskaskia had done. Any who did not wish to adopt this course could leave the country; except such as had been engaged in inciting the Indians to war. TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 215 "Cries of liberty and freedom, and huzzahs for the Americans rang through the whole town. The gentlemen from Kaskaskia circulated among their friends and in a few hours all was amicably arranged, and Major Bowman was snugly quartered in the old British fort." All the inhabitants cheerfully took the oath of allegiance and Bowman set his men to repairing the fort; established internal police, and by July 8th had matters agreeably settled. The villages adjacent followed the example of Kaskaskia and Cahokia, and as no inquiry had been made in regard to those encouraging the Indians to hostility, within a few days the country seemed to be in harmony and quiet. While Clark himself was too busy to indulge in the pleasure himself, friendly correspondence began between his men and the Spanish over the Mississippi, which added to the betterment of the situation. As Clark accumulated information, he was astonished at the extent to which the British had gone and the money they had expended in inciting the Indians against the Americans. "They had sent emissaries to every tribe throughout that vast country, even bringing the denizens of Lake Superior by water to Detroit and there outfitting them for war. The sound of war was universal, there being scarcely a nation among them but what had declared and received the bloody hatchet." Clark found it was of supreme importance that they gain Vincennes and this now became his object. But "realizing that all the forces we had, joined by every man in. Kentucky, would not be able to take the place by force of arms," he resolved upon other means—diplomacy, at which he displayed most remarkable ability, He of course realized that the Indians were the great factor to be won over, but he wished the proposition of peace to come from them instead of being made by himself. Consequently he arranged that an interview with the savages be made "through the agency of French gentlemen" in order to "assume the impression of carelessness." In all the communications Clark wrote, he gave out the impression that his headquarters were still at the Falls of Ohio, in order to spread the idea that the troops he had with him were merely an advance detachment and that his main army was at the Falls of Ohio where it was fortifying itself, and that large reinforcements were daily expected, when war would be begun, or continued. His communications and letters were headed something like this : "Headquarters Western American Army, Falls of Ohio, Illinois Detachment," or "Illinois Detachment 216 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY Western American Army." Every man was instructed to talk in this strain and indeed many of his own men believed Clark's plan was something like this, else they would have hesitated to take the western journey. The commander now inquired specifically into the manner the people had been governed heretofore, and found that the system had been as rigid as under martial law. To make capital of this, he made every possible move to give the people an example of free government as "enjoyed by any American citizen." He caused a court of civil judicature, elected by the people, to be established at Cahokia. Major Bowman astonished the people by calling an election for magistracy, and they elected him the judge of the court. Similar courts were established at Kaskaskia, and later at Vincennes. This sort of procedure gave Clark almost supreme control over the people who in certain cases appealed to him as the highest authority. At this point Clark in his story takes up again his dealings with the merchant Jean Cerre who was preparing to leave St. Louis for Canada. The interesting details of how he won over the merchant to the Americans can be found in Mr. Quaife's book on Vincennes. Cerre denied that he had ever attempted to turn the Indians against the Americans and his support of Clark became very valuable. But Clark's principal objective was Vincennes. Kaskaskia had no more than been secured, before he sent Simon Kenton and two other spies to learn the military situation there. Further, he had no doubt of the fidelity of Father Gibault to the Americans and knew that the priest had great influence over the people. Vincennes being under his jurisdiction Clark sent for him and they had a long conference. Father Gibault did not think it was necessary for Clark to have any military preparations made at the Falls for an attack on Vincennes, although the place was strong and there was a large force of Indians in that section. He confirmed the report that Governor Abbott had gone to Detroit a few weeks previous, and believed that when the inhabitants should fully understand what had happened at the Illinois and the satisfaction and happiness of their friends there, and further when fully acquainted with the nature of the war, their attitude and sentiments would undergo a great change. He felt sure that his presence there would have great influence even among the Indians. Should it be agreeable to Clark he would take the matter up himself, and he had no doubt of being able to "bring the place over to the American interests without my being put to the trou- TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 217 ble of marching troops against it." The Father's business being of a spiritual character, it was his desire that another person should be in charge of the temporal work of the embassy, and named Dr. Jean Baptiste Laffont, who proved to be of great assistance as his associate. But Gibault promised that he would "privately direct the whole undertaking." On July 14 they set out for Vincennes, taking with them a large number of letters from their friends to the inhabitants. Governor Abbott's letters to Rocheblave at Kaskaskia had satisfied Clark that the inhabitants at Vincennes were warmly attached to the American cause. The people at Vincennes, therefore, naturally supposing that Abbott's communications to Rocheblave had been seized by Clark, would the more cordially verify Abbott's statements and be more friendly if led to suppose he had written in that style. Father Gibault and party with Simon Kenton as scout arrived at Vincennes safely. After spending a day or two in explaining matters to the people, they universally acceded to the proposal (except for a few Europeans who had been left there by Mr. Abbott and who immediately left the country) and went in a body to the Church, where the oath of allegiance was administered to them in the most solemn manner. "A commander was chosen and the fort immediately taken possession of and the American flag displayed, to the great astonishment of the Indians." The inhabitants of Vincennes now assumed the air of American freemen. They talked in a different style, and with the United States garrison at hand their attitude and language toward the Indians was also altered. "They informed the latter that their Father the King of France had come to life again and that he had joined the Big Knives (Americans) and was angry at the Indians for fighting, for the English. They advised the Indians to make peace with the Americans as soon as possible; otherwise they might expect the land to be deluged with blood." With such advice cast at them by their ancient friends the French of the Wabash and Illinois, the savages throughout the tribes began to reflect upon it seriously. Without the possession of Vincennes Clark's campaign would be a failure and possibly disastrous. He was therefore greatly elated when, about August 1st Father Gibault accompanied by several of the Virginians brought him the joyful news of their complete success there. Clark's troops had been enlisted only for the time necessary to reduce these posts. In the emergency he took upon himself the authority of reenlistments in a new mili- 9-VOL. 1 218 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY tary organization. He also appointed French resident officers to enroll a company of young Frenchmen, established a garrison at Cahokia with Captain Bowman as commander and another at Kaskaskia under now Capt. John Williams. Col. William Linn, who had acted as a private in the march of the expedition, took charge of a detachment who were to be discharged on their return to the Falls of the Ohio, and Clark sent orders for the removal of the post there to the mainland. He dispatched Capt. John Montgomery with letters to Governor Henry at the Virginia seat of government, who also conducted there Mr. Rocheblave. "The principles of this gentleman were so fixed that it was quite unsuitable to permit him to remain in the Illinois." Here Quaife quotes Clark as follows: "Rocheblave's wife had taken away all her furniture and other property; all but a few of her slaves who were detained by us to be sold as plunder for the benefit of the soldiers. The sale did not take place for some time, as the officers generally wished the slaves to be returned to Mrs. Rocheblave, and were in hopes that the men might be induced to agree to this, Many of them were men of sentiment, and while the credit from such a course would be considerable, the amount of money each would receive would be small. The desired result was in a fair way to take place, when some of the officers were requested to invite Mr. Rocheblave (I had confined him in his room to protect him from the soldiers, as he seemed to take delight in insulting them at every opportunity, and I was afraid some of them might harm him) to spend the evening at a certain house with a number of his acquaintances. He accepted the invitation, but at the gathering he abused them in a most intolerable manner, calling them rebels and other similar names." On account of the attitude of this Britisher, "all sentiment was cast aside, his slaves were sold and the proceeds amounting to some one thousand five hundred pounds were divided among the men." Clark through Colonel Montgomery acquainted Governor Henry of his situation and intentions and reminded him of the necessity of sending reinforcements and also some proper person to act as civil governor. Turning his attention to Vincennes, he recognized the necessity of having an American commandant there and selected Capt, Leonard Helm for the position, who was past middle age and experienced with matters pertaining to the savages. He also gave Helm the further duties of Indian agent for the department of the Wabash and the new commander set out for Vincennes about the middle of August. TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 219 A Piankashaw chief known as "Tobacco's Son" lived in a village adjoining Vincennes. He was called by the Indians "the Grand Door to the Wabash," as nothing of importance could be taken up by the league in that section without his consent. In dealing with this chief, who was the Pontiac of the west, Clark displayed great diplomacy, and for this story and the interesting details as to how Clark won over the Indian tribes, the reader is referred again to Mr. Quaife's Vincennes. Clark in speaking of his manner of negotiating with the Indians, stressed his opinion that the Americans had used the wrong methods in approaching the savages and in making treaties with them; for in this regard he says: "The treaties we made during the three or four weeks beginning the last of August (at Cahokia) were negotiated in a different fashion, probably than any others in America prior to that time. I had always been convinced that our general conduct of Indian affairs was wrong. Inviting them to treaties was considered by them in a different manner than we realized; they imputed it to fear on our part, and the giving of valuable presents confirmed them in this opinion. I resolved, therefore, to guard against this. I took great pains to acquaint myself with the French and Spanish methods of treating with the Indians." ' In other words, Clark reversed the order and required the Indians to make the opening arguments or speeches in the debates; made them the petitioning party and would later make known his terms and answer—a psychological method of conveying the idea of strength and power. Clark continually kept spies among the tribes and noted that most of them kept their agreements. The situation became so favorable that he could send a single soldier to any part of the Wabash and Illinois country with safety; and during the fall (1788) all the Indians came in to treat with the Americans, either at Cahokia or Vincennes. Every method was employed to convince the French that the Americans were studying their best interests with a view of bettering their conditions. All disagreeable restrictions were removed, and business with the commanding officers and through the courts, which held weekly sessions, was carried on with as little formality as possible. This produced a good effect upon the French on the lakes, and many traders came in from that section and settled in the Illinois country and at Vincennes. With it all, the friendly correspondence between the Americans and the Spaniards across the Mississippi had its influ- 220 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY ence for good, as everything the Indians heard from them was favorable to Clark's cause. With all that happened there were of course disturbing incidents, one being the rash attempt of two Indians who had been influenced to the scheme by "some bad men from Mackinac who had put it into their heads" to murder Clark, and were frustrated in their plans by the watchful sentinels about Clark's quarters. Clark also tells a long but most interesting story concerning a chief known as "Big Gate" who was a lad when Pontiac besieged Detroit. He was given the odd name because he shot a man, upon an occasion, standing at a gate. By the commander's diplomacy he was won over to the American cause and thereafter held his loyalty. After his treaty making at Cahokia, Clark himself returned to Kaskaskia. With matters in fairly good condition, the little body of brave Americans had a short respite from their arduous duties. But their good feelings did not last long. Clark had first entered Kaskaskia July 4th. It was five weeks after the event that Governor Hamilton at Detroit heard that the Americans were in the Illinois country. This showed the precautions Clark had taken to prevent the news of his operations being spread to the enemy. Even then the Britisher did not know who the "rebels" were or where they came from. His information came through a French missionary who arrived at Detroit August 8th, with the announcement that rebels had invaded the Illinois country, captured Kaskaskia, Cahokia and some smaller posts and were advancing upon Vincennes. Hamilton dispatched the news to Captain de Peyster at Michilimackinac, to Lieutenant-Colonel Boulton at Niagara, and to Gov. Guy Carleton at Quebec. Neither did Hamilton learn of the French-American treaty until long after the information reached Clark. Taking up Clark's own story again, he tells about receiving information from Captain Helm at Vincennes that the British had sent a commissioner to Ouiatenon (now Lafayette, Ind.) with a supply of goods as presents to win over to them again the Indians in that quarter. Clark authorized Helm to select a small party to proceed to Ouiatenon and either capture the British agent or drive him away. Helm gave out that his party was simply going to pay a visit to some of their friends up the Wabash and the French merchants with the party traded with the Indians along the way, "while Captain Helm addressed them upon public affairs." The detachment did not display any hostile intentions TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 221 until they arrived near the Wea town. They then made all possible speed and entering the fort took as prisoners The Kite and twenty or thirty Chippewa warriors who were in council there. The British agent hearing something of the approach of the party had left for farther up the Wabash before Helm arrived. The Indians had arrived at Ouiatenon just before the Americans, and had been invited there to procure supplies and to conduct or join an expedition against Vincennes, 'but now promised their allegiance to the Big Knives. ( This British agent was M. Celoron, called by Hamilton later, a traitor). "Winter was now approaching," continues Clark's narrative, "and affairs began to take on a more gloomy aspect." He had received no word from the authorities in Virginia, but on the other hand had heard from various sources of a great expedition being organized by the British at Detroit. "Talks had been sent to all the Indian tribes" and an advance had already been made to the Maumee. This was, as Clark supposed for the purpose of giving the American army coming to Detroit from Fort Pitt "a warm reception." This news pleased Clark greatly until he learned that instead of marching upon Detroit, the Am3rican force from Pittsburg "had spent its time parading and building a few posts to facilitate its future designs," which information "came from the Falls of Ohio and disappointed us greatly." This mention by Clark concerned the campaign of General McIntosh from Fort Pitt, backed by Congress with men and money, when McIntosh built Fort Laurens on the Tuscarawas River, and is taken up in this story later. "One Denny," says Clark, "an inhabitant of Cahokia, was seized by Major Bowman for sending by the Indians to his friends in Detroit a letter containing dangerous information. His message was intercepted, and he was tied to the tail of a cart and driven through the town, receiving a lash at every door. He was also branded in the hand for other misdemeanors. This was the first and the severest punishment inflicted by us on any of the inhabitants. It was necessary at this time to convince the people that we were capable of extremes either way, and that the good treatment we had heretofore shown them was due to the principles of the government." By the document captured from Denny, Clark learned enough to make him think that Hamilton's destination might be Illinois instead of towards Pittsburg, although he could not be certain. For some time Clark had received no word from Vincennes. Since 222 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY there had been communication fortnightly, he began to feel that something was wrong. Scouts were sent out, but they did not return and this kept the post at Kaskaskia in a state of suspense. (It proved later that these scouts had been taken by the outposts of Hamilton). Unless Helm had kept back the express on account of high water, Clark began to fear the worst—that Vincennes was in British hands. Delayed by bad weather he finally set out for Cahokia in a snow storm to have a conference with the inhabitants there in case of Hamilton's coming and also to have Cahokia evacuated. On their journey he noticed by tracks in the snow that six or seven men had passed along the road. They proceeded carefully to Prairie du Rocher, twelve miles from Kaskaskia. Here Clark spent the evening with Captain Barbour and after supper the gentlemen and ladies planned a ball in Clark's honor. While the social affair was at its height an express came in to inform the commander that late that evening a party of white men and Indians had come to some negroes who were cutting wood up the Kaskaskia- River and after engaging them in conversation told the negroes that they were with a party of eight hundred men a few miles away and intended to attack the fort that night. The report caused great confusion among the assembly and all eyes were turned upon Clark. They urged him to cross the Mississippi to the Spanish side of the river for protection, saying that the fort (Kaskaskia) must already be invested. Clark laughed at the idea and boldly laid plans to enter Kaskaskia before Hamilton's arrival if possible. Some of Clark's friends proposed one thing and some another. Clark coolly told them that it was the fate of war, thanked them for their solicitation in his interests and said that a good soldier should not be afraid of his life where there was a probability of his doing his country service by venturing it. He expressed the hope that the news would not spoil the happy diversion sooner than was necessary and asked that dancing proceed while the horses were being prepared for the race to Kaskaskia. He "forced them to dance and endeavored to appear as unconcerned as if no such thing was in agitation." This conduct so inspired the young men that many of them started for their horses to share Clark's fate. But choosing to lose no time, the commander declined their offer. He wrote a note on the back of a paper to Captain Bowman at Cahokia, ordering him to come with his company and all the volunteers he could raise. He told Bowman to be cautious, and if he found that he could be of no TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 223 service, he should retreat to Ste. Genevieve and act as circumstances might dictate. Clark dressed his men in the garb of hunters and ordered the express, who had given him the alarm and who was an expert woodsman, to press his horse to the limit, and when he had given out so the scout could proceed faster than the animal, to abandon him. The ground was covered with snow and the moon shone brightly, casting its shadows into myriads of weird shapes and forms. The commander and his men, whenever they came to any woods which might serve as a covert for any enemy, would detour from the road. Clark's idea in dressing his men as woodsmen—"in leggins and capotes, with handkerchiefs tied on their heads," was to leave their horses in case they should find that the enemy had actually invested Kaskaskia, enter their lines and fight with the Indians undistinguished from the English. By this method they hoped to gain a ravine at one of the angles of the fort where there was a small sally port. Here they proposed to make themselves known. Fortunately, no enemy was in sight when Clark and his men arrived at Kaskaskia. The commander here goes into details as to how he subjected the townspeople to the situation and prepared as best he could to defend the fort in case of a siege. The inhabitants brought a large amount of supplies to the fort, the buildings near it were burned causing great consternation among the people, and amidst it all Captain Bowman arrived with a considerable force which gave much encouragement. It was soon learned, however, that Vincennes being in the hands of the enemy, the party seen in the neighborhood had been sent out by Hamilton to infest the neighborhood until they could make Colonel Clark a prisoner; and as they had to hunt to obtain food and could not do so in the snow without being discovered, they had given the alarm they did in order to give them time to escape. Under no circumstances were they to kill Clark, but give him safe conduct to the British. The scouting party had been near enough to Clark and his men to capture perhaps most of them. But they were unable to distinguish Clark from his followers, and they desisted from firing for fear of killing the commander. Clark here observes that the instructions given by Hamilton regarding the American commander in case of the latter's capture, were one of the reasons of the respect shown to Hamilton by the American officers when he fell into their hands. But 224 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY the way Hamilton fared in Virginia was deprecated, as they considered that it involved their honor. Clark now sent additional scouts to Vincennes and prepared his troops for action. The volunteers who came from Cahokia with Bowman were presented with an elegant stand of colors and sent home. Those who were poorly armed were well outfitted, while presents were made to the others as an acknowledgment of the attitude they had shown in the crisis. They paraded the town with their new colors and equipment and considered themselves as above the young Kaskaskia contingent. So much rivalry grew out of it that Clark when it suited his purpose intervened and "by a little strategy united them." Bowman now also returned to Cahokia and Clark anxiously awaited the return of his scouts. His purpose was, should he not be able to retain the posts still in his possession, to abandon them on the approach of the enemy and return to Kentucky. With the increase of population there, he would be able in the spring to raise an army of sufficient strength to cut off the retreat of the British to Detroit, as he knew the Indians were averse to long campaigns. It was on January 29, 1779, that Clark received definite news from Vincennes. It was brought by Francis Vigo, a Spanish merchant, who said that Hamilton had taken Vincennes in December and that his force consisted of "thirty regulars and fifty French volunteers, besides Indian agents, interpreters and boatmen to a considerable number and about four hundred Indians." The British commander considered the season too far advanced to reach the Illinois and therefore had sent some of these Indians to Kentucky to keep watch of the Ohio River and had disbanded the rest of them. "All were to meet again in the spring, drive us (the Americans) out of the Illinois country, and in conjunction with their southern friends attack Kentucky in a body. All the goods belonging to the merchants at Vincennes were to be taken for the king's use." Vigo reported that the British were repairing the fort and in the spring expected reinforcements to arrive from Detroit. He said Hamilton appeared to have plenty of stores of all kinds and that strict discipline prevailed; although he did not believe they were expecting an American attack. He ventured the opinion that if Clark could approach the place undiscovered, he might capture it. Vigo's information was of very great value. Later will follow Hamilton's own story of his expedition to TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 225 the Wabash. And before proceeding with Colonel Clark's move upon Vincennes, it is well to give a brief account of Hamilton's capture of the post. In June, 1778, there was another change in the administration of Canadian affairs and Sir Guy Carleton was succeeded as governor-general by Sir Frederick Haldimand. The latter had come to America with the famous Henry Bouquet, his (Swiss) fellow countryman. Hamilton as lieutenant-governor had the run of affairs in the west and in his zeal made it his business to stir up the Indians and inaugurate raids upon the American frontiers. Late in the month that the new governor-general had assumed his role, Hamilton instituted a great gathering of western Indians at Detroit—over sixteen hundred in number. There were eight of the most prominent western tribes represented, including from the Ohio region the Miamis, Hurons, and Mingoes. Even some Delawares came to the conference and brought two scalps. To show that this tribe was represented, Hamilton presented one of the scalps to the Miamis and the other to the Chippewas to display in their villages. This act, says Butterfield, placed Hamilton upon record "as acting in a manner at once barbarous and bloodthirsty." Correspondence between Hamilton and Carleton and even Haldimand shows that these leaders were . in sympathy with and even directed the Indian butchery of the Americans as carried out through the lieutenant-governor from Detroit. At the council were distinguished British-Canadian officers, and McKee who had deserted the American cause was there. Roosevelt in his "Winning of the West" says of the situation that it "was essentially an effort to exterminate the borderers; it was a war of extermination waged with appalling and horrible cruelty; it brings out in bold relief the fact that in the West the War of the Revolution was an effort on the part of Great Britain to stop the westward growth of the English race in America and keep the region where only savages would dwell." Roosevelt should have added—should dwell until the territory was permanently secured to the British, when the Indians would be dispossessed as early as possible and the territory become a part of the British possessions." The forces under Hamilton when he embarked on his westward invasion October 8, consisted of British regulars, Canadian militia and Indians—all told about 200, equally divided. The flotilla consisted of fifteen boats, with clothing, food, ammunition and other supplies, besides a quantity of presents for the Indians. 226 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY The details of the journey from Detroit to the mouth of the Maumee and up that river will also be told in Hamilton's own story. At the head of the Maumee the expedition was joined by further Indian bands and thirty British regulars under their officer. The whole force here portaged across to the headwaters of the Wabash. On their way down the Wabash they were joined at the various Indian villages by recruits. When they arrived at the Wea village of Ouiatenon the force numbered over five hundred, four hundred of whom were Indians. Many chiefs of the region who had sworn allegiance to Colonel Clark and the American cause evidently turned and joined Hamilton—anything to the savage for their own preservation. The expedition reached Vincennes December 17, 1778, after seventy-one days from Detroit. Fort Sackville at Vincennes was in a bad condition and of Captain Helm's force of some fifty soldiers only two were Americans. Yet when Major Hay, the advance officer of Hamilton, demanded his surrender, Helm's reply was "only with the honors of war." According to later reports, deserted by the French members of the garrison, Captain Helm with his two American soldiers, one bearing the American flag, marched from the fort with all the dignity of an honorable surrender. The six hundred inhabitants of Vincennes were compelled to "forswear the oath of allegiance to the American cause and renew their fealty to Great Britain." With his forces securely settled, Hamilton repaired the stockade, built blockhouses and settled himself for the winter, expecting to renew his campaign early in the following spring. Clark's own narrative is now resumed. With the disposition and makeup of a man like Colonel Clark in the situation he now found himself, there was only one course; to face theenemy with his small force and fight. Governor Hamilton by the junction of his northern and southern Indians would have such an army in the spring that nothing in that section could withstand him. "Kentucky must fall immediately," is the way Clark himself put it, "and it would be fortunate if the disaster ended here. Even if we should immediately make good our retreat to Kentucky, we were convinced that it would be too late even to raise a force sufficient to save that colony, as all the men in it, united to the troops we had, would not suffice; and to get' succor in time from the Virginia and Pennsylvania frontiers was out of the question. We saw but one alternative which was to attack the enemy in his stronghold. If we were successful we would save the American cause. If unsuccessful, the conse- TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 227 quences would be nothing worse than if we should not make the attempt. We were encouraged by the magnitude of the consequences that would attend our success." The season of the year was favorable to Clark's plan, since Hamilton would little dream of the Americans being so much out of their minds as to attempt to travel two hundred and forty miles through a drowned and apparently impassable country in the middle of the winter. This being the case they would hardly take the precaution to keep scouts in the field. The proposition to advance met with the approval of every man. Preparations for the advance were immediately begun and "the whole country took fire at the alarm." As there were plenty of stores, every man was completely outfitted to withstand the coldest weather. Knowing that the raging Wabash at that season of the year would be out of its banks and the overflow water would extend back from it five or six miles or more in the neighborhood of Vincennes, and would be dangerous to navigate, and to convey their artillery and stores, it was arranged to send a boat around the river route so strong that she might force her way under adverse conditions. A large Mississippi boat was purchased and completely outfitted as a galley, christened the Willing and mounting two four-pounders and four swivel guns. The craft manned by forty-six "seamen" under the command of Capt. John Rogers "set sail" February 4, 1779. And it might be observed here that it was three months before the British peace commission arrived at Philadelphia and while the American Revolution Was still raging over the Alleghenies. Rogers had orders, after proceeding down the Kaskaskia River to the Mississippi and to the mouth of the Wabash, to force his way up the Wabash as far as the mouth of the White River. Here he was to secrete himself until further notice. - He was not to leave the river until all hope had been abandoned of Clark's arrival by land; also to so conduct himself as to give no suspicion of the movements of the Americans. Nothing was said by Clark to the Kaskaskians about volunteering until the arrival of volunteers from Cahokia. The latter were given an elaborate entertainment to which all their Kaskaskia friends were invited. Enthused by the situation, the local inhabitants the next day asked permission to organize a Kaskaskia company. The request was granted and the company was enrolled before nightfall. The ladies also began to take much interest in the expedition, which had a great effect on the young men. 228 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY "Everything being ready," says Clark, "on the fifth of February, after receiving a lecture and absolution from a priest, we crossed the Kaskaskia with one hundred and seventy men and at a distance of about three miles encamped until February eighth." Sixty were French volunteers in two companies. To show the commander's real feelings despite his openly displayed cheerfulness, reference is here made to a letter he wrote to Governor Henry of Virginia three days before he started on his desperate campaign, which in part is as follows : "Kaskaskia, Illinois, Feb. 3, 1779. "Dr Sr : "As it is now near twelve months since I have had the least intelligence from you, I almost despair of any relief sent to me, I have, for many months, past, had reports of an army marching against Detroit, but no certainty. "A late maneuver of the famous Hair-Buyer general, Henry Hamilton, Esqr., Lieut. Governor of Detroit, hath alarmed us much. On the 16th of December last, he, with a body of six hundred men, composed of Regulars, French volunteers and Indians, took possession of St. Vincennes on the Wabash, what few men that composed the garrison not being able to make the least defense. He is influencing all the Indians he possibly can, to join him. I learn that those that have treated with me as yet refused his offers. I have for some time expected an attack from him. He has blocked up the Ohio R [iver] with a party [of] French and Indians." (At this point he recites the information he received from Francis Vigo, the Spaniard). Continuing, his letter further says : "Being sensible that without a reinforcement, which at present I have hardly a right to expect, that I shall be obliged to give up this country to Mr. Hamilton without a turn of fortune in my favor, I am resolved to take the advantage of his present situation and risk the whole on a single battle. I shall set out in a few days with all the force I can raise of my own troops and a few militia that I can depend on. ' "You must be sensible of the feeling that I have for those brave officers and soldiers that are determined to share my fate, let it be what it will. I know the case is desperate, but Sr, we must either quit the country or attack Mr. Hamilton. No time is to be lost. Was I sure of a reinforcement, I should not attempt it. Who knows what fortune will do for us? Great things have been effected by a few men well conducted. Perhaps we may be TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 229 fortunate. We have this consolation ; that our cause is just and that our country will be grateful and not con [demn] our conduct in case we fail, though, if so, this coun [try] as well as Kentucky, I believe, is lost. "I have wrote to Col. Rogers desiring of him not to enter the Ohio River until further intelligence from me. I learn that, by a noble stroke, * * * he has got his cargo above the British posts in Florida. If I have success, I shall immediately send dispatches to him. The expresses that you have sent I expect ha Eve] fallen into the hands of Governor Hamilton. "I have the honor to be Sr your very humble Servt G. R. Clark." When the advance was again resumed rain and snow had covered the country with several inches of water and slush making progress slow and fatiguing. To keep the men in good spirits Clark permitted them to shoot game and feast on it like Indians at a war dance, each company taking turns in inviting the others to its feast. These feasts were held every night, the company which gave it being supplied with horses during the day to lay in the game supply. Clark and his officers conducted themselves like woodsmen "shouting now and then and running through the mud and water the same as the men themselves." Thus insensible of their hardships and without complaining, "the men were conducted through difficulties far surpassing anything they had ever before experienced and reached the Little Wabash February 13. There were here two streams three miles apart and the distance from the high bank of one to the other was five miles." This whole distance was covered with water from two to four feet deep. The situation was appalling but Clark ordered a pirogue built and acted as though crossing this expanse would be only a diversion. A crew of men were detached to "explore the drowned lands" and find if possible, a spot of land on the bank of the second little river high enough for a camp. They found an available place of about half an acre and blazed the trees from it back to the camp. Even the opposite bank of the first river from where they were camped was under three feet of water and they built a scaffold there to deposit their baggage. The boat being completed, they ferried their baggage and men across the river, deposited the baggage on the scaffolding, swimming their horses. They loaded the men who were sick and the baggage on the boat, and the second river was crossed in the same manner as the first 230 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY one. Evening found the party encamped on the elevation tha had been found and the men in high spirits over the success o their difficult experience. "A comical little drummer had afforded them great diversion by floating on his drum and by other tricks." In surmounting their great difficulties, the men began to regard themselves as almost superhuman. They even talked about the main Wabash ahead of them as "a little creek." Men were sent ahead on February 17, to cross the river Embarrass six miles from Vincennes, for the purpose of procuring some boats if possible and gain information. They reported the situation worse than had yet been experienced, the country between the Embarrass and the Wabash being a veritable lake. In attempting to reach the banks of the Wabash they detoured to below the mouth of the Embarrass, encamped for the night on a comparatively dry spot and the next morning were elated to hear for the first time the morning gun of the British garrison at Vincennes. On the afternoon of the 18th, they gained the banks of the Wabash about seven miles below the town and went into camp. Men were sent across the river on a raft to find land if possible, and also proceed to the town and make an effort to purloin some canoes. Captain McCarty with a party was sent out the next morning in a canoe he had made, for the same purpose. The first scouts were unable to make land and the captain had run upon a party in camp. Men with the canoe were sent down the river to ascertain news of the galley Willing, and canoes were ordered constructed in a sheltered place to be used in case the galley should not arrive. On the twentieth the water guard decoyed a boat ashore containing five Frenchmen with some provisions on board. These men were on their way down the Wabash to join a party of hunters. They informed Clark that the 'Americans had been discovered and that the inhabitants of Vincennes were well disposed toward them. Further information was that the fort had been completed and greatly strengthened and that the force there was about the same as reported by Mr. Vigo when he left. They told about .two boats adrift up the river, one of which was recovered by Captain Worthington. With two boats now at their command, on the morning of February 21, abandoning their baggage, the troops crossed the Wabash and took up their position upon a small elevation called Mamel. The captured Frenchmen told Clark that it would be impossible to reach the town in their boats or otherwise. Undaunted, the American force took to the water and succeeded in TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 231 reaching a spot called the Upper Mamel something over two miles nearer their destination. Being told that the nearest land of any size was the Sugar Camp over two miles away, Clark himself "sounding the water" found it as deep as his neck and ice cold. The men were half starved and to transport them to the Sugar Camp in canoes would take the entire day and the following night. In the situation "a kingdom for a horse" or for one day's provisions. Their provisions were damaged in the march and game was scarce on account of the great floods. It was a tense moment and says Clark, "I returned but slowly to the troops, giving myself time to think. Every eye was fixed upon me. I unfortunately spoke seriously to one of my officers. The whole was alarmed without knowing what I said. They ran from one to another bewailing their situation. I viewed their confusion for about one minute, whispered to those near me to do as I did, immediately took some water in my hand, poured on some powder, blacked my face, gave a whoop, and marched into the water without saying a word. The party gazed and fell in one after another without saying a word, like a flock of sheep. I ordered those that were near me to begin a favorite song of theirs. It soon passed through the line and the whole went on cheerfully. now intended to have them transported across the deepest part of the water, but when getting about waist deep, one of the men informed me that he thought he felt a path (ridge). We examined and found it so, and concluded that it kept on the highest ground and by pains to follow it, we got to the Sugar Camp without the least difficulty"—where there was about half an acre of dry ground (at least not under water) where they took their lodgings. It was the coldest night of their march, some one hundred and forty men in all, huddled on this half acre, partly mud and mire until frozen, rising from the surrounding forest sea and with a bitter enemy almost within rifle shot. In the morning the ice was from one-half to three-quarters of an inch thick; but the sun shone brightly, bringing cheer to the hearts of these bravest of men whose spirits, under any condition, were dauntless, and who held the affection of their commander. With the plain and the woods beyond towards Vincennes in full view, after commending his men and without waiting for a reply, Clark stepped into the water, again leading the way, and with a cheer his men started to follow. But taking no chances at this critical juncture, being a disciplinarian as well as a 232 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY humanitarian, Clark halted his men when a few of them had entered the water, and because he "had suspicion of three or four of them" (as to bravery) he "called to Major Bowman to fall into the rear with twenty-five men and to put to death any of the men who refused to march." He wished to have no such person with him. The whole force raised a cry of approbation and on they floundered. Quoting Clark through Quaife, "This was the most trying difficulty of all we had experienced. I had fifteen or twenty of the strongest men follow after me and, judging from my own sensations what must be those of the men, on reaching the middle of the plain where the water was about knee deep I realized that I was failing. There being no trees or bushes here for the men to support themselves by, I did not doubt but that many of the weaker ones would be drowned. I therefore ordered the canoes to make the land, discharge their loads, and then play backward and forward with all possible diligence, picking up the men. To encourage the party I sent some of the strongest men ahead with orders to pass the word back when they reached a certain distance, that the water was getting shallower, and upon approach. ing the woods to cry out 'land.' This statement produced the desired effect. Encouraged by it the men exerted themselves to the limit of their ability, the weaker holding on to the stronger ones and frequently one man being upheld by two. This was a great advantage to the weak, but the water instead of getting shallower, became continually deeper. On reaching the woods, where they expected land, the water was up to my shoulders. Nevertheless, gaining the woods was a matter of great importance. All the weak and short men clung to the trees and floated on logs until they were taken off by the canoes. The strong and tall men got ashore and started fires. Many would reach the bank and fall with their bodies half in the water, not being able to support themselves outside it. This was a delightful spot of ground about ten acres in extent. We soon found, however, that the fires did us no good and that the only way to restore the men was for two strong ones to take a weak one by the arms and exercise him. The day was delightful and by this means the me soon recovered." As if designed by Providence, a piece of good fortune fell to the Americans. A canoe of Indian squaws and children was corning up to the town and took through a part of the plain as a near way. They were discovered by Clark's men out after the TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 233 exhausted soldiers. The commander's boatmen gave chase and captured the Indian party and found on board nearly half a quarter of buffalo, besides some corn, tallow and kettles-an invaluable prize. Broth was made for the weaker troops and with fine weather the troops took on new life. "Crossing a narrow, deep lake, in the canoes, and marching some distance, we came to a copse of timber called the Warrior's Island. We were now in full view of the fort (Sackville) and town (Vincennes) not a shrub betWeen us, at about two miles distance. Every man now feasted his eyes and forgot that he had suffered anything, agreeing that all that had passed was owing to good policy and nothing but what a man could bear, and that a soldier had no right to think, etc.—passing from one extreme to another, which is common in such cases." It was on the evening of the 23rd. The plain between the troops and the town was uneven and the depressions were covered with water, "full of ducks." Several men from the town on horseback were observed out shooting the birds. They were about half a mile away and some of the active young Frenchmen of the troops were sent out to decoy and take one of the party a prisoner in such manner as not to alarm the others, which was done. The new information received was that the British that evening had completed the wall of the fort and that there were many Indians in town. (According to the southern habit, apparently, any event which occurred in the afternoon, Clark refers to as taking place "in the evening"). Clark's forces were now within full view of Vincennes which contained upward of six hundred men, counting soldiers, the regular inhabitants and Indians. In case of defeat there was no avenue of retreat. The arrival of the galley with its crew of over forty men would have been of inestimable value. But the idea of being taken as prisoners was far from the thoughts of all of Clark's men. Capture meant Indian torture. The die was cast and the result would be known within a few hours. Nothing but the boldest conduct would bring success. Many of the inhabitants were indifferent to the interests of either the Americans or the British. A few were friendly to the Americans. Clark had been told that the Grand Chief, the son of Tobacco, had in open council with the British declared that he was a brother and friend of the Big Knives. If true it was a great point in the Americans' favor. There was no chance of their remaining long undiscovered, as hunters were often passing up and down the river. There- 234 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY fore Clark immediately addressed the following letter to the inhabitants and dispatched it by the prisoner they had just taken: "To the Inhabitants of Vincennes— "Gentlemen : Being now within two miles of your village with my army determined to take your fort this night, and not being willing to surprise you, I am taking the measure of requesting such of you as are true citizens and desirous of enjoying the liberty I bring you, to remain quietly in your houses. If there are any that are friends of the King of England I desire them instantly to repair to the fort and there join his troops and fight like men ; and if any that do not repair to the garrison shall hereafter be discovered, they may depend upon being severely punished. Those, on the other hand, who are true friends to Liberty may expect to be well treated. I once more request that they keep out of the streets, for every person found under arms upon my arrival will be treated as an enemy." Clark entertained conflicting ideas as to what would be the effect of this letter; but believed that it would encourage the friends of the Americans, cause those who were lukewarm to stand for or against him and would startle his enemies. It must appear to the townspeople that his apparent assurance was backed up by facts and that his forces were so strong that he was sure of success; that they would believe that his army was from Kentucky and not from Illinois, as it would be considered impossible for troops to march from the latter section. To carry the impression further that the troops were from Kentucky, several of Clark's men sent their compliments to some of the townspeople under the "borrowed names" of Kentuckians well known in Vincennes. The soldiers were also all given instructions that when speaking of Clark's forces, "their common conversation" should give the impression to strangers hearing it, that he had nearly one thousand men. The movements of the messenger bearing Clark's letter were anxiously watched until he reached the town, and in a few minutes with the aid of their glasses they could perceive great activity in the streets and large numbers running or riding into the commons, intent on viewing the approaching army. While this was the case, there was no indication of alarm by the garrison. "Neither drum nor guns were heard" which caused the belief that their information was false and that the enemy was already aware of their presence, and were prepared to meet them. The TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSI(Y REGION - 235 next few minutes would tell. Let Clark relate the story with needed corrections for better reading: "A little before sunset we moved and displayed ourselves in full view of the town, crowds gazing at us. We were plunging ourselves into certain destruction or success; there was no middle way thought of. I said but little to the men, aside from emphasizing the necessity of obedience. It was a matter of consequence to make ourselves appear as formidable as possible and leaving our place of concealment we marched and counter-marched in such manner that we appeared numerous. In raising volunteers in the Illinois, every person that set about the business must have a set of colors given him, (which) they brought with them to the amount of ten or twelve pair. These were displayed to the best advantage, and as the low plain we marched through was not a perfect level, but had frequent risings in it, and they generally ran in an oblique direction to the town, we took advantage of one of them, marched through the water under it, which completely prevented our men being numbered. But our colors showed considerably above the height, as they were fixed on long poles procured for the purpose, and at a distance made no despicable appearance. As our young Frenchmen had, while we lay on Warriors Island, decoyed and taken several fowlers (hunters) with their horses, officers were mounted on these and rode about more conspicuously to deceive the enemy. In this manner we moved and directed our march in such a manner as to suffer it to be dark before we had advanced more than half way to the town. We then altered our direction and crossed ponds where they could not have suspected us, and about eight o'clock gained the heights back of the town; and as there was yet no hostile appearance, we were impatient to have the cause unriddled. Lieutenant Bailey was ordered with fourteen men to march and fire on the fort. The main body moved in a different direction and took possession of the strongest part of the town. The firing now commenced on the fort, but they did not believe it was an enemy until one of their men was shot down through a port as he was lighting his match. * * * The drums now sounded and the business fairly commenced on both sides. I sent reinforcements to assist in the attack on the garrison, while other dispositions were being made in the town. "We now found that the garrison had known nothing of us; that having finished the fort that evening, they had amused themselves at different games and had retired just before my letter 236 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY had arrived, as it was near roll-call. The placard being made public, many of the inhabitants were afraid to show themselves out of doors for fear of offense, and not one dared give information. (Consequently the garrison was not informed). Our friends flew to the commons and other convenient places to view the pleasing sight; which was observed from the garrison and the reason asked, but a satisfactory excuse being given, and as a part of the town lay between our line of march and the garrison, we could not be seen by the sentinels on the walls. (That is, the garrison saw the people on the commons, but not the troops)." The story told to the garrison when they asked the cause of the disturbance among the townspeople was this : Signs of the American approach at Sugar Camp had been noted by a British scouting party who had captured Captain W. Shannon of Clark's forces and another man. They supposed it was an enemy observation party which intended landing on The Heights. Captain La Mothe of the garrison had been sent with a detachment to intercept them. When the people in the commons were asked the reason of their unusual excitement they said they were watching the movements of La Mothe. Among several persons whose loyalty had been suspected by the British and imprisoned in the fort was Moses Henry. Under pretense of carrying him some provisions, Mrs. Henry while on her errand whispered to her husband the news of Clark's arrival and what she had observed. Henry conveyed the glad news to his fellow prisoners including Captain Helm. Clark in his story says Helm "amused himself greatly during the siege (by the Americans) and I believe did much damage." What the commander meant to convey by this is not clear. The American supply of ammunition was low on account of most of their stores being on the galley Willing. But when Hamilton took Vincennes he announced that all the goods in the town were to be seized for the king's use, the owners to receive bills of credit. Colonel Le Gras, Major Bosseron and others had buried most of their powder and ball. This ammunition was immediately brought forth which gave the attackers a good supply. The Tobacco's Son being in town with a number of his warriors mustered them and indicated his desire to join the Americans; further stating that by the next morning he could have a hundred men. Clark told him he was strong enough without the chief's help. Continuing Clark's narrative : "The garrison was now completely surrounded and the firing continued without intermission TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 237 (except about 15 minutes before day) until nine o'clock the following morning by the whole of our troops (except fifty men as a reserve in case of an emergency). I made myself fully acquainted with the situation—fort, town, and the parts relative to each. The cannon of the garrison was on the upper floors of strong blockhouses at each angle of the fort, eleven feet above the surface, and the posts so badly cut that many of our troops lay under the fire of them within twenty or thirty yards of the wall (unharmed, and) they (the garrison troops) did no damage except to the buildings of the town; some of which they shattered. * * * Their musketry in the dark employed against woodsmen covered by houses, palings * * ditches, the banks of the river, etc., was but of little avail and did no damage to us, except wounding a man or two. * * * Breastworks were soon made by tearing down old houses, gardens, etc., so that those within had very little advantage of those without the fort. (The garrison not knowing the number of the American troop thought themselves in a much worse situation than they really were) . The embrasures of their cannon were frequently shut, for our riflemen, finding the true direction of them, would pour such volleys when they opened, that the men could not stand to the guns. Seven or eight of them in a short time got cut down. I believe that if they had stood by their artillery, that the greatest part of them would have been destroyed in the course of the night." The Americans by their various maneuverings and mysterious movements about the town kept the garrison continually alarmed. They did not know what moment they might be stormed or sapped, and as the bank of the river was within thirty feet of the fort wall, the situation of the magazine being well known, Captain Bowman began some work with the design of blowing it up when their artillery should arrive. The Americans were in fear that the Indians, generally unreliable, might appear and again heartily join the enemy. Therefore no time should be lost. Unless the Willing should arrive sooner, it was determined to undermine the fort the following night and the spot and plan of execution was fixed upon which was to be begun the next day. The Indians belonging to the various hostile tribes had left, but Captain La Mothe who had been sent out to capture the supposed American observation party, was outside the fort when Clark's forces arrived at the town and was still hovering about, waiting an opportunity to join his comrades. Parties attempted to capture him without success, although a few of his men were 238 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY taken, among them being Maisonville, the famous Indian par tisan. The two boys who captured Maisonville, led him to a pos tion in the street and used him as a breastwork, believing that th British would not fire on them for fear of killing their prisoner The act of the boys being discovered, an officer ordered them to untie him which they did, but in removing him they took a par of his scalp, and were upbraided for the act. The fact that Captain La Mothe was at large was not pleasing to Clark, who feared his influence among the Indians unless he was allowed to join his comrades. Even with the few men he had to help strengthen the garrison, Clark considered that La Mothe could do less damage within the fort than outside, and he so planned that the former French trader with his men was allowed to scale the fort walls and join the garrison. The American attack continued vigorously until nine o'clock on the morning of the 24th. Learning that the two prisoners the British had brought in the previous day carried a number of letters, Colonel Clark believed the messengers might be from Governor Henry; and if so, the papers they bore would be of the greatest importance and he feared that they might be destroyed. To prevent this Clark sent a flag of truce to the garrison and warned Governor Hamilton not to destroy the papers, brought by his prisoners. Clark's demand reads as follows : "Sir: In order to save yourself from the impending stor that now threatens you I order you to immediately surrender yourself up with all your Garrison, Stores, &c, &c, for if I am obliged to storm, you may depend upon such treatment justly due to a Murderer. Beware of destroying Stores of any kind, or any papers or letters that is in your possession, or hurting one house in the town, for by heavens if you do there shall be no mercy shewn you. "G. R. Clark." Hamilton's answer was : "Govr. Hamilton begs to acquaint Col. Clark that he and his Garrison are not disposed to be awed into any action unworthy of British subjects. "H. Hamilton." During the flag of truce Clark's men refreshed themselves and began their firing with still greater vigor, and even expressed the desire to storm the British works. Several of the garrison were wounded and it was impossible for them to stand near the embrasures. Towards noon a flag of truce appeared with the following proposals: TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 239 "Lt. Gov. Hamilton proposes to Col. Clark a truce for three days, during which time he proposes there shall be no defensive works carried on in the garrison, on condition that Col. Clark shall observe on his part a like cessation of any offensive work; that he wishes to confer with Col. Clark as soon as can be and further proposes that whatever may pass between them two and any other person mutually agreed upon to be present, shall remain a secret till Matters be finally concluded as he wishes that whatever the result of their conference, may be to the honor and credit of each party. If Col. Clark makes a difficulty of coming into the fort, Lt. Gov. Hamilton will speak to him before the Gate. 24th Feb'y. 1779." Colonel Clark records that he was greatly at a loss to conceive what reason Governor Hamilton could have for wishing a truce for three days on such terms as he proposed. Many said that it was a scheme to get Clark into their possession. Clark himself had a different opinion and had no idea of Hamilton possessing such a scheme, as an act of that nature would forever ruin him. More likely the Britisher had hopes of reenforcements or aid from the Indians, or that something unlooked for might develop in his favor. Although Clark expected the Willing to show up in less than three days, which would probably at once put an end to the siege, Clark did not believe it prudent to agree to the proposal and therefore sent the following answer : "Col. Clark's compliments to Mr. Hamilton and begs leave to inform him that Col. Clark will not agree to any other terms than that of Mr. Hamilton's surrendering himself and Garrison Prisoners at discretion. If Mr. Hamilton is desirous of a conference with Col. Clark, he will meet him at the Church with Capt. Helms. "24th Feb'y, 1779." Of course the moments thereafter were tense. But the waiting was not long. A movement of the gate of the fort and as it opened, all eyes beheld Hamilton himself advancing in the gaudy red uniform of a British Colonel of the regular service with Major Jehu Hay, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and also Captain Helm their prisoner. They passed with slow dignity to the Catholic church where Colonel Clark and Captain Bowman were awaiting them. Governor Hamilton produced articles of capitulation containing various provisions, one of which was that the garrison should be surrendered on being permitted to go to Pensacola on parole. After careful discussion Clark rejected the 240 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY whole list of proposals. Hamilton then asked Clark to make a proposition. The Colonel's reply was that he had no offer to make other than already presented, that they "surrender themselves as prisoners unconditionally." Clark observed that the British troops had behaved with spirit, and that without viewing the Americans as savages, they could not suppose that they would be treated the worse in consequence. If Hamilton chose to comply with Clark's demands, the sooner he should do so the better, as it would be in vain for him to make any counter proposition. Hamilton must know by this time that the fort would fall and that both sides must regard all blood that might still be spilled as murder on the part of the garrison. Clark intimated that his troops were impatient and begging for permission to storm the fort. Should such steps be taken, many of course would be cut down, and in consequence an enraged body of woodsmen breaking into a fort must be obvious. It would be beyond the power of an American officer to save a single man. Various arguments were advanced and a considerable time consumed. Captain Helm made the attempt to have Colonel Clark modify his terms, but the commander told him that he was a British prisoner and that it was doubtful whether he could with propriety speak on the subject. Governor Hamilton's rejoinder was that Captain Helm from that moment was liberated and might act according to his pleasure. Clark told Hamilton that he would not receive Helm on such terms and that the latter must return to the fort and await his fate. At this important point of this dramatic conference, the story of Colonel Clark as rendered by Mr. Quaife in his Vincennes narrative is further quoted, and in which Clark says : "I told the Governor we would not begin hostilities until a minute after the drums should give the alarm. We took leave of each other and parted, but I had gone only a few steps when the Governor stopped me and politely asked If I would be kind enough to give him my reasons for refusing any other terms than those I had offered to the garrison. I told him I had no objection to giving him my real reason, which simply was that I knew the greater part of the principal Indian partisans of Detroit were with him and I desired to be free to put them to death or treat them in any other way I might think proper. I said that the cries of the widows and the fatherless they had occasioned upon the frontiers now required their blood at my hands and I did not TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 241 choose to be so timorous as to disobey the absolute command of their authority, which I regarded as next to divine. I said I would rather lose fifty men than to surrender the power properly to execute this piece of business. If he chose to risk the massacre of his garrison for their sakes it was his own affair and I might perhaps take it into my head to send for some of those widows to see it executed. "I had observed growing distrust in the countenance of Major Hay, who was paying close attention, and this in great measure influenced my conversation. Upon my concluding, 'Pray, sir,' said he, 'who is it that you call Indian partisans?' Sir,' I replied, `I take Major Hay to be one of the principal ones.' I never saw a man in the moment of execution so stricken as he appeared to be, pale and trembling, and scarcely able to stand. Governor Hamilton blushed and was, I observed, much affected at this behavior in my presence. Captain Bowman's countenance sufficiently disclosed his disdain for the one and his sorrow for the other. I viewed the whole procedure with such sentiments as I suppose are natural to some men under such circumstances. Some moments passed without a word being exchanged on either side. From that moment my resolution respecting Governor Hamilton's situation changed. I told him we would reconsider the matter and let him know the result. If we should decide to make any other proposal than that of surrender at discretion he should be informed of it by a flag of truce. In the contrary event, he should be on his guard at the beat of the drum. In the meantime no offensive measures should be taken. This was agreed to and we parted. On reporting to our officers what had passed at the conference it was agreed that we should modify our demands and the following articles were sent to the garrison and an answer was immediately returned : "1st. That Lt. Govr. Hamilton engages to deliver up to Col. Clark Fort Sackville as it is at present with all stores, Ammunition &ca. "2nd. The Garrison will deliver themselves up Prisoners of War & to march out with their arms, accoutrements, Knapsacks &ca. "3d. The Garrison to be delivered up to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock. "4th. Three days to be allowed to the Garrison to settle their accounts with the traders of this place and inhabitants. 242 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY "5th. The officers of the Garrison to be allowed their neces sary baggage &ca. "G. R. Clark. "Post Vincent 24 Feby. 1779. "Within the limited time Captain Helm returned with the Articles signed thus: "Agreed to for the following reasons—The remoteness from succors, the State and Quantity of provisions &c, the Unanimity of Officers and men on its expediency, the Honble terms allowed & lastly the confidence in a generous enemy. "H. Hamilton "Lt Govr. & Supefintendent." "The affair being now nearly concluded troops were posted in several strong houses around the garrison and a patrol was kept up during the night to prevent any deception. The remainder of the troops not on duty lay on their arms and for the first time in many days obtained some rest. "While the conference was being held a party of about twenty warriors, who had been sent to the Falls of the Ohio for scalps and prisoners, were discovered returning. As no firing was going on at the time they entered the plain near the town, they had no suspicion of the presence of an enemy. Captain John Williams was ordered to go out to meet them. The Indians, supposing it to be a party of their friends who had come to welcome them, gave the scalp and war-whoop and came on with all the parade of successful warriors. Williams' party conducted itself in like fashion. Coming closer, the Indians fired a volley in the air, to which Captain Williams replied in kind. When they were within a few steps of each other the chief stopped as if suspicious of something wrong. Captain Williams immediately seized him, whereupon the others, perceiving their mistake, turned in flight. Fifteen of them were killed or captured, however. Two British partisans attached to their party were killed and two men who proved to be American prisoners in their hands were released. The Indians who had been taken by the soldiers were tomahawked and their bodies thrown into the river. We afterward learned that but one man of the entire party ever returned to his tribe, so that in all, seventeen must have been destroyed by us. We knew that nearly all of them were badly wounded, but as we had an enemy of more importance than they were to contend with we could spare no time for pursuit, and Captain Williams allowed his men but a few minutes for executing the business before TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 243 recalling them. Under these circumstances those Indians who were not killed or taken immediately got off. "One reason that I had for not wishing to receive the garrison until the following morning was that it was late in the evening before the capitulation was signed, and in view of the number of prisoners we should have in comparison with our own small force I felt the need of daylight to arrange matters to our advantage. Knowing that we could now prevent any misfortune happening, as we could now dispose our troops so as to render the fort almost useless for defense, I thought it prudent to let the British troops remain in it until morning. We should not have been so suspicious as to take so much precaution, but I must confess I could not help but doubt the honor of men who could condescend to encourage the barbarity of the Indians. Although almost every man had conceived a very favorable opinion of Governor Hamilton (and I believed that what affected myself made some impression on the whole) I was happy to find that while he stayed with us he never deviated from that conduct that became an officer in his situation. "On the morning of the twenty-fifth arrangements were made for receiving the garrison, and about ten o'clock it was surrendered with due formality and everything was immediately arranged by me to the best possible advantage. On first viewing the interior of the fort and its stores I was astonished at its being surrendered in the manner it had been. However, it was a prudent and lucky circumstance which probably saved the lives of many men on both sides, since on the preceding night we had inclined to attempt to undermine it and I found it would have required great diligence on the part of the garrison to have prevented us from succeeding. I found, too, on further examination, that our information concerning the interior arrangements was so good that in all probability the first hot shot after the arrival of our artillery would have blown up the magazine. This would at once have put an end to the siege, since the situation of the magazine and the quantity of powder it contained were such that its explosion must have destroyed the greater part of the garrison." Colonel Clark's capture of Vincennes was the climax to one of the most important events in American history. The American flag thereby was hoisted over this vast western empire, may times larger than the whole of New England, never again to be lowered. It halted the bloody onslaughts of the savages instigated by the 244 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY British, gave assurance to the pioneer settlers west of the Alleghenies and brought joy and security to the mothers and children of the cabin-homes of the wilderness. It was one of the greatest victories of the American Revolution, and allowed the concentration of power in finishing the war for Independence in the east, and "doubled the significance of the surrender of Yorktown." The great states of Ohio and Indiana, Illinois and Michigan and Wisconsin, with all their vast wealth and resources are now a part of the Union instead of being joined to a territory floating the flag of another nation. Following Colonel Clark still further after his remarkable campaign, he had planned to push on to Detroit, where there was disaffection to the British cause, not over eighty men in the fort and many of these invalids. With Detroit in American possession and a post of communication established at Cuyahoga (site of Cleveland) supplies could have easily been sent from Pittsburg; Lake Erie could have been taken possession of and the future contests of arms in this section, even including the western operations of the War of 1812, might have become unnecessary.' Clark's penetration into the future revealed to him the great importance of the move on Detroit; but the government did not grasp the situation sufficiently and without sufficient men and the necessary financial provision, the idea was not carried out. For the purpose of this story it is scarcely necessary to follow Clark's career further. As to the galley Willing, the boat arrived at Vincennes three days after Hamilton's surrender, the crew greatly disappointed at not being able to take part in the victory. The prospect of their coming was, however, a moral support to the Americans at Vincennes, and besides, on their way up the Wabash they took on a messenger from Governor Henry for Colonel Clark with dispatches, saying that in the spring Clark would be reenforced by five hundred men. Had they come on sooner, Clark could have continued his movements against Detroit. Among the dispatches was a resolution passed by the Virginia Assembly commending Clark and his soldiers for their "extraordinary resolution and perseverance in so hazardous an enterprise" as their taking of Kaskaskia. For his Vincennes victory Clark and his men were complimented in like manner by the Virginia Assembly, which body on March 10, 1779, passed an act organizing the Illinois country into the "County of Illinois" and .provided for a county government with Vincennes the seat thereof. Colonel John Todd, Jr., was selected as lieutenant or TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 245 county commandant at the head of a force of five hundred militia, the duties of which were "to march immediately into said county to garrison forts and protect said county;" necessarily excluding the British and to hold the Indians from further depredations. It was the first American government to be established northwest of the Ohio River and continued in force until Virginia released her claims to the United States five years later. It was March 10 also that Colonel Clark caused Hamilton and some twenty-five other prisoners to be conducted to Williamsburg, • Virginia, by Captains Williams and Rogers. The despised governor was jailed and put in irons and later paroled at the request of General Washington—which is another story. The quantity of public goods brought by Hamilton from Detroit added to those captured from the traders at Vincennes was very large. The entire amount was divided among the soldiers with the exception of some Indian medals, which were retained for public use. The officers received nothing, except a few articles of clothing, although "the soldiers were laden with great wealth." Clark after disposing of his prisoners and arranging matters at Vincennes, left Lieutenant Richard Brashers in command of the garrison consisting of Lieutenants Bailey and Chapline and forty picked men, and appointed Captain Helm commandant of the town and superintendent of Indian affairs. On March 20th with seventy men, Clark "set sail" on the galley Willing, with a convoy of five boats, for Kaskaskia. On August 20th he arrived at the Falls of Ohio where he remained until the spring of 1780. From here he proceeded over the mountains to Richmond to settle his accounts with the governor. While his accounts were all approved, for his entire service during the years of his campaign he received not a penny. Not alone this, but he had used up his entire private fortune in the cause of his expedition, and besides being financially ruined himself, to his great distress carried down to financial disaster several of his friends without redress from the government. In telling the story of Clark's campaign, the valuable aid rendered the commander by two men should not be lost track of —Father Gibault, and Colonel Francis Vigo of St. Louis, the Spanish headquarters. While Clark's operations in the Ohio region will be spoken of later, it is proper to mention a personal matter concerning his career. In all his success in his western campaign he met with one great defeat. If the story be true, he left his heart in the 246 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY west. Across the Mississippi River from Cahokia was St. Louis the Spanish capital. Don Fernando de Leyba, the Spanish lieutenant-governor of Upper Louisiana had his headquarters there and was a staunch supporter of the American cause. The commander and Clark became close friends, their mutual attachment being beyond the ordinary. In their social intercourse it is told that Clark met a sister of the Spaniard named Terese, a most beautiful girl and accomplished. The senorita and Clark were drawn together from the very first; then came deep love and betrothal. But when financial reverses came, Clark felt that he could not honorably ask so fine a personage to share his fate and he broke the engagement. It is said that his great love ever held steadfast and that the tear to his heartstrings never healed. But George Rogers Clark was one of the greatest commanders America ever produced. CHAPTER XXV SIR HENRY HAMILTON BRITISH COMMANDER AT DETROIT-HIS OWN STORY OF VINCENNES CAMPAIGN- HIS EXPEDITION PASSES UP THE MAUMEE-DIFFICULTIES OF HIS JOURNEY-RETAKES VINCENNES-TREACHERY OF YOUNG CELORON AND OTHERS--HAMILTON'S ACCOUNT OF HIS SURRENDER-HIS CONFINEMENT AS A PRISONER-HIS PAROLE-FINALLY REACHES LONDON-COMPARISON OF HIS STORY WITH CLARK'S. After presenting Colonel Clark's narrative of the Wabash and Illinois campaign, it is well to give something of the story as written by Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton in 1781, a copy of which is found in the Illinois Historical Collections. Almost without exception, all the military reports made by British officers of their American operations, have at least been highly colored, and Hamilton's narrative regarding Vincennes at many points may be classed in the same category. Reading the history of Hamilton's administration of affairs vvhile in authority at Detroit and taking the numerous sources of information, a reader can hardly get away from the belief, no matter what may have been Hamilton's private views, that his methods and attitude toward the border settlers and Americans in general, were merciless and cold blooded in their cruelty and that at all times, as a vehicle to success, he incited the Indians to commit all manner of cruelties and aided them in their work with British leaders. Hardly can the blame for all this be laid upon the shoulders of his superiors, for as commander he was given free rein in most of his dealings. While Colonel Clark, after meeting Hamilton at Vincennes, seems to have had a reversal of opinion concerning him, he spoke only from this Britisher's conduct with reference to what took place at the surrender of Fort Sackville, and evidently was inclined also to change his opinion by reason of Hamilton's instructions to his men sent out for the special purpose of Clark's capture; when they were ordered, as claimed, to under no circumstances kill Clark and if successful in apprehending him, to give the Colonel due respect and safe conduct to the British quarters. As well known, it was Clark himself who fastened upon Hamilton the iniquitous name of "Hair-Buyer" and historical facts as - 247 - 248 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY character witnesses in a court of justice, would establish his character as more than bad in so far as his public acts were concerned. While Mr. Quaife in his comments is disposed to be lenient with Hamilton, he points out the fact that Hamilton in the story of his campaign makes no mention of the hundreds of cases of Indian butchery of Americans, and "succinctly illustrated by a single sentence from a report made by Hamilton to General Haldimand September 16, 1788," in which the former says: "Since last May the Indians in this district have taken thirty-four prisoners seventeen of which they delivered up, and eighty-one scalps, several prisoners taken and adopted not being reckoned in this number." That is to say, of one hundred and fifteen settlers accounted for, only seventeen were delivered to the British and Hamilton at Detroit, and eighty-one were put to death, many in a horrible manner. And it would have been of interest had Hamilton told what became of the seventeen prisoners he held. Hamilton's story of his campaign to Vincennes and of his own later treatment, is addressed to Sir Frederick Haldimand and was written, as he said, as best it could be done "for want of such papers as were seized by order of the Rebel Governor Mr. Jefferson (Thomas Jefferson) on our being thrown into the dungeon at Williamsburg." Hamilton prefaces his narrative like this (the material in parentheses being the notations of the editor) : "On the 9th clay of November (1775) I arrived at Detroit and almost immediately applications were made by the Indians for my assent to their making inroads upon the Frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia, this I declined giving, not having received positive orders on the subject and the rebels being in possession of Montreal, all intercourse with Sir Guy Carleton was cut off. In the month of June, 1777, Lieutenant Governor Cramahe wrote me a Letter containing the copy of Lord George Germain's orders and instructions, by which I was authorized to appoint proper Officers and Interpreters and send them with the Indians against the Rebels, with the . strictest injunctions to discourage and restrain them from their usual barbaraties. A most strict adherence to these injunctions has been observed on my part, and as whatever I advance can be well supported, I shall mention some of the measures taken with the Indians, to invalidate the olio falsities propagated by the Rebels (Americans) in different par of America, and to shew that the Savages have yielded to restraint, and foregone their habits of cruelty." The facts from authentic sources are, that Germain had cm TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 249 plained at the hesitation to employ the savages toward the Americans more vigorously, and Hamilton wrote Lord Germain "that the Ottawas, Chippawas, Wyandots and Pottawatomies with the Senecas, would fall on the scattered settlers on the Ohio and its branches * whose arrogance, disloyalty and impudence has justly drawn upon them this deplorable sort of war." And with all this, before he left on his Vincennes campaign, Hamilton "with great joy" received at Detroit the outlaws and renegades, Simon Girty, Matthew Elliott and Alexander McKee, whose nefarious deeds, countenanced and even encouraged by the British, have already been referred to. Therefore, while Hamilton's story, in this phase of it, is totally unreliable, the statements regarding the advance of his expedition to the Wabash from Detroit have many points of great value. The real thread of Hamilton's narrative begins with the declaration that "On the 6th of August, 1778, intelligence was brought me by Mr. Francis Maisonville of the attack of the Illinois by Colonel Clark (e), the shameful treatment of Monsieur de Rocheblave, who was laid in Irons and put in a place where hogs had been kept, ankle deep in filth, the indignities offered Madame de Rocheblave, the distruction of his property &c." (Certainly at great variance with Colonel Clark's account of this event). "Expresses were despatched with all possible speed to inform the Commander-in-Chief at Quebec (Haldimand), Colonel Bolton commandant at Niagara, and Captain De. Peyster, commandant at Michilimackinac. No time was lost in making preparations for executing the Orders of the Commander-in-Chief, should he approve of an attempt to dislodge the Rebels. Monsour de Celoron was sent off directly for Ouiattenon (head of Wabash) with Belts and Speeches for the Miamis Indians, and those of the River Ouabache (Wabash), his orders as were given him in writing * * * (were to) give me information of the dispositions of the Indians, the numbers and if possible the views of. the Rebels, and that he should not fail to have the few small Cannon at Fort Sackville spiked, and the Trunions knocked off, a detail of his treacherous conduct I had the honor of laying before your Excellency in a letter from Ouiattanon." This Celoron was evidently the son of Captain Bienville de. Celoron, who had accompanied his father on the French expedition which encircled most of Ohio in 1749, to clinch the French title to that section. The younger Celoron was identified with the British Indian. Department which had quarters at Ouiatenon (near now Lafayette, Indiana) and 10-VOL. 1