250 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY when a commissioner from Clark appeared among the Indiar there, Celoron took to his heels northward. At this point Hamilton states that he wrote to Major E Peyster at Michilimackinac of his intended campaign, speaks c the character of his probable forces including Captain La Mothe company of volunteers and Indians, compliments Captain Len oult left as commandant at Detroit, for his assistance in outfitting the expedition and the preparation made at the "carrying place at the head of the Maumee for the transportation of the force and supplies. Messengers were also sent to the different India: nations tributary to Detroit notifying them of Hamilton's prc posed campaign and "exhorting them to send out frequent partie upon the Frontiers." Father Pierre Potier, to use Hamilton's own words, "th Jesuit missionary a man of a respectable character and venerabie figure, came to the head of our little encampment on the Com- mons of Detroit, and having attended to the reading of tin Articles of War, and the renewal of the Oath of allegiance to Hi, Brittannick Majesty, he gave the blessings to the Catholics Ares ent, conditionally, upon their strictly adhering to their oath, beim the more engaged thereto as the indulgence and favor of Old prince, merited their best services and had exceeded their moss sanguine expectations. The subsequent behavior of these peoph has occasioned my recalling this circumstance." While reading Hamilton's story would make it appear other. wise, Father Potier was evidently present as the spiritual advisor of his Catholic followers and not as a champion of the British cause. Father Potier came to the Detroit section in 1744 w assistant to Father Armand de la Richardie a Jesuit missionary who was "deputed" in 1728 to establish a permanent mission at Detroit. The Recollect order being already there, to avoid any conflict in their operations, Father Richardie located his mission across the river opposite Fort Pontchartrain, at Point de Montreal site of now Sandwich, and where he built a church and mis- sion house. In 1754 when Richardie left the post, Father Poti became the mission master. He was the last Jesuit missionary to the western Hurons, died in July 1781, and was buried beneath the church of the Huron in Sandwich. Hamilton's forces at the beginning, as stated in connection with Colonel Clark's narrative, were as follows : Of regulars—one lieutenant fireworker, two matrosses (artillerymen) one lieutenant, two sergeants, thirty of the King's 8th Regiment. Of TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 251 irregulars—one captain, one lieutenant, two sergeants. Rank and file—four sergeants and seventy volunteers, together with some sixty Indians. On the 7th of October the various supplies and baggage for a winter movement of six hundred miles being provided for, with the good will of Captain Lernoult left in command at Detroit and Alexander Grant, "the latter of whom attended to everything afloat, and by the assistance of Major (Jehu) Hay and (Sampson) Fleming the Commisary," the expedition struck their tents and embarked with one field piece. Proceeding a little farther down the river they made camp. As Hamilton's movements were now in local territory he is quoted here in full where he says: "I shall observe once for all, that camp duty was as strictly attended to, as the slender knowledge I possessed would admit, and that the Guards, Picketts and advance Centries, were regularly visited from the setting the watch, which was usually at sunset till broad daylight, that the boats were loaded, manned and arranged in such a way as to be perfectly secured within our centries every night. The Indians encamped and decamped as regularly as could be wished, and that among them not a single instance of drunkenness or quarreling occurred for 72 days, nor the least repining at the fatigues of the Journey, or the hardships of the season. Their customs in War, their ceremonies on the way, and what pass'd in the meetings with the various tribes, with the Speeches, are entered upon my diary, and may be of service to persons who wish to be acquainted with their forms without an attention to which no hearty assistance is to be expected from them. "On the ninth a snowstorm having subsided, it was debated whether or not we should hazard the passage of the Lake, from the Mouth of Detroit River, to that of the Miamis, (Maumee) but considering the advanced Season, and that contrary winds or the freezing of the Lake would frustrate our design, I determined to make the Push. The traverse is 36 miles and it was noon before the swell on the Lake was fallen sufficiently. The night proved extremely dark, the head boats with guides carrying lights for the direction of those astern, about 11 o'clock the wind shifted, it began to rain, a heavy swell roll'd in, we were on a lee shore and all was at stake, what I suffered on this occasion may more readily be conceiv'd than express'd, after rowing some time we lay on our Oars with our sterns to the swells till we judged the most distant boats could discern our lights, and then rowed in shore, when happily we made an ouzy (oozy) beach within a mile 252 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY of the entrance of the Miamis (Maumee) River. It blew so hard all night we could neither pitch a tent or make a fire, and yet were happy in our escape, for if providentially we had not passed an extent of rocky coast before the storm arose, we had all inevitably perished. "This day Monsieur de Celoron met us on his return, he made his report aloud, that the rebels were already arrived at the Miamis, I affected indifference, tho' astonished at his imprudence, and I said I had already heard of it. I ordered him to proceed to Detroit. It soon appeared that his design in giving the false intelligence (saying the American forces of Clark were already on the upper Maumee) was deliberately treacherous, as he had been industrious, in passing the Indian settlements on the way (from Ouiatenon) to spread the alarm. I apprized the Commandant at Detroit by letter of this manege." It would be interesting to know the exact location of Hamilton's camp an the west end of Lake Erie or on the Maumee Bay; as his statement that it was "one mile below the mouth of the river," might at that time not mean what it would by present surveys. Continuing Hamilton's story : "On the 11th we arrived at the foot of the Rapids (between now Perrysburg and Maumee) where we found Captain Grant, who in the sloop Archangel had brought 14 tonns of provisions to expedite our journey. * * * The next clay we lost Lieutenant Showrd by the accident of his piece going off which shattered his leg, we sent the Surgeon with him in a light boat to Detroit, where he suffered the amputatio but a mortification ensuing he lost his life. * "On the 24th (thirteen days going tip the Maumee) we arrived at the Miami towns (now Fort Wayne, Ind.) after the usual fatigues attending such a Navigation, the water being remarkably low. Here we met several tribes of the Indians previously summoned to meet here, and held several conferences made them presents and dispatched Messengers to the Shawnees as well as the Nations on our route, inviting them to join us, or at least watch the motion of the Rebels upon the frontiers; for which purpose I sent them amunition. Hamilton might hay added and also to take white scalps). Having pass'd the portag of nine miles, we arrived at one of the sources of the Ouabach (Wabash) called the petite Riviere, the waters were so uncommonly low that we should not have been able to have pass'd, but * Captain Grant was the commander of the British fleet on Lake Erie, and hi story is told later. TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 253 at the distance of four miles from the landing place the Beavers had made a dam which kept up the water, this we cut through to give a passage to our boats, and having taken in our lading at the landing pass'd all the boats. The Beavers are never molested at this place by the traders or Indians and soon repair their dam, which is a most serviceable work upon this difficult communication. With great labor we next passed a swamp called les Violets, beyond which the little Riviere a Boete joins the one we had made our way thro. The shallowness of the water obliged us to make a dam across both Rivers to back the water into the Swamp, and when we judged the Water to be sufficiently raised cut our Dyke and passed with all our craft. The same obstacle occurred at the Riviere a l'Anglais (Eel River) and the same work was to be raised." In the progress of the expedition down the Wabash, many difficulties were encountered and their boats badly damaged. It was sometimes a day's work to make two or three miles progress. Besides, they stopped frequently at the Indian villages for conferences, to furnish them supplies and prevail upon the savages to accompany them. Within a few days of Vincennes a reconnoitering party brought in a lieutenant and three men as prisoners, who had been sent out from Fort Sackville to gain information of Hamilton's approach. The officer had in his pocket two commissions, one from Edward Abbott, British governor of Vincennes and the other from Colonel Clark, and Hamilton states "was in the pay of Congress." From Hamilton's report : "Learning from the prisoners the state of things at Vincennes, I sent off parties to lay upon the roads from thence to the Illinois, and to the Falls on Ohio, where the Rebels had a Fort, and a number of families lately come to settle, their Orders were to intercept any messengers, secure them and their letters, but not to suffer any violence to be offered to their persons. They executed their Orders and took prisoners, two men sent off by the Officers commanding for the Rebels at Fort Sackville with letters to Colonel Clarke acquainting him of our arrival. Major Hay was detach'd with orders to fall down the river, and send to the principal Inhabitants of St. Vincennes, acquainting them that unless they quitted the Rebels and laid down their Arms, there was no mercy for them, some chiefs accompanied him to conciliate the Paenkashaa Indians residing at St. Vincennes, and to show the French what they might expect if they pretended to resist. Major Hay secured the Arms, ammu- 254 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY nition, and spirituous liquors, as soon as the inhabitants laid down their Arms, and the Officer who commanded in the Fort (Captain Helm) being deserted by the Officers and Men who were in pay of the Congress surrender'd his wretched fort on the very day of our arrival being the 17th of December 1778. Thus we employed 71 days in coming only Six hundred Miles, which is to be attributed to the extraordinary difficulties of the way owing to an uncommon drought; the severity of the season, and the inevitable delays at the Indian Villages, particularly at Ouittanon, where the Chiefs who had receiv'd the Rebel colors came in to us from their hunting, acknowledged their error gave up the flags and accused Monsieur de Celoron of having deserted them, besides that he never distributed to them the goods entrusted to him for the Indians. In the fort we found two iron three pounders, mounted on truck carriages, two swivels not mounted, a very small quantity of amunition, and thirty-two stout Horses which had been purchased for Congress, and which I gave to the Indians." Hamilton reported the stockade in a miserable condition, without a well, barracks, platform or small arms; not even a lock to the gate. Not a shot was fired in the surrender and no person or property injured. The force of the Britisher on arrival was five hundred, a large part Indians who joined the expedition on the way. It became a point of consideration with Hamilton as to the advisability of at once proceeding to the Illinois and attack Clark or as he wrote "content ourselves with establishing ourselves in this post where we had these several advantages; the command of the River Ohio by which the Spaniards had supplied the Rebel forts with Powder &c., the cutting of the 'communication between the Illinois and the falls of Ohio across the country—The being situated so as to check the River Indians, and encourage the Delawares and Ottawas on white River, further to divide our small force since we must leave a Garrison in Fort (Sackville) appear'd not eligible, and we could not expect the Indians to remain much longer with us. The state of our provisions, the length of the journey (240 miles) and the want of Carriages, added to the nature of the country, subject to inundations all combined to direct our determination to fortify ourselves here, and wait for reinforcements in the Spring." Hamilton found the inhabitants at Vincennes of all ages, men women and children, to be '621, of whom 217 were fit to bea arms; several being absent hunting buffalo for their winter's pr TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 255 visions. He assembled the inhabitants at the church, reproached them for their ingratitude and treachery toward the British and compelled them to renounce the cause of the Americans; kiss the crucifix and take the oath in favor of the British by signing their name in writing. The conduct of the French-Canadians at large was, however, "poor encouragement." Those who had accepted commissions under the Americans surrendered them and all those who had laid down their arms, on application, had passports issued to them permitting them to hunt buffalo. A guard house was built for the fort, also a barracks for four companies and a well dug. Blockhouses of oak, musket proof, were constructed and the fort was laid with gravel. Delegations were sent out to pacify the Indians and proposing a meeting in the spring for a concerted invasion of the Illinois country. Letters were even sent to the Natchez and New Orleans. A party of thirty men with an officer was sent to the mouth of the Wabash to intercept any boats that might be sent along the Ohio River, while precautions were taken to suppress the news of the arrival of Hamilton at Vincennes. He reported that the first news of his situation was carried to the Illinois by a corporal and six men who deserted from Captain La Mothe's company during the latter part of January, 1779. Quoting Hamilton here, he wrote that—"One of the deserters was a brother to Gibault the priest who had been an active Agent for the Rebels, and who's vicious and immoral conduct was sufficient to do infinite mischief in a Country where ignorance and bigotry give full scope to the depravity of a licentious ecclesiastic. This wretch it was who absolved the French inhabitants from their Allegiance to the King of Great Britain. To enumerate the Vices of the Inhabitants would be to give a long catalogue, but to assert that they are not in possession of a single virtue, is no more than the truth and justice require, still the most eminently vicious and scandalous was the reverend Monsieur Gibault." While several Indian tribes along the Wabash visited Hamilton at different times, and at least declared their distrust of the "Virginians," there was but one chief with his party who really acted with zeal and spirit. This was an Ottawa chief who had been with his band to the mouth of the Wabash to intercept some of the Americans going to the Illinois country. He had no success and was determined to not return until he had taken a prisoner. He took his party by land to Kaskaskia and they were of the detachment which attempted the capture of Colonel Clark; 256 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY and the chief told Hamilton he would have succeeded in the attempt and also taken several of Clark's officers, but for the treachery of Charles Baubin, a Canadian and interpreter to the Miamis. Clark in his own story gives his version of this affair. Of course, Hamilton branded Baubin as a "villain" as he did all the natives or others friendly to the Americans and who aided Clark. He concludes here by saying that "thus * * * secret treason brought on our final misfortune." Hamilton describes the preliminaries to his surrender as follows : "The fort was on the 22nd of February in a tolerable state of defence the Work proposed being finish'd—This day, Wired Francois Maisonville return'd from a scout having been in pursuit of Deserters, and brought in two Virginian prisoners, whom he had taken on the Ohio. He took me aside immediately and told me'he had discover'd about four leagues below the fort, fourteen fires, but could not tell whether of Virginians or Savages. I instantly sent off Captain. La Mothe, Lieutenant Shieffelin and 20 Men to bring me a more perfect account. The Waters being out, the meadows were so greatly overflowed it was necessary to take a circuit. Mr. Maisonville had taken upon him to serve as a guide tho' fatigued. They lost their way, night coming on, and were only appriz'd by the firing of Cannon at the fort that it was invested; returning to the Village & finding it impossible to make their way good, they concealed themselves in a barn, sending from time to time one of their Number to explore and make report, but as they emploied Canadians, none of them return'd. * * * The Militia of the Fort had been order'd under arms in the evening. The Major, Le Gras, and one of the Captains, Bosseron, with several of the Private Men being reported absent, I suspected treachery, the two Officers however made their appearance at sunset. About 5 minutes after candles had been lighted we were alarmed by hearing a Musquet discharged; presently after some more, I .concluded that some paity of Indians was return'd or that there was some riotous frolic in the Village, going upon the Parade to enquire I heard the Balls whistle, order'd the Men to the Blockhouses, forbidding them to fire till they perceived the shot to be directed against the Fort. We were shortly out of suspence, one of the serjeants receiving a shot in the breast. The fire was now return'd, but the enemy had a great advantage from their rifles, and the cover of the Church, Houses, Barns, &c. Mr. McBeath the surgeon having been in the Village when the firing began, push'd to get to the Gate, and narrowly escaped TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 257 being kill'd, he reported that as soon as the first shots were fired, the Woman of the house where he was told him that Colonel Clarke was arrived with 500 Men from the Illinois. This very house had lately been searched in the night on suspicion of a stranger being conceald, but the serjeant and party could not discover any such person--Tho' the night was dark we had a Serjeant Matross and five Men wounded. The weather was still so cold we were obliged to bring the Wounded into our own quarters. The Officers who had continued in tents all the winter were exposed to the fire of the enemy's riflemen as the picketting of the Fort was so poorly set up that one might pass the hand clench'd, between the Stockades. We dislodged the enemy from the Church, and nearest houses by a few cannon shot from the Blockhouses, but when day appeared and we saw that the Inhabitants of the Village had joined the Rebels, we despaired of Captain La Mothe's party regaining the fort, but to our great surprize and joy about half-an-hour before sunrise they appear'd and got into the Fort over the Stockades which were upright, and 11 feet out of the ground, with their Arms in their hands. Two Canadians of his Company had deserted the preceding night, and Mr. Maisonville was betrayed and deliver'd to the Rebels by his own Cousin. The firing was but slack after sunrise, and about 8 o'clock a flag of truce from the Rebels appear'd, carried by Nicolas Cardinal a Captain of the Militia of St. Vincennes, who deliver'd me a Letter from Coll Clarke requiring me to surrender at discretion, adding with an Oath that if I destroy'd any Stores or Papers I should be treated as a murtherer. Having assembled the Officers and read this letter I told them my intention was to undergo any extremity rather than trust to the discretion of such sort of people as we had to deal with. They all approve of this resolution, on which I assembled the Men and informed them of our determination. The English assured me they would defend the King's Colors to the last, adding a homely but hearty phrase, that they would stick to me as the shirt to my back—they then gave three cheers—The French on the contrary hung their heads—I return'd for answer to Col Clarke's Note, that threats would not prevent us from doing our duty as British Subjects, and the Flag having return'd, the firing recommenced. La Mothe's Volunteers now began to murmur, saying it was very hard to be obliged to fight against their countrymen and relations, who they now perceived had joind the Americans—As they made half our number, and after such a declaration were not to be trusted—The Englishmen 258 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY wounded, six in number were a sixth of those we could depend on and duty would every hour fall heavier on the remaining few considering we were at the distance of six hundred miles fro succour, that if we did not burn the Village we left the enemy most advantageous cover against us, and that if we did, we had nothing to expect after rejecting the first terms, but the extremity of revenge, I took up the determination of acceping honorable terms if they could be procured, else to abide the Worst. "I stated these considerations to the Officers first, who allowed them to be reasonable, then to the Men, who very reluctantly ad- mitted them, and here I must declare that if the defence of the Fort had depended on the spirit and courage of the English only the Rebels would have lost their labour, but Colonel Clarke has since told me he knew to a man those of my little garrison who would do their duty, and those who would shrink from it—There is no doubt he was well informed." Hamilton's reply contained seven provisions and as has been told by Clark they were all rejected. But Hamilton's further ac• count is that "Before anything was concluded the following scene was exhibited, of which I give your Excellency a relation, as it serves to contrast the -behaviour of His Majesty's Subjects with that of the Rebels, so often celebrated for humanity, generosity, and indeed everything virtuous, elevated, and noble. "About 2 o'clock afternoon a party of Indians with some whites return'd from a Scout, with two Canadians whom they had taken prisoners near the falls of Ohio, probably with information for the Rebels at the Fort. Colonel Clarke sent off a detachment of 70 Men against them. The Indian party was 15 or 16 Men, who seeing the English Flag flying at the Fort, discharged their pieces, an usual compliment with those people, they were immediately fired upon by the Rebels and Canadians, two killed on the spot, one shot in the belly, who however escaped, the rest were surrounded and taken bound to the Village, where being set in the Street' opposite the Fort Gate they were put to death, notwithstanding a truce at that moment existed. The manner (as related to me by different people, and among others by the man at whose door this execrable feat was perpetrated) was as follows : "One of them was tomahawk'd immediately. The rest sitting on the ground in a ring bound—seeing by the fate of their comrade what they had to expect, the next on his left sung his death song, and was in turn tomahawk'd, the rest underwent the same TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 259 fate, one only was saved at the intercession of a Rebel Officer, who pleaded for him telling Coll Clarke that the Savages' father had formerly spared his life. "The Chief of this party after having had the hatchet stuck in his head, took it out himself and deliver'd it to the inhuman monster who struck him first, who repeated his stroke a second and a third time, after which the miserable spectacle was dragged by the rope about his neck to the River, thrown in, and suffer'd to spend still a few moments of life in fruitless strugglings—Two serjeants who had been Volunteers with the Indians escaped death by the Intercession of a father and a Sister who were on the spot. Mr. Francis Maisonville whom I formerly mentioned was set in a Chair, and by Coll Clarke's order a Man came with a scalping nife, who hesitating to proceed to this excess of barbarity on a defenceless wretch, Colonel Clarke with imprecations told him to proceed, and when a piece of the scalp had been raised the man stopp'd his hand, he was again order'd to proceed, and as the executor of Coll Clarke's will, was in the act of raising the Skin, a brother of Mr. Maisonville, who had joined the Rebels, step'd up and prevailed on Coll Clarke to desist. The poor man who survived this cruel treatment, and shew'd an unshaken firmness in the minute of impending death, was not afterwards proof to the long confinement he underwent at Williamsburg, the gloominess of his situation affected his spirits first, the apprehension of suffering an ignominious death lower'd them still more, till reason began to be impair'd—The surgeon, a Man of great humanity, tho' attached to the cause of Rebellion, wrote to the Governor and Council of Virginia to solicit a little enlargement for this poor man, as the only means likely to save him, what the answers was I know not, but the unfortunate creature put an end to his miseries and his life, in spight of two persons who watched him and were aware of his situation. "Colonel Clarke yet reeking with the blood of these unhappy victims came to the Esplanade before the Fort Gate, where I had agreed to meet him and treat of the surrender of the Garrison—He spoke with rapture of his late achievement, while he washed off the blood from his hands stained in this inhuman sacrifice. "He told me it was in vain to think of persisting in the defence of the Fort, that his cannon would be up in a few hours, that he knew to a Man who might be depended on with every other circumstance of my situation, that if from a spirit of obstinacy I persisted when there was no probability of relief and should stand 260 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY an Assault, not a single Soul should be spared. I replyed that tho' my numbers were small I could depend on them. He said he knew I had but 35 or 36 staunch men, that 'twas but folly to think of a defence with so small numbers so overmatch'd; that if I would surrender at discretion and trust to his generosity, I should have better treatment than if I articled for terms—my answer was, that I would then abide the consequence, and never take so disgraceful a step while I had ammunition and provision. "You will be answerable (said he) for the lives lost by your obstinacy. I said my Men had declared they would die with Arms in their hands rather than surrender at discretion, that still I would accept such terms as might consist with my honor and duty, that knowing what I could pretend to, little time was necessary for drawing up Articles—He said he would think upon it and return in half an hour, he returned accordingly accompanied by one of his Captains—I went to meet them with Major Hay, the soldiers in the meantime apprehensive of some ill design, mann'd the East Blockhouse ready to fire at an instant. The conversation was resumed, and Colonel Clarke appeared as determined as before, I then said further discourse was vain, that I would return to the Fort and to prevent mistakes, the firing should not take place for an hour after, our party took my leave & was proceeding to the fort, when Major Hay & Captain Bowman call'd me back, the subject was renewed, and Coll Clarke agreed to my sending terms for his consideration—They were sent that same evening, Colonel Clarke made his alterations and I agreed to them, having first called the Officers together, and exposed to them the necessity of the step. The Men were then assembled, and were convinced that no advantage to His Majesty's service could result from our holding out in the present circumstances. "Among reasons not mentioned on the face of the capitulation were the treachery of one-half our little garrison, the certainty of the Inhabitants of the Village having joyned the Rebels—The Northeast Angle of the fort projecting over a sandbank already considerably undermined, the miserable state of the wounded Men, the impossibility of effecting an escape by water, while the half of our number had shewed their poltroonerie and treason, and our wounded must be left at the mercy of a mercyless set of Banditti. "Having given the necessary orders, I pass'd the night in sorting papers and in preparing for the disagreeable ceremony of TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 261 the next day. Mortification, disappointment, and indignation had their turns. "At ten o'clock in the morning of the 25th, we marched out with fix'd Bayonets and the Soldiers with their knapsacks—the colors had not been hoisted this morning, that we might be spared the mortification of hawling them down. "It had been told Coll Clarke, that we had labour'd all night to lay powder Chests under the Gateway, and had planted the six-pounder loaded with Grape which by a train was to destroy the Rebels as they enter'd to take possession. This report may reasonably be imputed to the invention of the French inhabitants since they had the effrontrie to give Coll Clarke a written account of Cruelties exercised by us while at St. Vincennes, which our own American prisoners confuted in their Accounts to Coll Clarke. "Thus by the baseness and ingratitude of people who owed their lives and properties to us, we were betrayed into the hands of our enemies. Permit me Sir to make a slight digression, and attempt to show that to a Correspondence with the french inhabitants, and not to our supineness and neglect, The Rebels owed the information necessary for accomplishing their design. "On our arrival at St. Vincennes a strict search was made for Gunpowder, all that was to be found in the place was put into the Magazine, and a heavy fine was laid on those who should be found to conceal any, nevertheless Colonel Clarke was supplyed by the Inhabitants, his own to the last ounce being damaged on his March. He himself told me that he should never have attempted to attack us but that he was minutely informed of our situation in every respect. "The Indians who after a march in winter of seventy-one days had acted with great zeal and fidelity, and furnish'd as many parties as I wish'd, had almost all return'd to their homes—Two Companies of Volunteers from Detroit had testyfied so much uneasiness and unwillingness to remain that I chose to send them away rather than keep them against their inclination—Several persons who had been on pay as partisans with the Indians I believe fomented this discontent, which I attributed to their surmizing that France would join the Americans—Those people I discharged and sent away—the conduct of the canadians in general has shewn that no ties that have force upon enlightened and generous minds, can bind them, and that they prefer any subjection, to the freedom of Englishmen. The artful manege of 262 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY the inhabitants of the Illinois is not to be forgot—When news wa carried to that place of the Indians coming against them uncle my orders, the young men offer'd their service to Coll Clarke to bear arms against the English, but their Fathers & uncles tol him they had sworn allegiance to the King of great Britain, there fore could not act the same part, but that they would not figh against the Americans." After reciting the terms of capitulation Hamilton continues: "The evening of the day we capitulated, Colonel Clark order'd Neck-irons, fetters and handcuffs to be made which in our hearing he declared were designd for those Officers who had been employed as partisans with the Indians. I took him aside and reminded him that these persons were prisoners of War included in the capitulation which he had so lately set his hand to, he said his resolution was form'd, that he had made a vow never to spare woman or Child of the Indians or those who were employ'd with them—I observed to him that these persons having obey'd my orders were not to be blamed for the execution of them, that I had never known that they had acted contrary to those orders, by encouraging the cruelty of the savages, on the contrary, and that if he was determined to pass by the consideration of his faith and that of the public, pledged for the performance of the Articles of capitulation, I desired he might throw me into prison or lay me in irons rather than the others—He smiled contemptuously, turn'd away and order'd three of these persons to the guard, till the Irons should be made—The scalps of the slaughter'd Indians were hung up by our Tents, a Young man of the name of Rainbault was brought into the fort with a halter about his neck and only for the interposition of the Volunteers from the Illinois some of whom were his Relations would infallibly have been hanged without any crime laid to his charge but his having been with a scouting party; he was half strangled before he was taken from the tree. "Our Soldiers told us that some of the Rebels had sworn solemnly to destroy Major Hay and myself the first opportunity. As we could not guard against any attempt in the situation we then found ourselves, we thought it best to appear unacquainted with any such resolution, but we were twice in the night obliged to fly for security to Coll Clarke's quarters in the fort, two men that were intoxicated and who's names had been given us, attempting to shoot us in our tent—The attempt was proved but no punishment ensued. We were kept in the dark as to the day of TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 263 our departure, tho' I had repeatedly ask'd it, that we might have bread baked, and prepare what was necessary. "On the 5th of March, Monsieur Dejean was brought in prisoner, along with Monsieur. Adhemar, the latter had been sent up with ten pirogues and thirty men to the Miamis, to bring down provisions and stores which had been forwarded from Detroit. Mr. Dejean had obtained leave of the Commandant there to pass to St. Vincennes, and had taken Charge of letters from Detroit for me—The day before Captain Helm (an American officer who commanded the party sent to take the convoy) arrived at Ouiattanon Mr. Dejean heard that we had fallen into the hands of the Rebels, but he had not sufficient presence of mind to destroy the papers which with everything else were seized by the Rebels. "Besides the provision cloathing and Stores belonging to the King, all the private Baggage of the Officers fell into the possession of Coll Clarke, not an Article of which was offer'd them, tho' they to conciliate the good offices of the Rebels to our wounded men and those whom we apprehended would not be permitted to go along with us gave away to Coll Clarke and to his people several things we should otherwise not have parted with, we afterwards heard that the prisoners were notwithstanding treated with great severity. Our Surgeon was robbed of his medicines and instruments Coll Clarke being arbiter of that article of the Capitulation by which the Officers were to take their necessary baggage. "At length on the 8th day of March, we were put into a heavy Oak boat, being 27 in Number, with our provision of Flour and pork at common ration, and 14 Gallons of Spirits for us and our guard which consisted of 23 persons including two officers—We had before us 360 Miles of water carriage and 840 to march to the place of our destination Williamsburgh in Virginia—The 10th in the afternoon we reach'd the Ohio, whose Waters were out in an uncommon and astonishing degree—The depth above the banks 18 feet with such a swift current as made it very fatiguing to row which we all did in turn while our guard were distributed in four light boats—At night we were obliged to lye in our boat making it fast to a tree, for the flood extended as far in the wood as the Eye could reach, we made a miserable shift with our mast and oars to throw a— ( covering) over head to keep out the rain, and lay like swine close jammed together having not room to extend ourselves. "We presently found the discipline of our Guard such as would have enabled us to seize their Arms and escape to the Natchez, this was agitated among us but the Idea given up, on a persuasion 264 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY that our companions left in the hands of the Rebels at St. Vincennes would be sufferers for it. We fell in with four delaware Indians who were hunting having only their bows & arrows, our escort obliged them to accompany us part of the way, but they disappeared one day, and we were given to understand they were quietly knock'd on the head." Further details of Hamilton's story are too long for repetition here. With their escort the British prisoners arrived at the Falls of the Ohio March 30, where the settlers were "in eternal apprehension from the Indians. The people at the forts in * * * a wretched state * * * obliged to close their cattle every night within the fort, and carry their rifles to field when they go to plow or cut wood." Thus Hamilton's own words shows the condition of the border settlements and their daily danger of massacre by the Indians, through the policy inaugurated by the British at Detroit and set in motion by Hamilton himself. Of course Hamilton's story as has been said was highly colored, but if all true, little blame could be attached to his escort, whose friends at the very time were being set upon by Indians under British leaders, their cabin homes destroyed and their women and children perhaps murdered in cold blood. A deplorable condition from both angles. And by the way, the Monsieur Dejean Hamilton mentioned, had been a British notary and justice of the peace at Detroit and Hamilton's assistant there. Adhemar had been a wandering Indian trader and once a justice of the peace at Detroit. His first name was Toussaint and he had possibly at one time been a trader at the post which once existed at the mouth of Toussaint Creek shore of Lake Erie, in now Ottawa County, Ohio. Hamilton says that their guard behaved well and hunted for them as their rations had been expended and their allowance of "bear's flesh and Indian meal was frequently very scanty." At Lynch's Ferry (Lynchburg) on the James River, they were put in canoes and continued by water. On May 20th being on shore to get refreshments, they were agreeably surprised to find themselves at "Brigadier Hamilton's quarters" who was hospitable and kind to them. The same evening they halted at the house of "a Rebel Colonel Lewis" where Hamilton saw two captured officers of the "convention army," Burgoyne's forces, one of which bore to Haldimand, Hamilton's report of his capitulation. Here the account continues : "On the 26th a Rebel Captain with a guard marched us from Beaver dam to Richmond, from thence to Ches- TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 265 terfield, where we remained till the 15th June, on which day an officer having a written order in the hand of the Governor of the Province Thomas Jefferson for taking me in Irons to Williamsburg, I was accordingly handcuff'd put on a horse, and my servant not being suffered to go With me, my Valise was fastn'd behind me—Captn. La Mothe was ordered to accompany me, being in like manner handcuff'd." Sometimes riding, sometimes walking, they arrived the second evening at Williamsburg. Quoting Hamilton again, "We were conducted to the Palace where we remain'd about half an hour in the Street at the Governors door, in wet cloaths, weary, hungry, and thirsty, but had not even a cup of water offered to us—During this time a considerable Mob gather'd about us, which accompanied us to jail—On our arrival there we were put into a cell, not ten feet square where we found five criminals and Mr. Dejean who was also handcuff'd. This poor man could not refrain from tears on seeing our equipment. We had the floor for a bed, the 5 felons were as happy as rum could make them and so we were left to our repose for that night. "The next day we three were taken out about 11 oClock, and before a number of people our handcuffs taken off and fetters put on in exchange—I was honored with the largest which weighed eighteen pounds eight ounces—As I thought opportunities might not offer frequently, and seeing some of the delegates present, I took occasion while my irons were rivetting to speak a few words. "I told them that the ignominius manner in which we were treated without any proof of criminality, or any hearing, without even a crime being laid to our charge, was a reproach to those only who could act in that manner by prisoners of War, under the sanction of a Capitulation—That after a proceeding so unjust I was prepared for any extremity, but desired the persons present to observe that punishment was exercised on us before any enquiery had taken place or any person who might have accused us being confronted with us—some by their gestures appeard to feel for us, but no one utter'd a word, and when our fetters were properly fixed we were remanded to our Dungeon from which the five felons were removed—The light we received was from a grate, which faced the Court of 20 feet square with walls 30 feet high—The prison having been built 60 Years it may be conceived we were subject to one very offensive convenience, in the heat of summer almost suffocating, our door was only open'd to give us water, we were not allowed any candle, and from the first to the last of our confinement we never could find that the Governor or 266 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY Council had order'd provision of any kind to be made for us except Water with which we were really very well supplied. The variety of vermin to which we were a prey, bad air, Chagrin and want of exercise began to produce their effects on my companions." Of their situation Hamilton wrote a letter to the lieutenant-governor and council of Virginia (Governor Jefferson being absent) and on August 31, Major Hay with other prisoners arrived at Williamsburg from Chesterfield. The soldiers were confined in the "debtors' room," the officers, five in number, were placed in the "dungeon" with Hamilton and the rest of the prisoners. The air in the prison was so bad, says his narrative, that a candle held at the top of their cell would scarcely live. Finally they were allowed the use of the court. Hamilton was not sufficiently starved to prevent him having an attack of the gout and the surgeon treated him with kindness and consideration. Finally a parole was extended the Britishers October 1, 1779, but they refused its terms. One reason for the treatment received by Hamilton and his men, was the fact that among the local inhabitants there was one John Dodge whom Hamilton had caused to be imprisoned at Quebec while in trade at Detroit, charged with disloyalty to the British. His acount of his captivity incensed the people against Hamilton to more than an ordinary degree and they believed in giving him some of his own medicine. On Christmas day, the British soldiers marched to King Williams County. On April 18, 1780, a lieutenant, Jacob Schieffelin of the Indian Department at Detroit, made his escape with De Rocheblave and they finally reached New York. The previous October La Mothe and Dejean had accepted a parole, and on August 1st, Hamilton and Hay were taken from Williamsburg to Chesterfield jail and the surgeon and one other to King Williams Court House, Finally Hamilton and Major Hay, on October 10, 1780, accepted a parole and arrived after various experiences and a rough voyage at New York "very squalid spectacles, not having had any sleep for 3 days and nights, our Cloths ragged, Shoes broken and so alter'd in face and figure that our acquaintance could scarcely recollect us—His Excellency Sir Henry Clinton, Major-General Philips, Lord Rawdon were so good as to take several steps towards procuring our Exchange, which finally took place on the 4th day of March, 1781, we took our passage for England the 10th, but the packet not sailing till the 27th of May our arriv in this Country was so late as the 21st June." For Hamilton's parole he could thank Washington who ma the request. CHAPTER XXVI OPERATIONS IN THE OHIO REGION ATTACK ON FORT RANDOLPH—THE "SQUAW CAMPAIGN"—FORT McINTOSli BUILT—ALSO FORT LAURENS—BRODHEAD DESTROYS GOSCHOCHGUNG—STORY OF SIMON KENTON—OHIO INVASION BY BOWMAN AND THEN GEORGE ROGERS CLARK—SITUATION WITH BRITISH AT DETROIT. As has been shown, so far as the Revolution in the West was concerned, Detroit was the British key to all this vast territory, the same as later it will be seen was Fort Meigs under Harrison for the Americans, in the War of 1812. The story has been told, even by Governor Hamilton himself, how he called the various Indian tribes to Detroit where the British planned savage raids into the Ohio country and border settlements, in which British soldiers joined and where British officers were in command. It was always the hope of the Americans to capture Detroit and the British longed for the possession of Fort Pitt, the American stronghold. Neither desire was achieved until Detroit came to the Americans by the terms of peace. Rumors had reached Fort Pitt that a great Indian expedition from Detroit was planning to advance on the former post, and withal from other Indian raids, the Continental Congress began finally to take notice. It is of this abortive movement that Colonel Clark speaks disappointingly, when he found that the American plans did not include aid to himself. In February, 1778, some 250 Shawnees, as revenge for the murder of their Chief Cornstalk attacked Fort Randolph at Point Pleasant, where Cornstalk had four years before been defeated by General Lewis, but the Indians were repulsed with loss. There was what has been termed the "Squaw Campaign" of Gen. Edward Hand, commander at Fort Pitt, to the Delaware town on the Cuyahoga, where it was reported that the British had deposited a quantity of stores to aid the Indians in their incursions. With a force of five hundred frontiersmen, General Hand with Simon Girty as guide (the last time the renegade was identified with the Americans before he joined the British) marched through the wilderness westward to the Mahoning River where "only one Indian and some squaws and children were found." The Indian - 267 - 268 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY and one squaw were killed, and another squaw rescued reported that a party of Munsees were making salt farther up the Mahoning. Girty at the head of a detachment was sent to capture the workers, and found four squaws and one Indian boy diligently plying their trade, all of whom were dispatched but one squaw. While it may not have been an inglorious experience for Girty, General Hand greatly chagrined, led his mounted troops back to Fort Pitt. It was only a few weeks after this exploit that Simon Girty, Matthew Elliott and Alexander McKee, as has been related, deserted the Americans and identified themselves with Hamilton and the British at Detroit. But Hamilton among his other troubles was beset with spies as he tells in his story of his Vincennes campaign. They even entered his lines at Detroit, as did John Dodge, whose report from there was one of the causes of Hamilton's harsh treatment after his Virginia imprisonment. A noted case was that of one Daniel Sullivan, who in 1777 had been employed by Virginia as a spy and who as a boy had experienced Indian life. In the dress of an Indian, in April of the above year, he joined a Canadian fur trader. In a canoe they paddled down the Cuyahoga, and westward along the south shore of Erie and crossing the head of the lake, after eight days reached Detroit. Sullivan gradually gained the confidence of the British officials and finally Hamilton himself. He secured all information possible, the strength of the British, and noted Hamilton's policy of encouraging Indian incursions by paying attractive prices for white scalps. In time he was recognized by a son of the bandit chief Pluggy who had met him in earlier days. Hamilton being informed of Sullivan's identity, sent him in irons to Quebec. Later he was sent to New York with other prisoners, where he was paroled. Finally reaching Fort Pitt, he made his report which coincided with what General Hand had been told by the two friendly Delaware chiefs, Captain White Eyes and John Kilibuck, who had also been to Detroit. For the purpose of putting a quietus upon the British and Indian incursions, the Continental Congress in May, 1778, voted an appropriation of $900,000 to equip an expedition of three thousand men. But the men could not be spared from the Continental troops and Virginia was again, called to the rescue. It was planned to organize the forces into two divisions. Reaching Greenbriar, one division was to pass down the Great Kanawha to Fort Randolph. Had Clark been provided with some of these men and with money, he might have eventually taken Detroit TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 269 himself. The other division was to gather at Fort Pitt and join the first in boats down the Ohio. At General Hand's request he was allowed to join Washington's own command and was succeeded at Fort Pitt by Brig.-Gen. Lachlan McIntosh. At Fort Pitt, McIntosh was joined by detachments of regiments under command of Col. William Crawford, Col. Daniel Brodhead and Col. John Gibson who gained notoriety in the Dunmore conflict by carrying Chief Logan's speech to the treaty council at Camp Charlotte. General McIntosh reached Fort Pitt in August, but primarily at the instance of Washington, an advance on Detroit was abandoned. In the middle of September, however, a treaty was made with the Indians at Fort Pitt permitting the American army to enter the Delaware country and build therein a post; the Delaware tribe going so far as to agree to furnish warriors to aid the Americans. General McIntosh thereupon with five hundred men opened a roadway from Fort Pitt to Beaver Creek and just below where the creek enters the Ohio, on the east bank he built a stockade post, picket enclosed and with four bastions. He named the place Fort McIntosh and equipped it with four cannon. The other division of the army which was to assemble at the mouth of the Great Kanawha never materialized. But the information reaching General McIntosh that a great force of Ohio Indians were gathering to oppose his further advance, he ordered twelve hundred men made ready at Fort Pitt to march to Fort McIntosh. This large force set out November 5th and traveled over the same route taken by Col. Henry Bouquet fourteen years before. At the Tuscarawas, seventy miles on their journey, they were met by a detachment from Fort McIntosh informing them that the winter supplies coming from over the Alleghenies had not arrived. From this fact his base at Fort McIntosh for his advance upon Detroit would be untenable and further plans were abandoned. To prevent his expedition from being entirely abortive, however, the general on the west bank of the Tuscarawas, below the mouth of Sandy Creek and about a mile and a half below now Bolivar, Tuscarawas County, on November 5 began the building of Fort Laurens, named for the president of the new Congress. Again this was near a temporary post built by Colonel Bouquet in 1764, when he made his advance to the head of the Muskingum. Laurens was the "first fort built by Americans within the boundaries of now Ohio," and McIntosh had with him all told, "the 270 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY largest army of white soldiers assembled in the West during the Revolution." A garrison of one hundred and fifty men under Colonel Gibson was left at Fort Laurens to complete the works and General McIntosh with his army returned to Pittsburg. Gibson soon after reported the completion of the defense, adding that he was ready "to bid defiance to the enemy." The story of Simon Girty acting under British orders reporting to Detroit the establishment of Fort Laurens has already been touched upon. Watching the road to Fort McIntosh finally came their opportunity. Capt. John Clark with the American Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment as convoy, had brought provisions to Fort Laurens. On his return with a sergeant and fourteen men, he was attacked January 29, 1779, by the Indians under Girty with the loss of two killed, four wounded and one man taken prisoner. The other nine including Captain Clark, succeeded in reaching the fort. A number of important letters from Gibson to General McIntosh were captured and carried to Detroit then under command of Captain Lernoult as Hamilton was on his inglorious campaign to Vincennes. On Girty's return to Detroit boasting of his victory, he gave the information that 600 to 800 warriors were assembling at Upper Sandusky to march against Laurens again. He was furnished with arms, ammunition and supplies, and the notorious Capt. Henry Bird was chosen to head the expedition. This siege has been related in the story of the Girtys, and the disaster to a detachment sent out to corral their horses. Then came Col. Daniel Brodhead who succeeded McIntosh in command of the Western Department. Chronologically, an account of the Moravian missions and some other matters perhaps should come here, but their narrative will appear under the head of Mission work in the Ohio section, and the work of Brodhead will be briefly set forth. At the passing of the Moravians and their pathetic story, with the beginning of the spring of 1781, the Delaware nation was aligned as follows : The Moravian Christians, while they declared their neutrality, were in fact in sympathy with the Americans owing to the attempt of the British to drive them into espousing their cause. Captain Pipe with the Munsees were with the British and the balance of non-Christian Delawares were likely to join with the Munsees. Brodhead, now commandant at Fort Pitt, was a man of hard action. In April of the year mentioned, with three hundred regular American troops and Virginia militia, he TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 271 crossed the Ohio and proceeding to the Delaware headquarters at Goschochgung (Coshocton), surprised, captured and looted the town. Much property was destroyed or burned, growing crops were devastated and live stock driven off or killed. It is not to the credit of the commander that nearly twenty of the leading Delaware warrior foes were tomahawked and scalped. To make matters more inhuman, of the Indian prisoners who were started for Fort Pitt, twenty more warriors were killed by the Virginia militia in revenge for the Indian border raids. The remaining Delawares fled to the Scioto and Sandusky to later avenge the butchery. Colonel Brodhead urged the missionaries and their followers to accompany him to Fort Pitt for self protection, but most of them remained, trusting to fate. The non-Christian Delawares and near-by tribes immediately joined the British. The sequel so far as the missionaries are concerned, as said, follows later. Before passing to the western Ohio section and the local situation among the British at Detroit, there is another frontiersman of the class with Daniel Boone, whose fame occupies many pages in western history—Simon Kenton. At the age of sixteen years and in 1771, an incident occurred which may have changed his whole career. Another young man from Farquier, Virginia, and Simon had some difficulty over a love affair, and in personal combat Kenton so belabored his antagonist that at the end he believed he had left him dead; although not intentionally. Fearing the consequences and not knowing his foe had recovered, he took the name of Butler and fled to Fort Pitt. Among the friends he made there was Simon Girty, while the renegade was yet with the Americans. As has been noted, Kenton was a guide for Lord Dunmore in the latter's Ohio operations, was with Colonel Crawford in the latter's early campaigns and a friend and companion of Daniel Boone. Kenton went with George Rogers Clark as a scout, and after the Colonel's capture of Kaskaskia, brought the news of success back to Kentucky. In the summer of 1778, Simon with Boone and a party of about twenty men from Boonesborough, planned an expedition into the Ohio Paint Creek section, where they were surprised by a superior force of Indians. All escaped southward. But Kenton and one other took sufficient time to capture four horses, and they, too, luckily reached and crossed the Ohio. In September, 1778, Col. John Bowman of Harrodsburg was planning a raid into the Indian country about the head of the 272 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY Little Miami River. He commissioned Kenton with two aides, Alexander Montgomery and George Clark, as spies to Old Chillicothe. They succeeded in reaching their objective, gained the information desired and started on their return. Indian ponies or horses seemed to have had a great attraction for Kenton, for running across some in a pound, each picked out a horse which he mounted and led off another one. All went well until they reached the Ohio River, when one day's delay proved their undoing. A pursuing band of Indians suddenly came upon them, shot and scalped Montgomery, took Kenton prisoner, but Clark escaped. Kenton was bound upon an unbroken colt which on being released rushed wildly through the brush and timber, greatly to the amusement and gratification of the Indians- over Kenton's punishment. At night the prize prisoner was placed upon his back and his hands and feet secured to stakes driven into the ground. At the town of Black Fish who had adopted the escaped Boone, Kenton was forced several times to run the gauntlet and at a meeting in the Shawnee council-house was sentenced to be burned at the stake. For this ceremony he was to be taken to Wapatomika in now Logan County, and on the way at Indian towns was twice more made to run the gauntlet. After an unsuccessful attempt to escape he was punished almost beyond endurance. At Wapatomika was Simon Girty, his old friend; who finally recognized Kenton. Doing one good turn he pleaded for Ken-ton's life or a delay in his dreadful death and his request was granted. After some weeks of apparent kindness and consideration, Kenton again, from probable Indian reverses, came under the Indians' displeasure. Another council and another death sentence, and the prisoner with a halter about his neck was driven on foot before horsemen to a town on the headwaters o the Scioto where Kenton for the first time came into the present of the great chief Logan. The noted Mingo engaged the pri oner in conversation and finally told him he would send two ru ners ahead to the Sandusky (Upper Sandusky) where Kento was to be burned at the stake and "speak good words for him, Until their return Kenton was kindly treated and spent much of his time in Logan's company. The prisoner and Indians continuing towards Sandusky, the savages of the town came to meet them and view their prize. Another grand court was organized and the first speaker" was a TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 273 Canadian Frenchman, Peter Druyer or Pierre Druillard, a captain in the British service. It was to this humane officer that Logan had sent his runners. The result was that Kenton was ransomed by Druyer, and in company with a chief, the three set off for Lower Sandusky (Fremont). From this point they went by water down the Sandusky River across the head of the lake to Detroit. Kenton was questioned by the authorities there as to what he knew about the Ohio region, but could give little information of value. He was kindly treated, had to report each day and was restricted to certain limits. In the spring of 1779, several prisoners were brought in, among whom were Capt. Nathan Bullet and Jesse Coffer, once Kenton's companions. Concerting a plan of escape, they were finally furnished with ammunition, rifles and provisions by the wife of an Indian trader who became interested in their cause and hid this material for their use on her husband's premises. One night they made their way out without discovery and in thirty days, midst many narrow escapes from capture, reached Louisville, nearly four hundred miles away. On their journey, they probably passed near where is now Toledo, for their journey was up the west side of the Maumee Valley, and down the Wabash. Kenton was taken prisoner early in September, 1778, reached Detroit about the 1st of November and escaped the following June. He was later a scout with Clark on his Mad River expedition, where he passed over the same territory of his captivity. The expeditions of the Americans, hardy frontiersmen from Virginia, Kentucky and even Pennsylvania, into the Ohio country, and the counter expeditions southward by the British at Detroit, joined by the Indians on the way, were numerous at this period and their success was varying. In May, 1779, Col. John Bowman of Harrodsburg, who had sent Kenton and his spies into the Shawnee region the previous fall, inaugurated a raid upon the Shawnee headquarters at Chillicothe (Oldtown) on the Little Miami, some three miles above now Xenia, Greene County. It was the most notable force that up to that time had invaded the region from south of the Ohio and the concentration was at the mouth of the Licking River where is now Covington. The troops, about three hundred in number, divided into five companies and mounted, arrived near the Old-town home of Black Fish early in the night of the first day out without the Indians being alarmed. 274 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY Not going into details, owing to a misunderstanding in orders, the expedition was not entirely successful. Of the Shawnee warriors one hundred strong under Black Fish, Black Hoof and Black Beard, Black Fish was mortally wounded and the two hundred squaws and children escaped to the woods. The greater part of the town was burned and the effect of the raid was a damper upon Indian activities in this section of the Ohio country, Col. John Bowman was a brother of Capt. Joseph Bowman of Clark's Vincennes expedition and also had assisted Clark in preparing his great western adventure. As a retaliatory measure, however, the Shawnees, Mingoes and Wyandots, led by Simon and George Girty and Matthew Elliott, engaged in a number of depredations along the Kentucky borders. In the month of October, 1779, a party of seventy Virginians under David Rogers were ascending the Ohio River in two flat boats loaded with merchandise from New Orleans, and which party Colonel Clark spoke of in a letter to Governor Henry, of Virginia. They were, as has been referred to in the account of the Girtys, intercepted by Girty's men and more than fort were killed and scalped including Captain Rogers. Early in June, 1780, Col. Henry Bird, and three hundred Brit ish soldiers and Canadians, with Simon, James and George Girt and Indians, and carrying two pieces of artillery, passed up th Maumee and Auglaize rivers from Detroit to the defeat any massacre of the Americans at Ruddell's and Martin's station as also related in the chapter on the renegades. At the Ohl River they were joined by some three hundred Indians uncle Capt. Alexander McKee. From Martin's Station which was also captured, Bird with his forces guarding 150 prisoners, passe back to Detroit down the Maumee. Despite all these Indian-British incursions the settlements o Kentucky were rapidly increasing. The sturdy frontiersmen thoroughly aroused by the continued depredations of the pas three years south of the Ohio determined upon a campaign agains the Ohio tribes that would end such attacks. Once more the intrepid George Rogers Clark was called upon for the task, who associated with himself such famous patriotic characters a Daniel Boone, Simon Kenton, James Harrod and John Floyd Clark purposed no half-way job. Therefore he assembled at the mouth of the Licking River nearly one thousand experienced and determined pioneers, armed and equipped for a campaign to the heart of the Shawnee region. From the site of Covington hE TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 275 crossed the Ohio with his army. At the mouth of the Little Miami they built two blockhouses for the storage of provisions, the first buildings raised upon the site of Cincinnati. Following up the Little Miami, they reached Old Chillicothe the scene of Bowman's former operations August 6th, 1780. It was only two days after Bird and his British and Indians reached Detroit down the Maumee after their Kentucky onslaught. Here Clark found that the Indians after putting the torch to their huts had fled northward towards Piqua the Shawnee capital five miles south of now Springfield, Clark County, on the north side of Mad River. After a night's encampment Clark left the burning village of Old Chillicothe and set out for Piqua, twelve miles away. This seat of the Shawnee national council was located upon an elevated plain overlooking the Mad River southward. The village was planned after the French method, the well constructed log huts stretching for three miles along a narrow street on the uplands. The squaws cultivated gardens of corn and beans near their cabins and a prominent figure was the council-house and fort surrounded by pickets—a pretentious stockade. It seems to be quite well authenticated that here was born in 1768, the celebrated Shawnee Chief Tecumseh who later figured so prominently in Maumee Valley affairs. This Piqua was not identified with the Piqua of the present day. Nearing Piqua town Clark divided his forces into two divisions. One he led himself, straight to the front of the village, while Benjamin Logan at the head of the other division of four hundred men was ordered by a circuitous route to gain the rear and prevent the Indians' escape. Noting the approach of Clark's contingent, some seven hundred warriors fled without ceremony. Logan's men were delayed in gaining their position by becoming entangled in a swamp, and this main body of savages escaped. At the town there remained about one hundred Indians among whom were the renegades Simon and James Girty. After nearly a day's skirmishing and sniping, the Indians using their usual methods of hiding behind the cabins, trees and bushes, finally scattered to all points of the forest. The loss on both sides was-less than fifty. The town was burned by Clark and the crops destroyed. Among Clark's force killed was Joseph Rogers commander of the craft Willing in the campaign against Vincennes. He was a prisoner at the Piqua town and in his attempt to escape was mortally wounded and died in Clark's arms, who was his cousin. 276 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY While Clark's invasion was not entirely successful, the loss of corn and crops was very distressing to the Indians and amidst the Kentuckians at home there was great rejoicing. It is well here to review the period just passed over from another angle and show something more of the situation at Detroit. The operations of the savages about the latter place had been unsatisfactory to the British and Governor Haldimand in July, 1779, wrote to Captain Lernoult who had succeeded Hamilton, that "I observe with great concern the astonishing consumption of Rum at Detroit, amounting to 17,520 gallons per year," which was most detrimental to the Indian activities. Gov. William Tryon of New. York wrote to Lord George Germain, secretary of state, London, in July 1779, that "My opinion remains unchangeable respecting the utility of depradatory excursions. I think (American) Rebellion must soon totter if these exertions are reiterated and made to extremity." It was because "Captain Lernoult was not equal to the demands of his more cruel superiors" that he was suspended in October the above named year by De Peyster. The success of Colonel Clark's expedition to Vincennes and lands being placed on the market, in 1779 caused increased emigration to west of the Alleghenies. The spring of 1780 saw the number increasing. "Three hundred large family boats arrived at the Falls of Ohio (Louisville) with emigrants from the east during the spring of 1780," according to Butler's History of Kentucky. A few came to avoid conscription for the American army in the east, but new homes in a fertile and new country was the attraction for most of them. De Peyster's greater efforts with the Indians about Detroit the same spring bore fruit, and in May 1780 he reported that "The prisoners daily brought in here (Detroit) are part of the thousand families who are flying from the oppression of Congress in order to add to the number already settled at Kentuck, the finest country for new settlers in America; but it happens, unfortunately for them, to be the best hunting ground of the Indians . which they will never give up and, in fact, it is our interest not to let the Virginians, Maryjanders, and Pennsylvanians get possession there, lest, in a short time they become formidable. to this post." May 26 De Peyster wrote to Captain Sinclair at Michilimackinac, that "everything is quiet here (Detroit) except the constant noise of the wardrum * * * More Indians from all quarters than ever known before." And on June 1, he wrote to TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 277 Governor Haldimand that "I have already fitted out two thousand warriors and sent them along the Ohio and Wabash rivers." Then came the expedition of Henry Bird to Ruddell's Station and the Indians to Bryant's Station, told about. Colonel De Peyster again wrote July 6, the above year that "I am so hurried with war parties coming in from all quarters that I do not know which way to turn myself." On August 4th he reported the arrival at Detroit of Captain Bird "this morning with about 150 prisoners, mostly Germans who speak English, the remainder coming in for in spite of all, his endeavors to prevent it the Indians broke into the forts and seized many. The whole will amount to about 350. Thirteen have entered the (British) Rangers andInany more will enter, as the pioneers are greatly fatigued with traveling so far (carrying plunder and by abuse—Editor)- some sick and some wounded. * We have more (Indians) here than enough. Were it not absolutely necessary to keep in with them, they would tire my patience." Slocum's History of the Maumee Valley has this footnote : The late Gen. Lewis Cass, in a communication to the North American Review, thus quotes an eye-witness to the return of Captain Bird's Savages: "Hearing the usual signals of success (sounds indicating the numbers of scalps and prisoners given on the approach of a war-party to Detroit) I walked out of town and soon met the party. The squaws and young Aborigines had ranged themselves on the side of the road with sticks and clubs, and were whipping the prisoners with great severity. Among these were two young girls, thirteen or fourteen years old, who escaped from the party and ran for protection to me and a naval officer who was with me. With much trouble and some danger, and after knocking down two of the Aborigines, we succeeded in rescuing the girls, and fled with them to the Council House. Here they were safe, because this was the goal where the right of the Aborigines to beat them ceased. Next morning I received a message by an orderly-sergeant to wait upon Colonel De Peyster the commanding officer. I found the naval officer, who was with me the preceding day, already there. The Colonel stated that a serious complaint had been preferred against us by M'Kee the agent for the Aborigines, for interfering with the Aborigines, and rescuing two of their prisoners. He said the Aborigines had a right to their mode of warfare, and that no one should interrupt them; and after continuing this reproof for some time he told me I ever took such liberty again, he would send me to Montreal 278 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY or Quebec. The naval officer was still more severely reprimanded, and threatened to have his uniform stripped from his back and to be dismissed from his Majesty's service if such an incident again occurred. And although I stated to the Colonel that we saved the lives of the girls at the peril of our own, he abated nothing of his threats of harshness." * * * De Peyster also tells of a store he allowed to be kept at a village on the Maumee for the convenience of the Indians, being plundered by a French-Canadian named La Balm and his party, who also took the Indians' horses and destroyed their "horned Cattle." Later La Balm and nearly forty of his men were killed by the Indians in an engagement at the head of the Maumee and La Balm's personal effects, including a "watch set with diamonds, his double-barrel gun, regimentals, spurs and papers," were carried to Detroit by the Miamis. Early in the year 1782, information was gathered by the Americans that the British forces at Detroit were composed of "three hundred regular troops, from seven hundred to one thousand Indian warriors who could be assembled in a few days time. It was also estimated at this time that an American army to successfully attempt an expedition against Detroit should consist of at least one thousand regular soldiers and one thousand militia, with cannon and supplies for at least one month." It seems, however, that the Americans in power did not consider the situation such that they could spare such a force for the work, although before this, in February, 1781, following the instructions of Washington, Governor Jefferson of Virginia wrote George Rogers Clark, who had been made a Brigadier-General for the purpose, that plans to capture Detroit were on foot. Clark was greatly encouraged by the information but it never developed into a fact and the efforts of Clark to realize his dream makes a long story. CHAPTER XXVII SANDUSKY CAMPAIGN OF COLONEL CRAWFORD THE SANDUSKY PLAINS-PLANS FOR CRAWFORD'S INVASION-MARCH TO THE UPPER SANDUSKY-CONTEST AT BATTLE ISLAND-SECOND DAY'S BATTLE-RETREAT OF CRAWFORD-BATTLE OF OLENTANGYCAPTURE OF CRAWFORD-HIS TORTURE AND DEATH-FATE OF DOCTOR KNIGHT AND RETURN EAST OF AMERICAN FORCES. East of the main highway running between Upper Sandusky and Carey, in Crawford township, Wyandot County, Ohio, and near the little hamlet of Crawfordsville seven miles northwest from Upper Sandusky, stands a modest little monument bearing this inscription : "In memory of Colonel Crawford who was burned by the Indians in this Valley. Erected by the Pioneer Association of Wyandot Co., O., Aug. 3, 1877." On the east bank of Big Tymochtee Creek, the shaft tells its own story. On the north side of the main highway between Galion and Bucyrus, in Whetstone township, Crawford County, and about five miles east of Bucyrus, rises another memorial on the site of what is known as the "Battle ground of the Olentangy." A third memorable spot is called "Battle Island," three miles and a half northeast of now Upper Sandusky, the place where began the engagement between the American forces under Colonel William Crawford and the British under Capt. William Caldwell of Butler's Rangers assisted by Simon Girty, Alex McKee and Captain Elliott and a large body of Indians. These three places figure most prominently in what is known as the "campaign of Colonel Crawford." One of the best accounts of this disastrous affair is contained in an address delivered by Hon. James M. Anderson of Columbus, June 11, 1896, the 114th anniversary of the burning of Colonel Crawford, near Crawford's Tymochtee Creek monument before an assemblage of some six thousand people. Leaving out the preliminaries the account reads as follows: In the year 1780, Crawford visited the American Congress, and implored that august body to give the frontier better protection, and to make larger appropriations for that purpose. His earnest appeals had a salutary effect, for war material and supplies were "soon afterward forwarded to Fort Pitt, and other Western posts." After - 279 - 280 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY returning home, and during that year, Crawford again on several occasions led small bands in pursuit of marauding savages. His great desire, however, had long been to equip and lead an expedition against Detroit, or Sandusky, for from these points the Indians came who wrought death and destruction along the frontier. Upper Sandusky, "the grand rallying point for the British Indians before starting for the border," was on the great highway between the north and the south. The Sandusky River was the water-way, and highway of travel, between Canada and the Mississippi. From time out of mind the Sandusky, Scioto, and Ohio rivers, had been the water-route between Detroit and the south, for warlike Indians, then for French explorers and soldiers, and later for the British. They came in boats from Detroit across the lake to the head of the Sandusky Bay, or to Lower Sandusky now. Fremont. William Walker, an intelligent Indian chief, wrote as follows: "Ascending the Sandusky River to the mouth of the west branch, known as the Little Sandusky, in a bark or light wooden canoe, you could in a good stage of water ascend that tributary four or five miles farther. Thence east across to the Little Scioto is a distance of about four miles. This was the portage." "This place," writes Col. James Smith, in his "Life and Travels," who was here in 1757, "is in the plains between a creek that empties into Sandusky, and one that runs into Scioto; and at the time of high water, or in the spring season, there is but about one-half mile of portage, and that very level, and clear of rocks, timber and stones." As the portage was short and trifling, Indians and others as before stated, going south and returning, made use of these streams. Hence Crawford felt that a river town so prominent and obnoxious as Upper Sandusky, which was a sort of entrepot, should be wiped out, for here the Indian allies of Great Britain received annuities and other allowances, and their supplies before starting for the settlements. The Wyandot or Half King's town, or capital, was really the most important place in the Indian country; and in Crawford's opinion the peace and safety of the frontier depended on its destruction, and the crushing defeat and conquest of the Sandusky Indians. This was also the opinion of General Irvine, commandant at Fort Pitt. At a meeting of the people of Westmoreland County, held on the 18th of June, 1781, to devise ways and means for the defense of the frontier, Crawford's presence had an inspiring effect, and TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 281 his words carried great weight. It was there decided to render, active and efficient aid to Gen. George Rogers Clark's expedition against Detroit. Thereupon Colonel Crawford, actively cooperated with Colonel Lochry, and General Clark, in trying to raise and equip an army to march against Detroit. He also did all in his power to aid and strengthen the effort Colonel Gibson, the officer then in command at Fort Pitt, was making, to organize a sufficient force to go against Sandusky, or Upper Sandusky as it was commonly called. But both schemes or projects fell through, not for want of men, or martial spirit, but lack of means—the sinews of war. Of one of these expeditions it was intended that Crawford should be a leading officer; and the attempt he made to set Colonel Gibson's on foot, "was his last effort as an officer on the continental establishment." These two projects so dear to his heart, he thought the only means of stopping the inroads of the savage and preventing further barbarities. But now, desperate as our affairs seemed in the west, the star of hope had risen in the east. The power of England was broken. The battle of Yorktown had been fought—October 19, 1781—peace between the colonies and mother country seemed at hand, and the old warrior thought the time propitious to lay aside the sword, and return to the bosom of his family. As a soldier of the Revolution, Crawford had now served his country six years, and sought retirement. Though placed on the retired list, he would still hold his commission, and stand ready to respond to the calls of his country whenever and wherever his services might really be needed. The exposed condition of the frontier settlements was ever before him, nor could he turn a deaf ear to the cries of the lonely settlers. The year 1782 is dawning. Crawford, now fifty years old, in fairly vigorous health, is at home on the Youghiogheny, happy in the belief that here he can remain henceforth, free from war's tumults and alarms. In his cabin by the river he loved to tell his children, grandchildren and others—for all sought his company —the story of his eventful life. He now longed for peace, but the stars and signs in the western firmament were lurid and warlike. The cruel and merciless Indian was still on the warpath. While American arms were triumphant in the east, the Western frontier was still the witness and theater of horrible savage bar: barities. The tomahawk and scalping knife were doing their bloody work. Settlers daily fell victims, houses and barns went 11-VOL. 1 282 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY up in flames, fields were laid waste, and stock stolen or slain. A state of terror reigned along the Pennsylvania and Virginia border. The despairing almost frenzied settlers were calling aloud for help. Is it surprising then that Crawford, though in retirement, found himself taking a deep interest in another proposed expedition against Sandusky, and the Sandusky Indians? His advice was sought and freely given. "Not less," said he, "than four hundred men should venture so far into the enemy's country." As Crawford had long favored an advance against the Sandusky Indians, the settlers naturally turned to him as the particular person to lead it. This he declined; there were others equally capable, and he had done his share. His only son, John, had decided to enlist, so had his distinguished son-in-law, Maj. William Harrison, of the great Virginia family of that name. His nephew, William Crawford, had already volunteered. John Crawford was "a young man greatly and deservedly esteemed as a soldier and citizen," wrote the historian Brackenridge. Sarah, the eldest daughter of Colonel Crawford, wooed and won by the gallant and scholarly Harrison, was the most charming and beautiful young woman in western Pennsylvania, if tradition and history are to be relied on. As Crawford still held his commission as a colonel in the regular army, and as Irvine, the officer in command of the Western Department, desired him to lead the expedition, should he refuse? That was the question. Finally, yielding to the entreaties of General Irvine, at Fort Pitt, and his beloved son, son-in-law, and nephew, and no doubt other relatives, he reluctantly consented to accept the command if chosen by the volunteers. Mingo Bottom, two and a half miles below the Steubenville of today was agreed upon as the place of rendezvous. Crawford now began in earnest to get ready for the long, perilous march. On the 14th of May, 1782, in consideration of love and affection, he duly conveyed to his son-in-law, William Harrison, a farm near his own on the Youghiogheny. On the 16th he made his last will and testament, giving to his wife during life, the home farm, and three slaves, Dick, Daniel and Betty, and all his personal property except a slave boy named Martin. He gave his son John the aforesaid boy Martin, and five hundred acres of land, and after his wife's death the home farm, and the three slaves, Dick, Daniel and Betty. He gave to each of his grandchildren, Moses and Richard, sons of John Crawford, four hundred acres, and TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 283 his granddaughter Anne four hundred acres. He made bequests to Anne Connell, and her four children : all the rest of his estate to be divided equally between his three children. On Saturday, the 18th, he bade adieu to his weeping wife, daughters, grandchildren, and others, and then set out on horseback for Mingo Bottom, going by way of Fort Pitt for instructions. His son, son-in-law, and nephew had already started. Crawford needing more officers, General Irvine detailed two, then on duty at the fort, to accompany him, namely, Lieutenant Rose as aide-de-camp, and Doctor Knight as surgeon. On the 21st General Irvine wrote to Washington : "I have taken some pains to get Colonel Crawford appointed to command, and hope he will be. He left me yesterday on his way down to the place of rendezvous. He does not wish to go with a smaller number than four hundred." At Mingo Bottom, Colonel Crawford was duly elected to command the expedition. David Williamson was made field major, and second in command; Thomas Gaddis, field major, and third in command; John McClelland, field major, and fourth in command; Major Brinton, field major, and fifth in command; Daniel Beet, brigade major; Dr. John Knight, surgeon ; Thomas Nicholson, John Slover and Jonathan Zane, guides. There were of course other officers. Lieut. John. Rose, of the regular army went as aide-de-camp to Crawford. General Irvine wrote to Washington on the 21st as follows : "Crawford pressed me for some officers, and I have sent with him Lieutenant Rose, my aide-de-camp, a very vigilant, active, brave young gentleman, well acquainted with service and (Dr. Knight) a surgeon. These are all I could venture to spare." Butterfield in writing of the campaign says: "The project against Sandusky, was as carefully considered, and as authoritatively planned as any military enterprise in the west during the Revolution." On the 25th of May, the volunteers, four hundred and eighty strong, all mounted on good horses, began their march from Mingo Bottom. "The route," says Butterfield, "lay through what is now the counties of Jefferson, Harrison, Tuscarawas, Holmes, Ashland, Richland, Crawford—nearly to the center of Wyandot County." One of the volunteers, Lieut. Francis Dunlevy, wrote a brief account of the campaign. He afterwards became a classical scholar and held high positions in Ohio. In four days the army reached the Upper Moravian village- 284 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY sixty miles from Mingo Bottom. On the 2d of June the Sandusky River was seen three miles west of where Crestline now stands. On the 3d of June the volunteers encamped for the night on the Sandusky Plains, near where the village of Wyandot may now be seen. On the 4th, after traveling six miles, they came to the mouth of the Little Sandusky, a spot well known to John Slover, one of the army pilots. On the same day they found Upper Sandusky Old Town, situate on the Sandusky River about three miles in a southeasterly direction from the Upper Sandusky of today, deserted. Not an Indian was to be seen. "We advanced on," says Knight in his Narrative, "in search of some of their settlements, but had scarcely got the distance of three or four miles from the old town" when we learned that Crawford's mounted scouts who had been sent forward to reconnoiter, had discoliered "about three miles in front," near a grove they were occupying, "a large body of Indians running toward them." Crawford heard of their presence with great satisfaction, and commenced a forward movement. Near where the scouts had first sighted them they were soon seen by the entire cavalcade, some little distance ahead taking possession of the grove the reconnoitering party had so recently abandoned—since well known as Battle Island. Crawford at once saw the advantage this would give the Indians, and ordering his men to dismount, moved swiftly forward, and by rapid firing soon dislodged the enemy, and occupied the grove. It was 2 o'clock in the afternoon of the 4th of June when this contest, known as the Battle of Sandusky, began—three miles and a half northeast of the present county seat of Wyandot County—American frontiersmen on one side, and British soldiers and Indians on the other. Crawford's troops, thoug outnumbered, had the best position, that is they were in possession of the grove—Battle Island—and on higher ground, while the Indians and their white allies were sheltered by the tall coarse prairie grass that then covered the Sandusky Plains. The Delaware Indians, under Captain Pipe, a noted war chief, and Wingenund, another chief, and the renegade, Simon Girty, -first met the Americans; but the Wyandots led by Zhaus-sho-toh, and Capt. Matthew Elliott, another white renegade, soon came to their relief. Two companies of white soldiers from Detroit were in the fight, and forty-four "lake Indians." The enemy was reinforced on the second day by one hundred and TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 285 forty Shawnees, and more white soldiers, and lake Indians. The whole were commanded by Capt. William Caldwell, a British officer, assisted by Capt. Alex McKee, Captain Elliott, Captain Grant, Lieutenant Turney, Lieutenant Clinch, besides Simon Girty, and other white officers in uniform. Girty, Elliott and McKee, though renegades and deserters, spoke the Delaware and Wyandot languages. The first day the battle raged with varying fortunes, sometimes more favorable to one side than the other till dusk, when the British and Indians, defeated but not discouraged, drew farther back and the firing ceased. Lieut. John Turney, of the Corps of Rangers, writing to Major De Peyster at Detroit, from "Camp Upper Sandusky, June 7, 1782," says : "On the 4th about 12 o'clock the enemy appeared about two miles from this place. Captain Caldwell with the rangers, and about two hundred Indians, marched out to fight them, and attacked them about 2 o'clock. The enemy * * * had every advantage of us as to situation of ground, people could possibly wish for. The action became general and was dubious for some time. * * * The battle was very hot till night which put a stop to firing." There was no lack of bravery on either side during the entire time the contest lasted—from 2 o'clock till dark—although only five of the volunteers were killed and nineteen wounded. The loss of the British and Indians, though since denied, was probably far heavier, but as they were constantly expecting the reinforcements then marching to their relief, they were by no means disheartened. On the part of the Americans, Crawford with consummate ability directed the fight, and his officers and men so far as known bravely did their duty. Lieutenant. Rose was probably Craw-ford's most efficient officer. Cool and daring, his martial bearing and words of encouragement stimulated every drooping spirit, reviving the sanguine expectations, enthusiasm, and courage of every man. Pursued during the engagement "by a party of mounted Indians who were so close to him at times as to throw their tomahawks," Rose happily escaped, owing to "his coolness and superior horsemanship." The strategy and vigilance of Major Williamson and Major Leet, were generally commended. Lieutenant Dunlevy, Philip Smith, Sherrard, Canon, John Campbell, and others were brave, reliable and efficient. As soon as those who had enlisted for the campaign met at Mingo Bottom, Indian runners who had been acting as spies, 286 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY started to notify the Delawares and Wyandots, who in turn notified the Shawnees, and their British allies, at Detroit, of the invasion of the Indian country. It is well established that Crawford's army, though outnumbered by the enemy, was clearly victorious on the 4th, that the fighting on the 5th was desultory, and that little damage was done, and that on the evening of the 5th our sentries discovere that the enemy was being largely reinforced by bands of Indian and mounted rangers. The Indians mostly came from th Shawnee towns south of the Sandusky Plains, and the whit soldiers from Detroit, De Peyster, the British commandant a that place having dispatched Butler's Rangers, and some "Lak Indians" to help repel the invaders. They came from Detroi by lake and river, bringing two field pieces and a mortar. When the astounding discovery was made that the enemy was receiving such reinforcements, Crawford at once called a council of war at which it was decided not to attack the enemy so "superior is numbers" that night, as intended, but to prepare to retreat is good order soon after dark. Simon Girty was seen during the da3 by Lieut. Francis Dunlevy, and others, who knew him well. Dun. ievy, who was stationed near the edge of the prairie to watch the movements of the enemy, often saw Girty, who appeared to b( in a high state of excitement, riding back and forth on a whit( horse giving orders. Many of the vounteers thought Girty was in command. Our troops about 9 o'clock formed in proper order to begin the retreat, with Colonel Crawford at the head, and the wounded near the center. The enemy suspecting Crawford's abject began firing, which resulted in much confusion among the volunteers. Some got separated from the main body and were shot and scalped, or captured, others reached home after many harrow escapes and much suffering; but upwards of three hun- fired remained together, pushing ahead, while resisting and fighting the pursuing Indians and British. About 2 o'clock in the afternoon of the 6th, the enemy had become so daring and troublesome that the army in retreat decided to make a stand and fight for their lives. An encounter then took place near the Olentangy Creek, in what is now Whetstone township, Crawfor County, called the battle of Olentangy, about five miles from the present site of Bucyrus, and six from Galion, in which the Arne] .cans were once more successful. It lasted about an hour, an our loss, says Lieutenant Rose, was "three killed and eight TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 287 wounded." During the battles and retreat Major Williamson and Lieutenant Rose were active, vigilant and invaluable. The real name of Crawford's brave and brilliant young aide-de-camp was not John Rose, but Gustave Henri De Rosenthal. On the night of the 5th of June, as the army, somewhat panic stricken, was retreating from the Sandusky Plains, Colonel Crawford, then some distance from the field of action, not seeing his son John, son-in-law William Harrison, nephew William Crawford, or aide-de-camp Lieutenant Rose, called aloud for each, and continued to call till the troops in much confusion had got some distance ahead. Then seeing Doctor Knight, he begged him to remain with him, saying his horse had nearly given out, and that he could not keep up with the troops; he also condemned the precipitate and disorderly retreat, and the violation of orders in deserting the wounded. Failing, during the excitement and rout, to find his missing relatives, or Lieutenant Rose, for it was now quite dark, and the firing becoming very hot, Crawford, Knight, and two other soldiers finally concluded to start east. They afterwards fell in with Captain Biggs and Lieutenant Ashley. About 2 o'clock on the afternoon of the 7th, a number of Delaware Indians, whose camp was only a half mile distant, suddenly appeared before them, not twenty steps away. Doctor Knight and the others, getting behind trees were about to fire, when Crawford induced them not to do so. The other four were so fortunate as to escape, but "The Colonel and I," says Knight in his narrative, "were then taken to the Indian camp." Here they found nine other prisoners, among whom was John McKinley, formerly an officer in the 13th Virginia Regiment, and all were constantly watched, with little to eat, till Monday morning, the 10th of June, when in charge of seventeen Delawares, they all started as they were informed, to Upper Sandusky—the Half King's town, thirty-three, miles hence. At the Half King's town, Colonel Crawford had an interview with the notorious Simon Girty, whom he had long known, and begged him to save his life, offering him a thousand dollars. Girty promised to exert all his influence to save him, with probably no intention whatever of doing it. He also informed him that his son-in-law and nephew had been captured by the Shawnees, but afterwards pardoned This was false, for the guide John Slaver, who was captured, said after his escape, that he saw the dead bodies of William Harrison and William Crawford at Wapatomica, as they lay black, bloody 288 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY and mangled. Slover recognized the faces of both. Girty was born in Pennsylvania, and the Colonel had known him before his desertion. Tom Jelloway, one of the so-called Christian Indians, who understood English, overheard the conversation between Crawford and Girty, which he was careful to repeat to the hostile Delaware chiefs, Captain Pipe and Wingenund. Craw. ford's offer of money is said to have incensed these chiefs, and fixed their determination to torture him to death. On the morning of the 11th, Crawford, as well as Captain Pipe and Wingenund, arrived at Upper Sandusky Old Town, where Knight and the other nine prisoners had spent the night. Thereupon Captain Pipe, having painted black with his own hand all the prisoners, including Crawford and Knight, started with them on the trail leading to the village of the Wyandots. They had not traveled far till four of the prisoners were tomahawked and scalped. Captain Pipe and Crawford were well acquainted, having frequently met, and on the 17th of September, 1778, both signed a treaty of peace at Fort Pitt, between the Delawares and the United States. On the march, Crawford and Knight, who walked between The Pipe and Wingenund, were carefully guarded. The crafty Pipe told the colonel he was glad to see him, and that he should be adopted as an Indian when they met his friends, meaning' the prisoners, at the Wyandot village. After reaching the famous springs where Upper Sandusky now stands, and they changed their course for the Delaware town on the Tymochtee, Crawford and Knight lost hope, and felt that their doom was sealed. When the Little Tymochtee was reached, the Indians caused Crawford and Knight, and the remaining five prisoners, to sit down on the ground, whereupon "a number of squaws and boys fell on the five prisoners and tomahawked them all." An old squaw cut off the head of John McKinley, and kicked it about upon the ground The young Indian fiends often came to where Crawford and Knight were sitting, and dashed the reeking scalps in their faces At the end of these dreadful and barbarous scenes, Crawford and Knight were told to move on. They were then in what is now Crawford township, Wyandot County, and soon met Simon Girty and some Indians on horseback. Well knowing Crawford's dreadful doom, they had come from the Half King's town to witness the holocaust. Riding up to Crawford, Girty spoke to him, but said nothing of the determination the two chiefs had come to. Girty now saw the chiefs for the first time since he had given TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 289 Crawford his promise, but made no effort to save him, nor is it at all likely he could have saved him. These two war chiefs were not only in close alliance with the British, and determined enemies of the Americans, but as Delaware Indians, loved to inflict cruel tortures, and to witness human suffering and agony. As to what took place after Crawford's capture, we have ample testimony, for Doctor Knight, his fellow captive, whose escape was marvelous, was present nearly all the time. As the party moved along toward the Tymochtee, almost every Indian the prisoners met, struck them with their fists or with sticks. Girty,' waiting until Knight came along, asked, "Is that the doctor?" Knight told him who he was, and went toward him reaching out his hand, but Girty, calling him a damned rascal, told him to begone. A fire was started on the 11th of June, on the east bank of the Tymochtee, near this grove and about three-quarters of a mile from the Delaware village. Ordinary prisoners were tomahawked without much ado; but Crawford, the "Big Captain," was reserved for a death more terrible; exceeding in fiendish, ferocious, devilish cruelty, and barbarity, anything recorded in savage annals. Around the fire stood a crowd of Indians, thirty or forty men, and sixty or seventy squaws and boys. Simon Girty was present, along with some Wyandot Indians; also Captain Elliott; and Knight thought another British captain was there. Sammy Wells, the captive negro boy well known to the early settlers on the Sandusky Plains, was present holding Girty's horse. Doctor Knight was a short distance from the fire, strongly bound, and guarded by an Indian named Tutelu. Christian Fast, a captive boy of seventeen, a native of Westmoreland, and known to Crawford, was in the crowd. Crawford was stripped naked and ordered to sit down. The Indians then beat him with sticks and their fists, and Knight was treated in the same way. The fatal stake—a post about fifteen feet high—had been set firmly in the ground. Crawford's hands were bound behind his back, and a rope fastened—one end to the foot of the post, and the other to the ligatures between his wrists. The rope was long enough for him to sit down, or walk around the post once or twice and return the same way. Crawford then called to Girty, and asked him if they intended to burn him. Girty answered "Yes." He then replied he would take it all patiently. Upon this Captain Pipe made a speech to the Indians, who at its conclusion yelled a hid- 290 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY eous and hearty assent to what had been said. The spot where Crawford was now to be tortured and burnt, marked by a monument to commemorate his memory, is within the limits of Crawford township, as it is defined today, as nearly every one is aware a short distance northeast of the town of Crawfordsville, in Wyandot County, Ohio, "On a low bottom on the east bank of the Tymochtee Creek." It was here at about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, Tuesday, June 11, 1782, the frightful torture and orgies commenced. The Indian men took up their guns, and shot powder into the colonel's body from his feet as far up as his neck, Not less than seventy loads were discharged upon his naked body, They then crowded about him, and to the best of Knight's belief, cut off both his ears; for when the Indians drew back, he saw the blood running from both sides of his head. The fire was about six or seven yards from the post to which Crawford was tied. It was made of small hickory poles, burnt quite through the middle, each end of the poles remaining about six feet in length, Three or four Indians at a time would each take up one of the burning poles, and apply the burning ends to his naked body already burnt black with gunpowder. These red devils stood on every side of the old soldier, and met him with their burning fagots, whichever way he moved, or ran round the post. Some of the squaws, with broad boards or wooden shovels, would scoop up quantities of live coals, or hot embers and cast them on him; so that in a short time he had nothing but coals of fire or hot ashe to walk on In the midst of these excruciating tortures, Crawford called to Girty, and begged him to shoot him; the brutal white savage making no answer, he called again. Girty then, by way of derision told Crawford he had no gun; at the same time turning about to an Indian who was behind him, he laughed heartily, and by all his actions and gestures, seemed delighted at the horrid scene. Girty then came up to Knight, and bade his prepare for death, and swore a fearful oath that he need no expect to escape, but should be burnt at the Shawnees town, an suffer death in all its extremities. Girty continued talking, bu Knight was in too great anguish and distress on account of th torments Crawford was suffering before his eyes, as well as the expectation of undergoing the same fate himself in two days, to make any answer to the monster. Crawford at this period of his suffering, besought the Almighty to have mercy on his soul, spoke very low, and bore his TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 291 torments with the most manly fortitude. He continued in all the extremities of pain, for an hour and three-quarters or two hours longer, as near as Knight could judge; when at last being almost spent, to lay down upon his stomach. The savages then scalped him, and repeatedly threw the scalp into the face of Knight, saying "he is your great captain." An old squaw, whose appearance Knight thought every way answered the ideas people entertain of the devil, then got a board, took a parcel of coals and ashes, and laid them on Crawford's back and head. He then raised himself upon his feet and began to walk around the post. They next put burning sticks to him as usual ; but he seemed more insensible of pain than before. At this point Knight, expecting soon to suffer in the same way himself, was dragged away from the dreadful scene. Doctor Knight escaped from Tutelu, the Indian having charge of him, Thursday morning, the 13th of June, 1782. Having wandered alone in the wilderness three weeks, Doctor Knight safely arrived at Fort Pitt on the morning of July 4th, 1782, at 7 o'clock, weak, fatigued, and in a sad plight. When it became known in the Indian villages that Colonel Crawford had suffered such extreme torture, there was great joy, yelling and shouting; but when the story of his shocking death was told along the border, and repeated in army circles, and wherever his name was known, sorrow and grief were on every countenance. The returning volunteers, at the head of whom was Major Williamson, without much further annoyance reached Mingo Bottom, and crossed the Ohio the 13th of June; they were discharged the 14th, and thus a memorable campaign lasting twenty days came to an end. John, the beloved son of Colonel Crawford, reached home about the same time. When the heartrending intelligence flashed upon the land, Washington, deeply moved, wrote these words : "It is with the greatest sorrow and concern that I have learned the melancholy tidings of Colonel Crawford's death. He was known to me as an officer of much care and prudence; brave, experienced and active. The manner of his death was shocking to me, and I have this day communicated to the Congress such papers as I have regarding it." Writing to General Irvine, at Fort Pitt, on the 6th of August, he said : "I lament the failure of the expedition against Sandusky, and am particularly affected with the disastrous death of Colonel Crawford." 292 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY From other sources are made the following notations : Cap tain Caldwell in command of the British and Indians, who was shot through both legs evidently in the second engagement, writ ing from Lower Sandusky (Fremont) to Major De Peyster al Detroit June 11, 1782 extravagantly puts Crawford's loss at 250 and that there were six hundred Americans under Crawford Caldwell put his own loss at one ranger killed "myself and two wounded. Le Vellier the interpreter killed and four Indians killed and eight wounded." Of course his loss was much greater The British Rangers in the engagement were sent from Detroit across the head of Lake Erie and up the Sandusky River to the falls at Lower Sandusky in a vessel called the Faith, much used in the Detroit Sandusky trade. CHAPTER XXVIII CLOSE OF REVOLUTION IN THE EAST WESTERN EVENTS DURING THE PERIOD-BATTLE OF THE BLUE LICKS-CLARK'S SECOND INVASION OF OHIO-SECOND SIEGE OF FORT HENRY -GREAT COUNCIL AT DETROIT-AMERICANS TREAT WITH INDIANS-FORT HARMAR BUILT-AMERICANS PLAN SURVEYS WHILE BRITISH STILL HOLD LAKE POSTS. It is unnecessary to review the closing events of the Revolutionary war on the Atlantic coast in detail. Shetrone in his story of "The Indian in Ohio," sketches the situation at this period so well, including the battle of the Blue Licks, Colonel George Rogers Clark's last strike into the Ohio region and the second siege of Fort Henry by the British and Indians, that the same is appended nearly verbatim : "Following the surrender of Cornwallis there was a general cessation of fighting between the armies proper, hostilities being confined to the southern and western frontiers. Communication and transportation, in so vast a territory without modern utilities, such as railroads, the telegraph and even highways, were necessarily slow and uncertain, and under such conditions much time was required to bring an end .to so gigantic a' conflict. Preliminary peace terms between England and the new-born American republic were agreed upon at Versailles, in November, 1782. In April of 1783, Washington disbanded his army of Continentals; the final peace was ratified in September following, and late in November all British troops embarked from New York for England. "But the last-named event did not serve entirely to put the Atlantic ocean between the American republic and the 'mother Country;' for by the terms of the treaty, England retained her possessions in Canada. Notwithstanding the provisions of the treaty for the withdrawal of garrisons from all posts in American territory, the British were reluctant to relinquish possession, with the result that such important posts as Fort Niagara, Fort Detroit, and posts at the mouths of the Sandusky and the Maumee rivers, continued in British possession until 1796. With the object of protecting their extensive and lucrative fur trade and in the - 293 - 294 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY belief that the American Republic would prove a failure, the British inaugurated a policy of instigating Indian hostility against the western settlements, which was to involve the Ohio country in more or less serious conflict for a dozen years to come, and which, in fact ended only with the War of 1812. "The British excitation of the Indians against the Americans was conducted, as previously, mainly from Detroit. The tribes of Ohio as we have seen, were strongly attached to the British, and following the unsuccessful raid of Colonel Crawford against the Sandusky towns, their elation and confidence knew no bounds. Scarcely had Crawford's defeated command returned across the Ohio than the warriors were clamoring for further victories over the settlers. Detroit and the Indian towns upon the Sandusky and Mad rivers became veritable bee-hives of hostile activity. The designs of the British-Indian allies embraced the settlers both of the Pennsylvania-Virginia border and those of Kentucky to the southward. "Under leadership of Simon Girty and Matthew Elliott, one of the largest Indian armies ever assembled in Ohio was brought together at Wapatomika, at the source of the Mad River, in Logan County. The warriors, eleven hundred strong, comprised the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawnee, Mingoes, Ottawas and others. At the suggestion. of Captain Snake, of the Shawnees, it was decided to direct the first of a series of raids against Fort Henry, at the site of .Wheeling. De Peyster accordingly despatched a company of Rangers under Capt. Andrew Bradt, and these together with the force under Captain Caldwell, fresh from their participation in the rout of Crawford's command, joined with the Indian forces. But at this point reports to the effect that the Kentuckians, under George Rogers Clark, were advancing against the Ohio towns led the assembled army to change their plans, and accordingly they marched southWard to meet and intercept Clark's supposed raid. But the expected Kentuckians failed to appear; and disappointed, many of the warriors abandoned the campaign and returned to their towns. "With the remaining force, consisting of 300 Indians and sixty white rangers, Captain Caldwell in August proceeded to the Ohio and crossing into Kentucky laid siege to Bryant's station. The stockade, however, was so stubbornly defended by the Kentuckians, among whom was Daniel Boone, that the siege was abandoned and Caldwell led his men back across the Ohio. The following day the Kentuckians, learning of the attack gathered TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 295 from far and near, and prepared to pursue the Indians into their own country. They came up with the enemy at the Blue Licks on Licking River, and disregarding the advice of Daniel Boone, impetuously charged directly into an ambuscade prepared for them by the Indians. The slaughter which followed was terrific, and the battle one of the bloodiest fought on Kentucky soil. One hundred of the Kentuckians were killed or captured, among them being Boone's son, Israel Boone. Hilarious over their success, the Indians and Rangers returned to Wapatomika and Sandusky. "But the spirited Kentuckians, typical frontiersmen that they were, refused to acknowledge themselves defeated or even humbled. They were made of sterner stuff, and the incursion of Caldwell and his warriors only served to rouse them to a keener realization of the necessity for checking the onslaughts of the Indians, which threatened the very existence of their settlements. No sooner had Caldwell departed the scene of his Blue Licks victory than volunteers began to assemble from all parts of the Kentucky country with the avowed determination of avenging the catastrophe and of striking a blow that once for all would convince the Ohio tribesmen that the country across the Ohio was anything but a promising field for pillage, plunder and conquest. Leadership of this supreme effort naturally fell upon George Rogers Clark, and the man who had inaugurated the first formidable blow at British dominance in the northwest, was now successfully to strike the final blow which would end forever the Indian forays against the Kentucky settlements. "By the last of October, 1782, volunteers to the number of more than one thousand mounted men had assembled at the mouth of the Licking River, opposite Cincinnati, and placed themselves under the command of Colonel Clark. The army, well equipped and provisioned, proceeded up the Miami River and early in November reached the Indian towns about the headwaters of that stream. At Lower Piqua, Clark found 'a peaceful people' whom he did not molest. Proceeding to Upper Piqua, he destroyed an Indian fort and proceeded thence to Loramie trading post, Loramies Creek, headwaters of the Great Miami on the portage between the Miami and Lake Erie, which shared a similar fate. This post, presided over by one Pierre Loramie, a Frenchman, was an important center of trade between the British and the Indians. "Ineffectual efforts were made by Clark to draw the Shawnee and their allies into battle, but the Indians, although urged on 296 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY by the renegade white leaders, were too well acquainted with Clark's prowess and too deeply awed by the size of his army to risk an engagement. After burning the property and cabins of the Indian towns and destroying their supplies of corn and provisions, the Kentuckians marched triumphantly back to their settlements, fully vindicated, and, as time proved, having inflicted a lesson which would preclude further forays against their towns. "Having chastised the Kentuckians at Blue Licks, the allies (Indians and British) began preparations for the deferred raid upon Fort Henry. Captain Bradt and his company of rangers and 200 Indians arrived at Fort Henry early in. September, and began one of the most spectacular and historic sieges of the war. Fort Henry, at this time, was in command of Col. Ebenezer Zane, and was garrisoned by eighteen men, besides the families of the same, making in all some forty or fifty persons, men, women and children. Before the departure of Bradt and his command from Wapatomika, De Peyster, having been informed of the ending o hostilities, had despatched a courier into the Ohio country bearin instructions that further attacks against the frontiersmen should cease. The courier, however, arrived too late to intercept Bradt, who, appearing before Fort Henry with the British flag flying at the head of his troops, demanded its surrender in the name of the King of England. For two days and two nights the siege of the stockade continued with a fury perhaps never equalled in Indian warfare. The attackers stormed the fort from every conceivable angle and with reckless abandon. They attempted to set fire to the palisades, and to shoot flaming arrows and firebrands onto the roof, while the unremitting crack of musketry found every crack and crevice in the walls of the stockage. The little garrison, in which the women played a spectacular part, returned the fire with a will, and met every attempt on the part of the attackers with equal courage and effect. (The heroine of the day concerns the oft told story of Betty Zane). Despairing of success, the Bradt party finally withdrew and returned to their towns. "The siege of Fort Henry greatly aroused the frontiersmen, particularly the border settlers of Pennsylvania and Virginia. Through the joint action of Congress and the Pennsylvania council, a general campaign against the hostile Indians was planned. This plan proposed three separate expeditions, one of which was to operate from Fort Pitt, under General Irvine, against the Ohio tribes on the Sandusky. However, plans for these campaigns were countermanded by General Washington following TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 297 a manifesto issued by General Carleton, commander of the British forces in America, ordering a cessation of Indian incursions against the Americans. But, although Carleton's order put an end for the time being to British instigation and aid of Indian depredations, the Ohio tribesmen, on their own incentive, continued to molest the border settlers of Pennsylvania. "In order to end these forays, Congress, at the suggestion of the Pennsylvania Council, in June, 1783, sent Maj. Ephraim Douglass with a message to the Sandusky towns. This message delivered by Douglas under a flag of truce, was to the effect that, since the war was terminated and the British had ceded to the United States the back country,' together with all forts therein, the Indians must discontinue their hostile demonstrations against the Americans, or be exterminated by the American armies. Douglass and his companion, Capt. George Cully, were hospitably received at Sandusky by the Wyandots, under Dunquod, the Half-King; the Delawares, under Captain Pipe and Wingenund, and by the Shawnee. From Sandusky the emissaries and the Indians proceeded to Detroit, where with De Peyster's cooperation a great Indian council was held. Besides the Ohio tribes, there were present representatives of the Indians of the lake region as well as those from farther west and north. Douglass impressed upon the assembled chiefs the fact that the war was over, and the necessity that the Indians conduct themselves accordingly, or suffer the consequences. Up to this point, the enmity of the Ohio Indian has been directed against the white man, non-resident of his territory; for through all the years of threatened occupation of his land, he had succeeded in retaining it intact. From this time forward, however, the situation is to assume a very different aspect. The long-repelled occupation of the Ohio country by Americans finally gains a foothold in Ohio, and henceforth the stand of the Indian against the enemy, is to be mainly on his own soil." With the Revolution in the east at an end and American Independence in theory achieved, the time had arrived when the status of the great country lying north and west of the Ohio must be defined. This Northwest territory, embracing what are now the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin, and ceded to the United States by England, was subject to charter claims on the part of the states of Virginia, Massachusetts, Connecticut and New York. By a provision of the Articles of Confederation, which united the several states as a commonwealth, 298 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY the northwest territory was to be 'disposed of for the common benefit of all the states, and the territory when ceded (by the claimant states) should be divided into new states and admitted into the Union as confederated states on equal footing with the original thirteen.' One by one, though reluctantly, the several states waived their claims to the territory in question, and by the first of June, 1786, the Northwest territory had become 'The public domain of the confederated states.' Virginia ceded her rights to the United States March 1, 1784; Massachusetts released her claims April 19, 1785, and fully in May, 1800 ; Connecticut on September 14, 1786, excepting the Western Reserve. New York had given up her claims in 1781. "While these results were pending, and in anticipation thereof, Congress took action looking to the extinguishment of the Indian titles to the Northwest Territory. A conference was called to meet at Fort Stanwix, N. Y., in October, 1784, at which a treaty was entered into with the Iroquois, in which the latter waived all claim to the territory north and west of the Ohio. It will be recalled that the Iroquois, since their great conquest of the western country, had held a proprietary claim thereto, and had continued to look upon the actual Indian inhabitants of that country merely as tenants under suffrage. But the Ohio tribes took a different view of the matter. They strongly maintained that the territory belonged to them alone, and denied the right of the Six Nations to make cession of their lands to the Americans. Thus, while the claims of the several states were in a fair way to be extinguished and the Iroquois already had waived proprietorship, the task of securing clear title to the Ohio country was but half finished. For the purpose of an attempted settlement with these Ohio tribes, who had not been represented at Fort Stanwix and who were highly angered at the proceedings of that conference, a meeting was called at Fort McIntosh, in January, 1785. George Rogers Clark, Richard Butler and Arthur Lee were the U. S. commissioners. At this meeting a treaty was effected with the Delawares, Wyandots and Ottawas, in which these tribes agreed to confine themselves to certain sections of central-northern Ohio. The limits were the Maumee and Cuyahoga rivers and from Lake Erie to practically the later Greenville treaty line. This McIntosh treaty is spoken of in the early chapter on Indian treaties. A year later, at the mouth of the Great Miami, the Shawnee entered into a perfunctory agreement by which they were to occupy land mainly between the Great Miami TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 299 and the Wabash rivers. Neither the Fort McIntosh nor the Shawnee treaty was effective, however, for the tribesmen, on the ground that no treaty was binding which was made without the consent of all the Ohio tribes, soon entirely ignored or disregarded them. "However, Congress proceeded with plans for surveying the lands ceded by the Iroquois, and in order to facilitate the work a stockade, known as Fort Harmar, was established late in 1785 at the mouth of the Muskingum River. This fort was garrisoned by Maj. John Doughty and a detachment of troops, and under its protection the work of laying off the land now comprised in southeastern Ohio was begun." After the Treaty of Paris another authority puts it this way : The British then began to experience the embarrassment of their desired relations to the Indians—to wit, the difficulties in retaining their influence with them while lessening the expenditures on their behalf. (In fact neither side had much use for the savage when they could not use them as allies). Colonel De Peyster reported from Detroit to British Governor Haldimand's secretary, June 18, 1783, before the arrival of the American Ambassador Douglass, that "We are all in expectation of news. Everything that is bad is spread through the Indian country, but as I have nothing more than the King's proclamation for authority I evade answering questions. Heavens ! if goods do not arrive soon what will become of me. I have lost several stone in weight of flesh within these twenty days. I hope Sir John (Johnson British superintendent of Indian affairs) is to make us a visit." This authority further says that "Agent Ephraim Douglass reported February 2nd, 1784, that early in the fall of 1783, Sir John Johnson assembled the different western tribes of Indians at Sandusky (American territory) and having prepared them with lavish distribution of presents addressed them in a speech to this purport, Simon Girty being the interpreter, viz : 'That the King, his and their common father, had made peace with the Americans, and had given them the land possessed by the British on this continent; but that the report of his having given them any part of the Indian lands was false, and fabricated by the Americans for the purpose of provoking the Indians against their father; that they should, therefore, shut their ears against it. So far the contrary was proved, that the great river Ohio was to be the line between the Indians in this quarter and the Americans, over which the latter ought not to pass and return in safety !' "