350 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY is not half as much danger of the ball passing through the bowels as when they are full. So they started the first morning without eating anything, and moving up to the end of the prairie, ranged themselves in order of battle at the edge of the timber. There they waited all day without any food, and at night returned and partook of their suppers. The second morning they again placed themselves in the same position, and again returned at night and supped. By this time they had begun to get weak from eating only once a day, and concluded they would eat breakfast before they again started. So the next morning they began to cook and eat. Some were eating and others, who had finished, had moved forward to their stations, when Wayne's army was seen approaching. Soon as they were within gunshot, the Indians began firing upon them; but Wayne, making no halt, rushed on upon them. Only a small part of the Indians being on the ground they were obliged to give back, and finding Wayne too strong for them, attempted to retreat. Those who were on the way heard the noise and sprang to their assistance. So some were running from and others to the battle, which created great confusion. In the meantime the light horse had gone entirely around, and came in upon their rear, blowing their horns and closing in upon them. The Indians now found that they were completely surrounded, and all that could made their escape, and the balance were all killed, which was no small number. Among these last, with one or two exceptions, were all the Wyandots that lived at Sandusky at the time I went to inform them of the expected battle. The main body of the Indians were back nearly two miles from the battle-ground, and Wayne had taken them by surprise, and made such a slaughter among them that they were entirely discouraged, and made the best of their way to their respective homes. Lieutenant Boyer continues his log as follows : Camp Deposit (Roche de Boeuf) 23d August, 1794. Having burned and destroyed everything contiguous to the fort (Fort Miami) without any opposition, the legion took up the line of march, and the evening encamped on this ground, being the some they marched from the 20th. It may be proper to remark that we have heard nothing from the savages, or their allies the Canadians, since the action. The honors of war have been paid to the remains of those brave fellows who fell on the 20th, by a discharge of three rounds from sixteen pieces of ordnance, charged with shells. The ceremony was performed with the great solemnity. TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 351 Camp Thirty-two Mile Tree 24th August, 1794 (just below Grand Rapids). The wounded being well provided for with carriages, &c., the legion took up the line of march, and halted in their old camp about two o'clock in the evening without any accident. In this day's march we destroyed all the corn and burnt all the houses we met with, which were very considerable. Camp Fifteen Mile Tree 25th August, 1794 (within Napoleon limits). The legion continued their march, and encamped on this ground at three o'clock P. M. This morning a few of the volunteers remained in the rear of the army, and soon after the legion took up their line of march they saw eight Indians coming into our camp; they fell in with them, killed one and wounded two. Camp Nine Mile Tree 26th August, 1794 (Above present Florida). The legion continued their march, and after burning and destroying all the houses and corn on their route, arrived on this ground at two o'clock, being one of our encamping places when on our advance. All the wounded that were carried on litters and horseback were sent forward to Fort Defiance. Doctor Carmichael through neglect had the wounded men of the artillery and cavalry thrown into wagons, among spades, axes, picks, &c., in consequence of which the wounded are now lying in extreme pain, besides the frequent shocks of a wagon on the worst of roads. The wounded of the third sub-legion are under obligations to Doctor Haywood for his attention and humanity to them in their distress. Camp Fort Defiance 27th August, 1794. The legion continued their route, and at three o'clock were encamped on the Miami. On this day's march we destroyed all the corn and burnt all the houses on our route. The wounded are happily fixed in the garrison, and the doctors say there is no great danger of any of them dying. Fort Defiance 28th August, 1794. The Commander-in-Chief thinks proper to continue on this ground for some time to refresh the troops and send for supplies. There is corn, beans, pumpkin, &c., within four miles of this place to furnish the troops for three weeks. August 28th was the first fair day the troops had since they began to return up the Maumee. The following day all the packhorses belonging to the quartermaster and contractors department moved to Fort Recovery under escort of Brigadier-General Todd's brigade of mounted volunteers for supplies. September 1st began the work of making the fort an even more formidable 352 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY work of defense, the blockhouses being made bomb-proof. There was complaint of much sickness in camp. No enemy was met by the detachment of Wayne's army which marched to the head of the Maumee, junction of the St. Marys and St. Josephs, a little below which point Colonel Hamtramck built a fort which on its completion, October 22nd, he occupied and after a salute of fifteen guns named Wayne, in honor of the victorious commander-in-chief and which name is perpetuated by the City of Fort Wayne. The army began the march from Fort Wayne on October 25th and on the evening of November 2nd, 1794, by way of Fort Recovery and Girty's Town, reached Fort Greenville. Here it was saluted with thirty-five guns from a six-pounder from which place it had marched northward July 28th, and now took up winter quarters. "During the ninety-seven days it had marched and countermarched some three hundred miles through the enemy's country, cutting a wagon road the entire distance, besides building three fortifications."—Fort Adams at the St. Marys and Fort Defiance and Fort Wayne. Before proceeding with the account of the diplomatic sparring between the Indians and Wayne leading up to a final treaty, the story of Capt. William Wells the leader of a division of Wayne's scouting parties during the campaign is here inserted as follows: As has been noted, Wells when about eleven years old was captured by the Miami Indians and became the adopted son of Chief Little Turtle. In the defeat of Harmar and St. Clair he took a distinguished part, commanding in the latter action three hundred young Indian warriors, who were posted immediately in front of the artillery, and caused much carnage among those who served it. He arranged his party behind logs and trees, immediately under the knoll on which the guns were, and thence almost uninjured, picked off the artillerists, until, it is said, their bodies were heaped up almost to the height of their pieces. After this sanguinary affair, his forecast enabled him to anticipate the final ascendency of the whites, who would be aroused by their reverses to such exertions as must be successful with their preponderance of power, and he resolved to abandon the savages. His mode of announcing this determination was in accordance with the simple and sententious habits of a forest life. He was traversing the woods in the morning, with his adopted father, the Little Turtle, when, pointing to the heavens, he said, "When the sun reaches the meridian I leave you for the whites; and whenever you meet me in battle, you must kill me as I shall endeavor to do by you." The bonds of affection and respect which had bound TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 353 these two singular and highly-gifted men together were not severed or weakened by this abrupt dereliction. Captain Wells soon after joined Wayne's army, and by his intimacy with the wilderness, and his perfect knowledge of the' Indian haunts, habits and modes of Indian warfare, became an invaluable auxiliary to the Americans. He served faithfully and fought bravely through the campaign, and at the close, when peace had restored amity between the Indians and the whites, rejoined his foster-father, the Little Turtle; and their friendship and connection was broken only by the death of the latter. When his body was found among the slain at Chicago, in August, 1812, the Indians are said to have drunk his blood, from a superstitious belief that they should thus imbibe his warlike endowments, which had been considered by them as pre-eminent. The above paragraph respecting Wells is copied from the discourse of Henry Whiting, Esq., before the Historical Society of Michigan; that below, relating to his death, is from the MSS. of Col. John Johnston. William Wells, interpreter for the Miamies, and whose wife was of that nation, himself uncle to Mrs. Heald, the lady of the commandant at Fort Dearborn, Chicago, went from Fort Wayne with a party of twelve or fifteen Miamies to that place, with a view of favoring the escape of the garrison to Fort Wayne. Nothing could have been more unfortunate than this, for Wells was peculiarly obnoxious to the Putawatimies, and especially to the chief, "the Black Bird," who was the leading warrior on the occasion. The Putawatimies were alone in arms against us at the time, in that part of the country. The presence of Wells was fatal to the safety of the troops; the chief Black Bird had often spoken to myself in very bitter terms against him. On the 14th of August, 1812, a council was held between the officers and the chiefs, at which it was agreed that the whole garrison with their arms, ammunition sufficient for the journey and clothing, should retire unmolested to Fort Wayne, and that the garrison, with all that it contained, should be delivered up to the Indians. In the night preceding the evacuation, all the powder and whiskey in the fort were thrown into a canal, communicating from the garrison to the Chicago River. The powder floated out and discovered the deception to the Indians; this greatly exasperated them and, no doubt, brought matters to a crisis. On the morning of the 15th of August the troops marched out to commence their journey, and had proceeded but a short distance when they were 354 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY attacked by the Indians. Wells seeing that all was lost, and not wishing to fall into their hands, as he well knew that in that case a cruel and lingering death awaited him, wetted powder and blacked his face, as a token of defiance, mounted his, horse and commenced addressing the Indians with all the opprobrious and insulting language he could think of. His purpose evidently was to induce them to dispatch him forthwith. His object was accomplished. They became so enraged at last with his taunts and jeers that one of them shot him off his horse, and immediately pouncing upon him, cut his body open, took out his heart and ate it. The troops were massacred, the commanding officer and wife were saved. * * * Chicago means in Putawatimie, "the place of the polecat." Among many of the daring exploits of Wells is related the following: "While Wayne's army lay at the Indian village at the confluence of the Auglaize and Maumee, building Fort Defiance, the general wishing to be informed of the intentions of the enemy, dispatched Captain Wells' party to bring in another prisoner. They consisted of Wells, McClellan, the Millers, May and Mahaffy. They proceeded cautiously down the Maumee until opposite the site of Fort Meigs, where was an Indian village. This was on the 11th of August, nine days before the battle. Wells and his party boldly rode into this town as if they had come from the British fort, and occasionally stopped and talked with the Indians in their language. The savages believed them to be Indians from a distance, who had come to take part in the expected battle. After passing through the village, they met some distance from it an Indian man and woman on horseback, who were returning to town from hunting. They made them captives without resistance, and set off for Defiance. "A little after dark they came near a large encampment of Indians, merrily amusing themselves around their camp fires. Ordering their prisoners to be silent under pain of instant death, they went around the camp until they got about half a mile above it. They then held a consultation, tied and gagged their prisoners, and rode into the Indian camp with their rifles lying across the pummels of their saddles. They inquired when they had heard last of General Wayne and the movements of his army, and how soon and where the expected battle would be fought. The Indians standing. about Wells and his party were very communicative, and answered the questions without any suspicions of deceit in their visitors. At length an Indian who was sitting at TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 355 some distance said in an undertone in another tongue to some who were near him that he suspected these strangers had some mischief in their heads. Wells overheard it, gave the preconcerted signal, and each fired his rifle into the body of an Indian at not more than six feet distance. The moment the Indian had made the remark, he and his companions rose up with their rifles in hand, but not before each of the others had shot their man. The moment after Wells and party had fired they put spurs to their horses, lying with their breasts on the animals' necks, so as to lessen the mark to fire at, and before they had got out of the light of the camp fires the Indians had fired upon them. As McClellan lay in this position, a ball entered beneath his shoulder-blade and came out at the top of his shoulder; Wells' arm was broken by a ball, and his rifle dropped to the ground; May was chased to the smooth rocks in the Maumee, where, his horse falling, he was taken prisoner. "The rest of the party escaped without injury, and rode full speed to where their prisoners were confined, and mounting them upon horses, continued their route. Wells and McClellan being severely wounded, and their march slow and painful to Defiance, a distance of about thirty miles, ere they could receive surgical aid, a messenger was dispatched to hasten to the post for a surgeon and a guard. As soon as he arrived with the tidings of the wounds and perilous situation of these heroic and faithful spies, very great sympathy was manifested. Wayne's feeling for the suffering soldier was at all times quick and sensitive. We can then, imagine the intensity of his solicitude when informed of the sufferings and perils of his confidential and chosen band. He instantly dispatched a surgeon and a company of the swiftest dragoons to meet, assist and guard these brave fellows to headquarters, where they arrived safe, and the wounded in due time recovered. "May, who was taken prisoner, having formerly lived with and ran away from the Indians, was recognized. They told him the second day before the battle : 'We know you; you speak Indian language; you not content to live with us ; to-morrow we take you to that tree'—pointing to a very large burr oak at the edge of the clearing near the British fort—'we will tie you up and make a mark on your breast, and we will try what Indian can shoot nearest it.' Accordingly, the next day he was tied to that tree, a mark made on his breast, and his body riddled with at least fifty bullets. Thus ended poor May!" CHAPTER XXXIV THE GREENVILLE TREATY GREAT ASSEMBLAGE OF INDIANS AT GREENVILLE-WAYNE'S DIPLOMACY -NATURE OF THE COMPACT-INCIDENTS OF WAYNE'S CAMPAIGN-FALLEN TIMBERS LAST BATTLE OF AMERICAN REVOLUTION-HISTORICAL COMMENTS OF GEN. W. H. HARRISON. A study of the diplomatic movements of the chiefs and leaders of the various tribes leading up to the celebrated Treaty of Greenville signed on August 3rd, 1795, shows that they possessed the wisdom and statesmanship which would do credit to a present day civilized commission assembled to formulate the terms of a great national peace compact. A most able exposition of the council is set forth in an address delivered at Greenville on the occasion of the celebration of the centennial of the event, delivered by the Hon. Samuel F. Hunt, the main points of which are as follows : It was reported to General Wayne that the chiefs and nations were much divided as to peace or war. The Shawanese, the Tawas, and Indians near Detroit were for war; the Wyandots, of Sandusky, were for peace; the Delawares and Miamies were about equally divided; while the Pottawatomies and the Chippewas were greatly disheartened over the battle. It soon became evident that the Indians desired peace. Intelligence came from the West that the Indians were crossing the Mississippi. A new treaty had been made with the Iroquois on the 11th of November; while but few Indians were seen lurking in the neighborhood of Fort Wayne and Fort Defiance. They were impressed with the force of General Wayne after the engagement at the Fallen Timbers. The Pottawatomies called him "The Wind," because, as they said, "he was exactly like the hurricane which drives and tears everything before it." He was known as "The Blacksnake" among the other tribes. While the army was in winter quarters at Fort Greenville, General Wayne was constantly receiving communications from the chiefs of the tribes—some being of a friendly and others of a hostile character. As early as the 28th and 29th of December - 356 - TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 357 1794, the chiefs of the Chippewas, Ottawas, Sacs, Pottawatomies and Miamies, came with messages of peace to Fort Wayne; while on January 24th following, these tribes, together with the Delawares Wyandots and Shawanese entered into a preliminary article with General Wayne at Greenville, looking to a permanent and lasting peace. Tarhe, or the Crane, chief Sachem of the Wyandots, entreated the Americans to listen to the chiefs and warriors of his tribe, and referred to the Council and treaty made with General St. Clair at Muskingum in 1789. The Wyandots wrote that they wished for peace, and had determined to bury the hatchet and scalping knife deep in the ground. General Wayne at once responded to these appeals, and sent word to Tarhe, or Crane, and to all the chiefs and warriors of the Wyandots, and to all other tribes and nations of the Indians in the Northwest, that they should no longer suffer themselves to be imposed upon by the bad advice of unscrupulous men who had often betrayed them by fair and plausible, but false promises of assistance in fighting the fifteen fires of the United States. He said to them, that it was nearly six years since the Sachems and warriors of the Wyandots, Delawares, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawatomies and Sacs concluded a treaty at the mouth of the Muskingum with General St. Clair for removing all causes of controversy, and for determining the questions of boundary between the Indian tribes and the United States. He contended that that treaty was founded upon the principles of equity and justice, and proposed it as a basis upon which a lasting and permanent peace could be established. They were all invited to come to Fort Greenville, and were assured of a cordial welcome and a safe conduct for all the chiefs and warriors who might attend. An ardent desire was expressed that the Great Spirit would incline their hearts and words to peace, and that they soon might all meet in council. It was the policy of General Wayne to create a division of opinion and thus prevent unity of action among the tribes, at least until his garrison could be strengthened. It was said that many of the Indians, true to the instincts of pride and ambition, had determined to remove their families far beyond the Mississippi, rather than submit to the humiliation of suing for peace from the white man. Rumor had already reached General Wayne that more than one hundred of the warriors of the Shawanese were then hunting on the head-waters of the Miamies of the Ohio, and of the Scioto, who intended to steal as many horses as would 358 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY be necessary to carry them and their families to the Mississippi, where several of their nation, and many of the Delawares had already settled, rather than make peace. In the beginning of June, 1795, the Indians began to collect at Greenville apparently without any concert of action, and gave notice as they arrived that they had come to negotiate a peace. (A great council-house was built to receive them). On the 16th of June, 1795, a number of the Delawares, Ottawas, Pottawatomies, and Eel River Indians having arrived, General Wayne caused them to be assembled on that day, and for the first time met them in general council. After they had received and smoked the calumet of peace, he said that he took them by the hands as brothers assembled for peace; that he had that day kindled the council fire of the United States, and then delivered to each tribe a string of white wampum as an evidence of the friendship thus commenced. General Wayne said : "The Heavens are high, the woods are open, we will rest in peace. In the meantime we will have a little refreshment to wash the dust from our throats. We will, on this happy occasion be merry, but without passing the bounds of temperance and sobriety. We will now cover up the council fire and keep it alive till the remainder of the different tribes assemble and form a full meeting and representation." The next day New Corn, one of the old chiefs of the Pottawatomies, with several warriors arrived. He said that they had come from Lake Michigan, and that after the treaty was over they would exchange their old medals for those of General Washington. They wanted peace. Buck-on-ge-he-las, with a party of Delawares came soon afterward, and also As-i-me-the, with a party of Pottawatomies. They were received at the council-house. The Delaware king told Wayne that his forefathers used soft cloth to dry up their tears, but that they used wampum, and hoped by its influence to do away with all past misfortunes. The Pottawatomie chief said that they were all there—the remainder were dead—and as a proof of their good wishes they had brought with them two prisoners—all in their possession. General Wayne welcomed them to Greenville; told them that the great council fire had been kindled and the pipe of peace had been smoked. When the Wyandots from Sandusky and Detroit, and the tribes in that quarter would arrive, fresh wood would be added to the fire, and business would be postponed until then. In TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 359 the meantime, he would give them something which would make their hearts glad, and also distributed some wampum. The celebrated Little Turtle, chief of the Miamies, came on the 23rd of June. Little Turtle was the noblest Roman of them all. He commanded at the defeat of Harmar and St. Clair. He, like Pontiac, thirty years before him, was the soul of fire, and every one who reads of the treaty of Greenville will be impressed with his high courage and the manly stand which he took for his race and the hunting grounds of his fathers. It has been said that the sun of Indian glory set with him, and when Little Turtle and Tecumseh passed away the clouds and shadows which for two hundred years had gathered around their race closed in the starless night of death. The Indian chiefs and warriors who had gathered at Fort Greenville were all present on the 25th of June, when General Wayne addressed them as to the arrangements he had made for their comfort during the council. The exterior redoubts were given up to accommodate the different nations with council houses. He desired them to retire to their quarters like his own men at the firing of the evening gun. If any of his foolish young men were found troubling their quarters he wished the Indians to tie them and send them to him, to be dealt with according to circumstances of the case. It seems that there had been an accident the day before, in the explosion of some fireworks prepared for the 4th of July, and that the soldiers immediately rushed to their posts, to the astonishment of the Indians, who feared an attack. The General assured them, that this was the order of the camp. They were present at his invitation and were not more secure in their own villages. He humored the Indians by telling them that General Washington and his great council had sent them large presents which he soon expected ;—their friends, the Quakers, had also sent them messages and some small presents. Bad Bird, a Chippewa chief, thought that was all very right and very good. Little Turtle made a short speech on the 30th of June to the Chippewas, and said that when brothers meet they always experienced pleasure; and as it was a little cool, he hoped they would get some drink; and that they expected to be treated as warriors. He wanted some fire-water, and would like to have some mutton and pork occasionally. New Corn was most happy to be in accord with the sentiments of Little Turtle; but their hearts were sorry, 360 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY and it grieved them to have seen the graves of their brothers who fell there last winter. The Sum, chief of the Pottawatomies, complained of the allowance of food. They ate in the morning and became hungry at night. The days were long and they had nothing to do. They became weary and wished for home. General Wayne was the real diplomat. He was prudent in council as well as brave in war. Warriors from all the Indian tribes of the Northwest had gathered in council, and while those were present who had defied and even defeated the whole armed power of the United Stats, yet they were as little children. He explained that they had no pork, and but few sheep, which were intended for the use of the sick, and occasionally for the officers. He promised that the sick should share with his own sick in the comforts of the camp, and that he would divide with the officers. The graves of which New Corn spoke could not be remedied and grief was unmanly. He gave each of the chiefs a sheep for their own use, and some drink for themselves and their people, to make their hearts glad and to dry up their tears; and then suggested, by way of parenthesis, that they all take a glass together. General Wayne having now waited as long as was deemed expedient called the council together July 15, 1795, and uncovered the council fire, and had the interpreter sworn. He presented the Calumet of Peace of the fifteen fires (fifteen states) of the United States of America. He showed the Indians present the commission he held from General Washington and the Council of the fifteen fires, appointing him Commander-in-chief of the American Legion, and then the commission which he had received from the same authority on the 4th day of April, 1794, for settling a peace with all the Indians northwest of the Ohio. He impressed the chiefs and warriors assembled with the great importance of the interests at stake, and that they were now called upon to determine questions which involved the happiness of the United States and the Indian nations. He invoked the blessing of the Great Spirit upon their deliberations. General Wayne then referred to the treaty which had been concluded by Governor St. Clair at Fort Harmar at the mouth of the Muskingum, which had removed all controversy for the time, and had clearly defined the boundaries between them and the United States. He urged them to think coolly of these matters, and having raked up the council fire, invited them all to have some drink. TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 361 Little Turtle several days afterward replied with much warmth to General Wayne. "We have heard," said he, "and considered what you have said to us. You have shown, and we have seen, your powers to treat with us. I came here for the purpose of hearing you. I suppose it to be your wish that peace shall take place throughout the world. When we hear you say so we will be prepared to answer you. You have told me that the present treaty should be founded upon that of Muskingum. I beg leave to observe to you that that treaty was effected altogether by the Six Nations, who seduced some of our young men to attend it, together with a few of the Chippewas, Wyandots, Ottawas, Delawares and Pottawatomies. I beg leave to tell you that I am entirely ignorant of what was done at that treaty. I hope those who held it may give you their opinion whether or not it was agreeable to them." Massas, a celebrated Chippewa chief, arrived on the 18th with Blue Jacket of the Shawanese and participated in the Council. The speech of Massas is interesting in that it gives an account of the celebrated Muskingum Treaty from the Indian standpoint. He was at the Treaty of Muskingum and held a copy in his hand. He admitted that the treaty had not been faithfully followed, but said in extenuation that the waters in their woods were not deep, and that some foolish young men with long arms had reached into the bottom and taken their tomahawks. Little Turtle demanded to know what lands had been ceded by the Treaty of Muskingum. "I expect," said he, "that the lands on the Wabash and in this country belong to me and my people. I now take the opportunity to inform my brethren of the United States and others present that there are men of sense and understanding among my people as well as among theirs, and that these lands were disposed of without our knowledge and consent. * * * You have pointed out," he continued, "the boundary line between the Indians and the United States, but I now take the liberty to inform you that that line cuts off from the Indians a large portion of country which has been enjoyed by my forefathers from time immemorial without molestation or dispute. The prints of my ancestor's houses are everywhere to be seen in this portion. I was a little astonished at hearing you and my brethren who are present telling each other what business you had transacted together at Muskingum concerning this country. It is well known by all my brothers present that my 362 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY forefather kindled the first fire at Detroit; from thence he extended his lines to the head-waters of the Scioto; from thence to its mouth; from thence down the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash, and from thence to Lake Michigan. At this place I first saw my elder brothers, the Shawanese. I have now informed you of the boundaries of the Miami Nation, where the Great Spirit placed my forefather a long time ago, and charged him not to sell or part with his lands, but to preserve them for his posterity. This charge has been handed down to me. I was much surprised that my brothers differed so much from me on this subject; for their conduct would lead me to suppose that the Great Spirit and their forefathers had not given them the same charge that was given to me, but, on the contrary, had directed them to sell their lands to any who wore a hat as soon as he should ask it of them." On the 17th day of July, 1795, General Wayne fixed the general boundary line that should divide the United States, or the fifteen great fires of America, from the lands belonging to the Indian nations. He explained to them the several articles of a treaty upon which a permanent peace could be established between the United States and the Indian tribes northwest of the Ohio. The third article, which should define the boundary, reads that "The general boundary line between the lands of the United States and the land of the said Indian tribes shall begin at the mouth of the Cuyahoga River, and run thence up the same to the portage between that and the Tuscarawas branch of the Muskingum; thence down that branch to the crossing place near Fort Laurens; thence westwardly to a fork of that branch of the great Miami River running into the Ohio River, at or near which stood Loramie's Store, and where commenced the portage between the Miami of the Ohio and St. Marys River, which is a branch of the Miami (Maumee) which runs into Lake Erie; thence a westerly course to Fort Recovery, which stands on the bank of the Wabash ; thence southerly in a direct line to the Ohio, so as to intersect that river opposite the mouth of the Kentucky or Cuttawa River." There were certain reservations granted to the Indians in this treaty. The treaty provided for a lasting peace, and stipulated that all the prisoners then held should be restored. Little Turtle insisted that the line should run from Fort Recovery to Fort Hamilton, on the Great Miami, and assured the whites of the free navigation of that river from thence to its mouth forever. 364 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY The treaty was signed by the various nations, and dated August the 3d, 1795. It was laid before the Senate December 9th, 1795, and was ratified December 22d, 1795. This closed the old Indian wars of the West. General Wayne in declaring the Council at an end, said: "I now fervently pray to the Great Spirit that the peace now established may be permanent; and that it may hold us together in the bonds of friendship until time shall be no more. I also pray that the Great Spirit above may enlighten your minds and open your eyes to your true happiness, that your children may learn to cultivate the earth and enjoy the fruits of peace and industry." By the treaty the Indians ceded about 25,000 square miles of territory to the United States, besides sixteen separate tracts including lands and forts. The Indians received in consideration of these cessions goods of the value of twenty thousand dollars as presents, and were promised an annual allowance of ninety-five hundred dollars to be equally distributed to the parties to the treaty. A second treaty was concluded at Greenville, July 22, 1814, with the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanese, Senecas, and Miamies, by Gen. William Henry Harrison and Governor Lewis Cass, commissioners on the part of the United States, by which the tribes engaged to aid the United States in the war with Great Britain and her savage allies. General Wayne sent a proclamation to the Cherokees, then settled on the head-waters of the Scioto, of the treaty, and invited them to come forward and enter into similar articles of peace. Most of them promised to hunt peaceably on the Scioto until their corn was ripe, and then they would quit this side of the Ohio forever and return to their own country. Burnet in his Notes, speaks of a party of Shawanese warriors, some sixty or seventy in number, who had been hostile, bringing four prisoners to Greenville, three of whom they had captured on the 13th of July, 1795, in Randolph County, Virginia.. Puck-se-saw, or Jumper, one of their chiefs, said that as soon as he received the belt which General Wayne had sent by Blue Jacket, he concluded to surrender the prisoners and promised to do no more mischief. The blessings of liberty, law and order crown the century which has passed since the signing of the Treaty of Greenville, The harvests are peacefully gathered to their garners, the val- TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 365 leys rustle with standing corn and the songs of our homes are uninvaded by the cries and terrors of battle. The soil itself was dedicated to human freedom, and has never been cursed by the unrequited toil of the bondman. The institutions and laws of five great Republics are founded on the imperishable principles of the Ordinance of 1787. It established a code of law for an imperial territory. That great instrument enjoined the utmost good faith toward the Indians in their liberty, their lands and their property, and in the enactment of laws founded on justice and humanity. The treaty of Greenville, following the spirit of its imperishable principles, extended the hand of friendship toward the Indian, respected his liberty, paid full compensation for his lands and protected his property. It established a code of morals for a free people. When some future historian shall write the history of this people he will speak of the great Ordinance as the first attempt to establish civic government in the Northwestern States, and then of the Treaty here proclaimed, which supplants the harsher tones of military strife with the softer syllables of charity and love. If, too, the victories of peace are not less renowned than those of war, then the day will surely come when a grateful people, revering their traditions, and conscious of the maxims imperial of their glory, will erect on this historic ground a majestic monument, having an outstretched hand rather than a fixed bayonet, and with the simple yet immortal inscription, "The Treaty of Greenville." So concluded the address of Mr. Hunt. It was the greatest assembly of Indian statesmen ever known that gathered and peaceably dispersed after the ceremony. Of 1,130 chiefs present there were : Delawares, 381; Pottawatomies, 240; Wyandots, 180; Shawnees, 143 ; Miamis and Eel River, 73 ; Chippewas, 46; Ottawas, 45; Weas and Piankeshaws, 12; Kickapoos and Kaskaskias, 10. William Wells and Isaac Zane were the most prominent interpreters. The conclave lasted fifty days. The Battle of Point Pleasant twenty years before (1774) has with propriety been referred to as the "first battle of the American Revolution." Wayne's victory at Fallen Timbers may well be referred to as the "last battle of the Revolution," although American Independence did not come until the War of 1812. Regarding this view of western writers substantiated by Benjamin Franklin, Gen. William Henry Harrison, also from the viewpoint of a historian, in a letter dated at North Bend, February 17, 1834, wrote the Hon. Thomas Chilton as follows 366 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY "That the Northwestern and Indian war was a continuation of the Revolutionary contest is susceptible of proof. The Indians in that quarter had been engaged in the first seven years of the war as the allies of Great Britain, and they had no inclination to continue it after the peace of 1783. It is to British influence that their subsequent hostilities are to be attributed. The agents of that government never ceased to stimulate their enmity against the government of the United States, and to represent the peace which had been made as a temporary truce, at the expiration of which their great fathers would unite with them in the war, and drive the long knives from the lands which they had so unjustly usurped from his red children.' This was the cause of the detention of the posts of Detroit, Mackinaw and Niagara so long after the treaty of 1783. The reasons assigned for so doing deceived nobody after the failure of the negotiations attempted by General Lincoln, Governor Randolph and Colonel Pickering, under British mediation voluntarily tendered. "The bare suggestion of a wish by the British authorities would have been sufficient to induce the Indians to accept the terms proposed by the American Commissioners. But at any rate the withholding of the supplies with which the Indians had been previously furnished would have left no other alternative but to make peace. From that period, however, the war was no longer carried on 'in disguise.' Acts of open hostility were committed. In June, 1794, the Indians assembled at the Miami of the Lake, (Maumee) and were completely equipped out of the King's store, (McKees) from the fort (a large and regularly fortified work) which had been built there in the preceding spring, for the purpose of supporting the operations of the Indians against the army of General Wayne. Nor was the assistance limited to the supply of provisions and munitions of war. On the advance of the Indians they were attended by a captain of the British army, a sergeant, and six matrosses, provided with fixed ammunition, suited to the calibre of two field-pieces which had been taken from General St. Clair and deposited in a creek near the scene of his defeat in 1791. Thus attended, they appeared before Fort Recovery' (the advanced post of our army), on the 4th of July, 1794, and having defeated a large detachment of our troops, encamped under its walls, and would probably have succeeded in taking the fort if the guns which they expected to find had not been previously discovered and removed. In this action Captain Hartshorn, of the First Sub-legion, was wounded TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 367 by the Indians, and afterwards killed in a struggle with Captain McKee, of the British army. [It is proper to state that Captain McKee asserted that he interfered to save Hartshorn, but that he refused quarter and attempted to kill him (McKee), and would have succeeded if he had not been anticipated by his (McKee's) servant.] "Upon the advance of the American army in the following month, the British fort at the Rapids was again a point of rendezvous for the Indians. There the deficiencies in arms, ammunition and equipments were again supplied ; and there they were fed with regular rations from the king's stores, consisting of flour and Irish beef, until the arrival of General Wayne with his army on the 20th of August. In the general action of that day there were two militia companies from Amherstburg and Detroit. The captain of the cutter (who was also the clerk of the court at that place) was found among the killed, and one of his privates taken prisoner. These unequivocal acts of hostility on the part of Great Britain did not pass unnoticed by our government, and although anxious to avoid a general war, the President determined that the aggression on our territory by the erection of a fortress so far within our acknowledged limits required some decisive measure. "Authority was therefore given to General Wayne to dispossess the intruders, if, in his opinion, it was necessary to the success of his operations against the Indians. "Although the qualification of this order, in its literal sense, might be opposed to its execution after the entire defeat of the Indians—the daring violation of neutrality which was professed, by the supply of food, arms and ammunition to the enemy on the very morning of the action, afforded, in the opinion of General Wayne, a sufficient justification for its being carried into effect. An accurate examination, however, of the defences of the fort, made by the general at great personal hazard, showed but too clearly that our small howitzers—which had been transported on the backs of horses—our only artillery, could make no impression upon its massive earthen parapet, while the deep fosse and frasing by which it was surrounded afforded no prospect of the success of an escalade, but at an expense of valuable lives, which the occasion did not seem to call for. "From my situation as aide-de-camp to the general-in-chief I mention these things from personal knowledge. If , then, the relation I have given is correct, it must be admitted that the war 368 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY of the Revolution continued in the western country until the peace of Greenville in 1795." And as hereinbefore stated, Harrison might justly have said eighteen years after the Greenville Treaty, when he "cleaned up" Proctor's British forces at the Canadian Thames River, "Actual American Independence has never been achieved until this day"— October 5, 1813. CHAPTER XXXV OFFICIAL REVIEW CONCERNING THE NORTHWEST THE BOUQUET AND HALDIMAND PAPERS-ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS CONCERNING THE MAUMEE AND SANDUSKY REGION-BRITISH LETTERS AND CORRESPONDENCE FROM 1761 TO 1795-THE TRUTH ABOUT FORT MIAMI AND FORT INDUSTRY-BRITISH EVIDENTLY BUILT FORT INDUSTRY- CORRESPONDENCE OF EARLY SANDUSKY AND MAUMEE RIVER TRADERS- MAUMEE AND SANDUSKY EARLY ROUTES OF TRAVEL. The military dispatches, papers and letters following, are set forth in the nature of an official review of the period indicated by the dates of the various documents and letters. They assist in emphasizing certain points in the regular story and bring the reader in closer touch with numerous worthwhile events : In the "Bouquet Papers" is found the following order to Lieut. Elias Meyer, Fort Pitt, of the date of August 12, 1761, to build a fort on Sandusky Bay : Sir—You are hereby directed to take under your command and march tomorrow thirteen August a Detachment of 1 Sub. two Serjits, one Dr Two Corp : and thirty Private of the first Battn R. A. R. & proceed with convenient Dispatch to Sandusky Lake; on the south side of which; and at the most convenient Place, you are to build a small Block House with a Pallissade round it, to serve as a Haltin Place for our Party going & coming from Detroit. As soon as you are arrived at Sandusky you are to inform Capt Campbell (Detroit) of it, and of the number of cattle you have with you, which being destined for His Garrison, He will send a Party from Detroit to receive them from you & send you salt Pork if you want any, as well as the Ship Carpenters & some necessary Tools, Sawyers, & Masons—you will also correspond occasionally with Capt. Cochran at Presqu' Isle. [Erie, Pa.] On your march and during your stay at Sandusky you will carefully prevent any difference wh Indians & not permit that they get any strong Liquor on any Pretence whatever. You will inform me by all opportunities of your proceedings & be as expeditious as possible in order to compleat your work - 369 - 370 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY before the bad weather sets in. You will receive further orders respecting the Garrison of that Post before you leave it. You are to give Certificates to the Horse Drivers specifying the number of days they have been on their march and allow them the time which will appear to you just for the return of their Horses. The compleat Ration is nine pounds of bread, eight pounds of Beef or Mutton per week & as seven pounds of flour make nine pounds of Bread where you can not get Bread baked that amount of flour is to be issued in lieu of the nine lbs of Bread and five pounds of Pork is equal to eight Pounds of fresh or Salt Beef. You will allow your men a gill of Rum a day when they work in lieu of pay. Given under my Hand at Fort Pitt this 12th day of August 1761. To Lieut. Elias Meyer of the R. A. R. The above order is for the third construction of old Fort Sandoski where Ensign Pauli was left in command until the attack made during Pontiac's Conspiracy, as has been related. A letter regarding the same post, from General Robert Monckton at New York, dated July 5, 1761, for Lieutenant Bassett and others has this: New York July ye 5th 1761 Sir The Day before yesterday I was favoured with your Letters of the 12th June. I am sorry to find that the Provincials move up so slow, as we are loosing a great deal of work. Croghan who will deliver you this is going to Detroit, to meet Sir Wm Johnston —and as Sir William is to have a great meeting there the Genl has desired me to send him some Cattle to treat the chiefs with. I have spoke to Croghan about it who says there need only be a few Drivers and he will send some Indians. You will therefore send off immediately what you think will be necessary or can conveniently be done, I write to Plumstead to send up others. In regard to the men Intitled to their Discharge, I think you ought discharge as many as will bring you down to your complement. I hope before you receive this you will have repaired for the Block House at Sanduski, George Croghan will have a good opportunity of speaking about it to the Indians, as he goes to Detroit, TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 371 A letter from Colonel Bouquet at Fort Pitt, to General Monckton and dated Sept. 10, 1761, among other things says that "Lieutenant Meyer and Ensign Pauli left this the 13th August, (for Sandusky) having 30 oxen and 40 sheep all the cattle we had at that time." On his arrival at the Sandusky, Lieutenant Meyer wrote Colonel Bouquet at Fort Pitt as follows: Sept the 1st 1761 Sir I have great need of various things from Detroit which I have thought that one & the other would be stopped in the work for want of. I am resolved to go myself to morrow morning to hasten the things as much as possible. I hope to return in 6 or 8 days. Mr. Pauli is perfectly acquainted with all which has to be done in my absence. I have the honour to be Sir, Your very humble and very obedient servant ELIAS MEYER Lieut. Another communication from Lieutenant Meyer, Sandusky Bay to Colonel Bouquet at Fort Pitt reads : Sept 24th 1761 Sir I returned here from Detroit on the 17th having been obliged to wait four days for want of a batteau. Mr. Campbell has assisted me with a carpenter and a master and eight barrels of salt pork, as for flour he had none himself for he had to furnish four other posts besides he had orders from General Amherst that he was to have nothing to do with my post. Judge then Sir, in what position I will be soon if you do not help me very quickly. The inclosed papers will show you what I have received and what remains with me. We have lost five sheep by the dogs of the village chasing them into the woods, and after two days search by all the detachment (off guard) we recovered none from the wolves (which are in large numbers here) they have been devoured I believe. A man came here to day who has worked as a carpenter for the Beaver King at Tuscarawa, I have kept him here for the King's service, having great need of him. I have at present three 372 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY carpenters and the promise of two others from Detroit in 15 days but I cannot count much on the latter. If I only had one or two masons and their provisions I do not doubt to be able to finish the Block house in one or two months from now. I pray you very earnestly my colonel to help me in my needs the more so as the General regards this post (as he expressed in one of his letters to Chevallier Johnson) : as a post to keep the Canadians in check. The King's horse which I believe to be stolen by the Indians was brought back here by Mr. Phillips Boyle. All the detachment is in perfect health. we have had no sickness yet. It is not the same at Detroit Sir Major Gladwin and Ensign Holmes were at my departure at the point (of death) and they have 17 R. A. sick of the fever. If I had any ammunition, or any other trifles to give to the Indians for venison. I promise to subsist the detachment partly when the hunting begins which will be in fifteen days and the King would profit considerably. Sir Wm. Johnson, (Indian Agent) his son and Lt. Johnson arrived here at mid day from Detroit. They did us the honour of dining with us and left this evening for the Grand Lake. If you send any flour here, I pray you Sir to be good enough to give the order that they be good and that the bags are not like the last I received. They had for the most part a crust inside of two fingers in depth, and by the flour of which we could absolutely make no use we found ourselves 809 lbs too short. The drummer has by accident broken his drum which is irrepairable, this is a great loss for by the works on which the workmen (are engaged) all day they are extremely scattered in the woods & it is extremely hard to assemble them without a drum, I have the honor to be with much respect Sir Your very humble and very obedient servant ELIAS MEYER Lt. Another letter from Lieutenant Meyer to Colonel Bouquet- Fort Sandusky, the 29th Nov. 1761 Sir The lowest price for an egg at Detroit is three ecus' & a bushel of wheat twenty shillings. I sent on the 17th three barrels of powder to Capt Campbell and I am obliged to send the Grenadier Cant to Detroit with Mr. TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 373 Spear to be cured of the small pox. There are besides the grenadier the drummer and another sick. I have the honour to be Sir Your very humble & Very obedient servant ELIAS MEYER Lt. The dispatch following is from Lieutenant Christie, sent from Presque Isle (Erie, Pa.) to Lieutenant Gordon at Venango, between Presque Isle and Fort Pitt. It concerns Pontiac's Conspiracy and an attack upon the British by the Indians at the mouth of Detroit River; also tells of the ruins of old Fort Sandoski after its destruction in Pontiac's campaign.: Presqu' Isle 3rd June 1763. Sir, This morning Lieut. Cuyler of Queen's Compy of Rangers came here and gave me the following melancholy account, of his whole Party Being cut off by a large Body of Indians at the mouth of Detroit River the 28th of May about eleven o'clock at night. He tells me he left Niagara the 13th May with 97 men, Ten Batteaux & 139 Barrels of Provisions. He had Serjt Cope & seventeen men of the Royal A. Regiment, the Rest Rangers. Killed : Serjt Cope & 15 Privates of Rl. American Regt, Serjt Fislinger & 42 of the Rangers, one woman & child. Lieut Cuyler & 3 Privates wounded—Two died of their wounds since. He has lost all the Provisions except five Barrels of Pork, Lost also eight Batteaux. He is to return to Niagara to morrow with the two Batteaux he has saved and the Remainder of his command. After the Affair he made the best of his way to Sanduskie, But found it Burnt to the Ground, and every thing destroyed about it. God only knows what became of poor Mr. Pelly (Pauli) & his Party. He also tells me Mr. Schlosser at his Post has met with the same fate. I have sent to Niagara a letter to the Major desiring some more Ammunition & Provisions and have kept six men of Lieut Cuylers as I expect a visit from the Hell-Hounds. 374 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY I have ordered every body here to move into the Block House and shall be ready for them come when they will. I am Sir Your very humble Servant J------- C------- To Lieut Gordon From the Bouquet documents is a considerable interim until the "Haldimand Papers" are reached. Showing the character of some of the traders in the lake region and Sandusky and Maumee, the following is taken from a letter written to the British General Haldimand by Maj. Henry Bassett dated at Detroit April 29, 1773: Detroit 29th April 1773. Sir, I have just received an account by a Trader from St. Dusky, that a Chawanese Savage has killed Mr. McDowel, a Trader from Pensylvania without any provocation except refusing to sell him Rum. The Indian put his Gun through a small hole in a window & shot him as he was sitting at his fire. untill some effectual method is fallen on to prevent such Quantities of Rum coming up from Albany & Canada, we shall never have a safe Trade, the Chiefs complain much of the intention of the English to kill all their young men, it prevents their hunting, by letting such quantities of spirits go out amongst them, and hurts the trade very much, for instead of that Poison when they return from their winter, they would purchase Blankets, shrowdings &ca which are the manufactures of England, and there would be three times the quantity of Peltry sent home. The Chiefs declare they loose more of their young men by Rum than they used to do by war, & I imagine from what I. can learn, are discontented. Believe me Sir, its not in the power of a Commanding officer at this post, to prevent their going among them, for the Traders land it down the River & have a thousand other tricks to deceive the Commanding officer & cheat the poor Savages. The Traders in general that are on these Posts, are the outcasts of all Nations, and the refuse of Mankind, I sincerely wish there was a Police form'd for these upper Country's, to make these Vagabonds tremble, a commanding officer here has not authority to punish these Villains & if he takes any steps to recover debts, or any other civil affair, they think together & raise a power to torment him, TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 375 when he goes down there, these fellows call English Liberty, I should imagine if your Excellency would pleace to speak to Governor Tryon, he may possibly have some alterations made in these papers, & oblige them when they come to these Posts, to be subject to the orders of the commanding officer this would contribute much to keep the Savages quiet for notwithstanding repeated orders these Traders and their Batteau men, watch the skirts of the wood within 3 miles of the Fort & make Bargains with the Indians, cheat them of their Peltry, Venison &ca. lodge it safe in a French house or hide it untill they have an opportunity to convey it privately into the Fort, your Excellency may imagine this may be easily prevented but it is impossible without a commanding officer risking a persecution at Law, until its fully in his power to put these fellows in the guard House, and send them by the first opportunity down to New York, or Canada, till then you'll have frequent murders committed, for they first made the Indians drunk & cheat them, this cant be easily proved in a Court of Justice, for they are all of the same way of thinking & there is no person to prosecute, the poor savage murmors & says it was an English Trader & the particular person is not found out. Of course the Bouquet Papers were of the times before the opening of the American, Revolution. Therefore the Quotations now from the Haldimand documents are from a point well along in the latter period. In September 1778, Alexander McKee who had joined the British as their agent, passed up the Maumee River with belts, wampum and presents, as a war messenger from the British Governor Hamilton at Detroit to the Shawnees. When Hamilton in the first days of October that year passed up the Maumee River from Detroit on his campaign against Vincennes, he was evidently met by McKee. For the latter wrote the following letter to Captain Lernoult, Hamilton's successor at Detroit. The "Upper Shawnee town" where McKee dates his letter, was probably Piqua or the one within now Allen County, Ohio. The communication to Captain Lernoult reads— Upper Shawanese Town Oct 25th 1778. Sir, Since my arrival amongst these Indians various reports has been propogated of a considerable Army of Virginians being up on their way against Detroit &c. This day several Chiefs have 376 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY declared to me that they have received certain Information, which may be depended upon, of the Truth of this intelligence, therefore I must look upon it as a duty incumbent upon me to give you the earliest advice thereof, & I have requested these Indians to make you acquainted constantly of their Progress. Tomorrow I set out to Join Govr. Hamilton at the Miamis. If anything further of importance comes to my knowledge shall not fail to acquaint you. I am Sir With great respect Your most obedt. hum. Servt. (Signed) A. McKEE To Capt Lernoult. P. S. Since writing the above am informed by an Indian from the Rebel Army that they have three pieces of cannon with them —and that they will take Post the 26th of this month at Tuscarawas where they propose building a Fort. The above letter written in the forest wilds, refers also to the proposed advance of General McIntosh against Detroit, and shows the remarkable co-ordination of operations between the various detachments and expeditions of the British and Indians in their movements, and how at long distances in a wild country, they kept in touch with one another. The same of course was true of the Americans. "The Miamis" McKee refers to meant the Indians on the upper Maumee. The following letter is interesting from the fact that it concerns the George Rogers Clark-Hamilton contest for Vincennes and also the preparations at Detroit by the British for the expected attack by the Americans under General McIntosh from Fort Pitt. Niagara Feby 12h 1779. I was determined not to wait longer than next Monday for the Express from Detroit however an Indian arrived with letters from Governor Hamilton & Captain Lernoult with the agreeable news that Post Vincent was in our possession, but as I forward these letters from the Governor to Your Excellency they will inform you of the particulars. Captain Lernoult writes me word that having no hopes of any reinforcement he resolved with the advice of his officers to throw up a strong work on the high ground which entirely com- TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 377 mands his weak Fort, (Detroit) large enough to secure the stores & Provisions belonging to the Crown and to enable him to make such a defence as every officer zealous for the service and his own honor would wish. The behaviour of the Canadians during these troubles gives him very small hopes of those at Detroit. The greater part of the Merchants have assisted him cheerfully, and he has promised them a .Corner to secure their most valuable effects, at least as much as will help to defend them. All those employed on the works receive Rum & Provisions, but no pay except the Artificer The Timber for a Bomb Proof and the Platforms are all ready cut, and they are bringing them in as expeditiously as the deep roads will permit, the quantity of rain lately has retarded him much, yet the work is far advanced, as the mild season has prevented the Enemy from advancing thro' the swamps & he hopes to have time to compleat the work to receive them properly, by the last intelligence he can learn there is a large body of them encamped near the Concerite River within three days march of the Upper St. Duske Village, (Half King) their encampment extends near a mile & a half, having four Redoubts at some distance from each other in their front with Cannon in each and are commanded by a Colonel McIntosh. They are trying every method to draw the Indians from the Government, have sent Belts and Strings to invite them to Council but if Indians are to be credited, most of the nations have refused listening to them, he informs me that every encouragement has been given to the Indians to oppose them and hold fast the chain of Friendship with us, and has sent them cloathing, ammunition &c. &c. to engage them to continue firm. The Hurons lately arrived from thence inform him the Enemy are very much upon their guard and both day and night send large Detachments of horse & foot for some miles round their encampment which prevents the people he has sent out to get Intelligence of their numbers he also acquaints me of having received a Belt lately from the Southern Indians sent to Captain Pipes (Chief of the Delawares) in our interest informing him of their being on their march to the Cherokee Creek, and that a body of Royalists are coming up the Mississippi to Join them in order to clear the Ohio of the Rebels. this he says corresponds with the intelligence Govr. Hamilton mentions in his letter to have received, he intends soon sending another express with the returns & accts of the expenses incur'd on the Governor's expedition, which he is under the necessity of drawing for during his absence, 14-VOL. 1 378 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY which cou'd not be sent at this time, as Mr. Hamilton desired his Dispatches should be forwarded with speed. I have desired Major Buttler to do all he can to employ the Indians about Fort Pitt in cutting off their supplies & to exert themselves as much as possible to make a Diversion in favour of our friends at Detroit—a strong party was sent that way before this news arrived. Captain Lernoult you may be assured Sir, will do all that is possible with the weak Garrison under his command to disappoint the Enemy's views. I am your Excellency's most obliged & obedt. Servant MASON BOLTON His Excellency General Haldimand A letter dated at Niagara, May 8, 1779, from Capt. Dederick Brehm to General Haldimand, shows that matters for the British at all quarters and at most all their posts had been at a low ebb and that Col. George Rogers Clark was right when he said that with a small force he could have captured Detroit from Vincennes. A letter written at Upper Sandusky by Henry Bird, engineer, who built Fort Lernoult at Detroit in the winter of 1778-1779 and who in 1780 led the British and Indian expedition up the Maumee from Detroit to Bryant's and Ruddell's stations, Kentucky, among other things says : "Our Enemies will meet with little or no opposition in their progress to Detroit. The Fort (Pitt) full of Delawares the Rebels (Americans) offered 800 Dollars for Girty's Scalp—five Delawares thinking he marched with me way laid us on the road Girty was a day forward, they did not attack us, this information we got by credible informers. Girty and his Senecas gone in quest. Girty I assure you Sir, is one of the most useful disinterested friends in his Department Government has. * * * Nothing can be done with these wretches (Indians) who talk of moving off their grounds." Here is the report of Capt. Henry Bird, British, to Major De Peyster at Detroit, of his expedition up the Maumee River to Kentucky and his attacks on Bryant's and Ruddell's Stations. Ohio opposite Licking Creek July 1st 1780. Sir, After fatigues that only those present can entertain a proper Idea of we arrived before Fort Liberty (Ruddell's Station) the TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 379 24th of June. I had before that day entreated every Indian officer that appeared to have Influence among the Savages, to pursuade them not to engage with the Fort, untill the guns were up—fearing if any were killed it might exasperate the Indians & make them commit cruelties when the Rebels surrender. Poor McCarty in every other respect an extreme, attentive, serviceable fellow, perished by disobeying orders. An Indian was shot through the arm. The three Pounder was not sufficient, our People raised a Battery of Rails & Earth within 80 rods of the fort—taking some advantage of a very violent storm of rain which prevented them being seen clearly—They stood two discharges of the little gun, which only cut down a Spar & stuck the shot in the side of a House—When they saw the Six Pounder moving across the Field, they immediately surrendered, they thought the three Pounder a Swivel the Indians and their Department had got with them—The conditions granted That their Lives should be saved, and themselves taken to Detroit, I forewarn'd them that the Savages would adopt some of their children. The Indians gave in Council the Cattle for Food for our People & the Prisoners and were not to enter till the next day—But whilst Capt. McKee and myself were in the Fort settling these matters with the poor People, they rush'd in, tore the poor children from their mothers Breasts, killed a wounded man and every one of the cattle, leaving the whole to stink. We had brought no Pork with us & were now reduced to great distress, & the poor Prisoners in danger of being starved. I talked hardly to them of their breach of Promise—But however we marched to the next Fort, which surrendered without firing a gun. The same Promises were made & broke in the same manner, not one pound of meat & near 300 Prisoners—Indians breaking into the Forts after the Treaties were concluded. The Rebels ran from the next Fort and the Indians burn'd it—They then heard the news of Col. Clark's coming against them & proposed returning—which indeed had they not proposed I must have insisted on, as I had then fasted some time & the Prisoners in danger of starving—incessant rains rotted our People's feet the Indians almost all left us within a days march of the Enemy. It was with difficulty I procured a guide thro' the woods—I marched the poor women & children 20 miles in one day over very high mountains, frightening them with frequent alarms to push them forward, in short, Sir, by water & land we came with all our cannon &c 90 miles in 4 days, one day out of which we lay by 380 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY entirely, rowing 50 miles the last day—we have no meat & must subsist on Flour if there is nothing for us at Lorimiers. (Head of Great Miami River on their return journey to Detroit). I am out of hope of getting any Indians to hunt, or accompany us, however George Girty I detain to assist me—I could Sir, by all acounts have gone through the whole country without any opposition, had the Indians preserved the cattle. Everything is safe so far, but we are not yet out of reach of pursuit. As a very smart fellow escaped from me within 26 miles of the Enemy—Provisions and Peraugues [boats] we shall want at the glaize (Auglaize) & the vessel at the mouth of the Miamis. (Maumee). I refer you to the Bearer for particulars. I am Sir with respect Your most obedt. Servant (signed) HENRY BIRD Major De Peyster The above report shows that the British exercised little control over the Indians—in fact scarcely attempted it. McKee in a letter dated July 8, 1780, at the "Shawnee Village," gives De Peyster an account of the same, attacks. On his return journey to Detroit from his Kentucky expedition Capt. Henry Bird at an Ottawa Indian village on the Auglaize River south of now Defiance, on July 24, 1780, wrote De Peyster at Detroit that— "Gray arrived here this day, we have made out so far very well, having left the Forks within a day's march of the Fort we took the first of July, and with fourteen days hard working arrived at the Standing Stone, which is an hundred and twenty miles against a very bad and rappid River. All the other delays were occasioned, by the Transportation of the Artillery Stores &c. which we have got to Monsr Lorimiers(head of Loramie's Creek, a Great Miami tributary) by going and returning with the few horses Capt. Hare brought us. "The Provisions we had were of infinite service—three days after we arrived at the Standing Stone our Provisions were out. His stock will serve us to the entrance of the Miamis, (Maumee) where your goodness, Sir, has provided for us. "The Waters are so low they will not furnish sufficient for a Bark Canoe within 50 miles of Monsr Lorimiers. TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 381 "I have left the Bombardiers Robinson, Crow & Gallougher, who stay Volunteers with the guns—until rains make the waters sufficient for their transportation, there are two paragues [pirogues] here for them. Col. Clarke arrived within a day or so of the time I marked for his certain arrival. Capt. Hinxon who made his escape from us, had candour sufficient to tell Col. Clarke, he and the Prisoners were treated in so different a manner from what they expected, that had not his Family been at the Falls, he would have preferred going with' us to Detroit. "I have much news from the private conversation with the Prisoners, and other means, respecting the situation of the country, their Force and manner of making Levies &c. &c many of the Prisoners would not take the oath to Congress, I don't believe we have more than two Families really Rebels, their names McGuire and Mahon—the rest are composed of good Farmers with extreme industrious Families who are desirous of being settled in Detroit with some Land. They fled, they say, from persecution, & declare if Government will assist them to get them on foot as Farmers, they will, as Militia, faithfully defend the country that affords them protection." During the closing years of the eastern activities of the American Revolution, the British continually expected and feared an attack upon Detroit either by way of the Maumee River by George Rogers Clark or some other commander, or from the direction of Fort Pitt. This fact crops out at this time all through their official correspondence. And they had reason for their expectations, as the American military authorities many times planned and started such an expedition, which from one cause or another failed of realization. Investigation anew of the situation between the British at Detroit and the Americans in the Maumee and Sandusky region at this time has brought to light important discoveries theretofore passed over concerning the British Fort Miami on the lower Maumee River and Fort Industry, mouth of Swan Creek, within the now limits of Toledo. Captain Alexander Grant in 1764 was appointed commodore of the British vessels and military fleet on Lake Erie and had charge of the naval operations there until after 1800. When Detroit was threatened by American attack, Captain Grant was ordered to station armed boats at the mouth of or on lower Maumee River as a defense measure. This is shown by an important 382 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY dispatch or letter from Commodore Grant to Brigadier-General Powell at Niagara as follows : Detroit March 18h 1781. Sir I acknowledge your favor of the 12h last month by the express, at the same time I received a Letter from Captain Schanks dated at Quebec the 7h January, desiring to send some ship Carpenters from this Department to that of Carleton Island could they be spared, which the master builder at this place informs me is impossible from the absolute necessary repairs and work that is to be carried on here, exclusive of Building a new vessel, and its evident to me that none can be spared without endangering the service here. Major De Peyster informed me that he had accounts of the Enemy intending our advancing towards this Post, and directs two of the vessels that would be best spared from the Transportation to be well armed so that they might be stationed in the River Miamis (Maumee) or where most necessary. I have accordingly fitted out the Schooner Faith and Sloop Adventure for that purpose. The Major says he cannot spare Troops as Marines to be put on board these vessels, in that case its out of my power to man them properly for defence, being as much as I can do, with the number of men we have in the Department to man the vessels for the Transportation. This will prevent our having it in our power to give any assistance in the Transportation between Little Niagara and Fort Erie, as the two vessels usually allotted for that Business were the Faith and Adventure. By the Express the day before yesterday from Michilimackinac, the senior officer of the Department there, informs me that he thinks the Welcome is not repairable, and that they cannot ascertain the damage done the Angelica till the ice breaks up. He further tells me there is neither White Oak or Pine on that Island, or near hand it, so as to have good Plank Sawn for the Repair of them and also no artificers to give the least assistance. I am Sir Your most obedient and most humble Servant (Signed) ALEX GRANT Brigadier-General Powell April 23, 1781, General Haldimand from Quebec wrote to General Powell at Niagara that by "many local circumstances for TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 383 (from) the motions of the enemy (Americans) may render it expedient to have more vessels at the Miamis (Maumee) * * * besides it may require more time than is supposed to arm the Wiandott in which case the Faith may take that station (Maumee) for a part or for the whole summer." Major De Peyster wrote from Detroit under date of August 17, 1782, to General Haldimand that "According to the Report of an Ottawa Chief, Capt. Caldwell is encamped on the banks of the Ohio, where he proposes to remain until he gets certain accounts of the Enemy. Capt. Grant arrived here with the Faith and Gunboat yesterday." A communication dated at Detroit August 7, 1782, written by General Powell to General Haldimand says: "I found the works here (Detroit) in a very ruinous state, from the depradations occasioned by the continual heavy rains, but from the indefatiguable zeal with which the garrison continue to repair them, I do not doubt they will be in a very defensible state before the Enemy can appear before them. As Captain Caldwell is now supposed to have two thousand Indians with him, which with the two armed vessels that will be stationed at the mouth of the Miamis (Maumee) River, must retard their progress very much, if not totally defeat them." On August 17, 1782, General Powell from Niagara wrote to General Haldimand that the Adventurer had left the Maumee River on the 12th (August) and "a Letter from Capt. Grant who is in the Faith upon that station, mentions that no accounts had been received either from Captain Caldwell or from the motion of the Rebels."— ( Americans) However, here is the most important letter of all that have been set forth. It is written by Capt. J. Burnet to Brigadier-General Powell from Detroit, on September 5, 1782 and is as follows: Sir Capt. Grant being ill, desires me to acquaint you, that not doubting Major De Peyster gave you every information from the Indian Country, he declined troubling you on his return from the Miami (Maumee) River; that finding the Provisions at the mercy of the weather and Indians, he built a rough Block-house for its lodgement, which may be defended by ten men against a hundred. Favorable accounts coming in from the Indian Country, and the appearance of a press of Transport induces Capt. Grant to let the Gage slip down for a load or two, under the Command of 384 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY Lieut. & Commander Harrow, and I am detained here for the Faith, or whatever service may become immediately necessary; he hopes this will meet with your approbation, as no alteration is made in the Gage to prevent her being ready for actual service in two days if necessary. Lieut Duhamel goes down by this opportunity being discharged the service, agreeable to the Commander in Chief's orders. Volunteer Leansiere also goes down, having leave of absence by Capt. Shank (Schank). I have the honor to be &c &c (Signed) J. BURNET B. Genl. Powell The above statement shows that the British sometime during the summer of 1782 "built a rough Blockhouse (for the lodgment of supplies) which may be defended by ten men against a hundred" somewhere on the lower Maumee River. This statement would indicate that the structure was built not only as a place to house supplies, but also for a defense—a fort. It also must have been garrisoned, as the supplies would not have been left unguarded. The facts are that this blockhouse was built as a work of defense against the long expected "Rebels," (Americans) coming from the Kentucky region to attack Detroit. The important question is, the location of this blockhouse. Unfortunately it is not definitely stated and therefore where would be its most probably site? Commodore Grant it is shown by one statement above, had his armed boats stationed "at the mouth of the Miamis (Maumee) River." While this is indefinite, a very likely point would be near t mouth of Swan Creek. For, all during the American-British contests in this territory, Swan Creek is mentioned. The Indians congregated upon that stream and supplies were deposited for them there. Alexander McKee wrote later from the Maumee Rapids that "I have been employed several days in endeavoring to fix the Indians (who have been driven from their villages and cornfields) between the fort (Miami) and the bay. Swan Creek is generally agreed upon; and will be a very convenient place for the delivery of provisions, ect." This was after the battle of Fallen Timbers, August 20, 1794, when the Indians took refuge on Swan Creek. Therefore, until better evidence is brought forth, isn't it probable that this blockhouse was located at the mouth of Swan Creek and that it later took the name of Fort Industry. No one knows definitely who built Fort Industry, when it was constructed, nor TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 385 for what purpose, and this seemingly is the best theory yet advanced regarding it It has been suggested that the British blockhouse was upon the site later chosen for the construction by the British Governor Simcoe, for Fort Miami built in 1794. But that theory is hardly as tenable as the Fort Industry idea, another fact being that a map of the Maumee River and environs shows a prominent Indian camp on the north side of Swan Creek at its mouth, where Fort Industry was located. Capt. William Caldwell thus reports the defeat and capture of Colonel Crawford: Sandusky June 11h 1782. Sir No doubt but you must ere this have received Lieut Turney's letter from upper Sandusky—at the time it was wrote we were not able to ascertain properly the Enemy's loss as the pursuers were not all returned. I now have the pleasure of transmitting to you as true an account as possible, which is killed and wounded 250—amongst the Prisoners Colonel Crawford and some of the officers—amongst the killed is Major McClellan. Their officers I believe suffered much. Our loss is very inconsiderable, one Ranger kill'd, myself and two wounded—Levillier killed, four Indians killed & eight wounded. The white men that are wounded are in a good way and I hope will be fit for service in a fortnight.—The Delawares are still in pursuit, and I hope we will account for most of the six hundred. The Lake Indians are very tardy, we had but Forty-four of them in the action—I should be glad they should hasten as I expect we will have occasion for them—I hope something will be done this summer—Clark I believe will soon be on his way for the Shawanese country; if so we will have occasion for as many as can possibly be gathered. The Indian Demands are great and I have not a single thing to suffice them with. I hope you'll send us a fresh supply of ammunition, Tobacco and such other things as are necessary for warriors, are requisite if you please to send them. The Chief with one Eye and Dewantate with their Bands are going to Detroit, as it is their custom after striking a blow to return & see their Families; but whatever you may tell them they will do with pleasure. They behaved very well whilst with me. Sindewattone your friend the little old chief remains with me, I find him very useful as he seems willing to do everything in his power for the 386 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY good of the service, and of great service to me and a better soldier never went into the field. I received a Ball through both my legs which obliged me to leave the field. If I had not been so unlucky I am induced to think, from the influence I have with the Indians the Enemy would not have left the place we surrounded them in. The young man who goes in with letters is a deserving young man, and I hope you will reward him well * * * please send us some pack ropes and stuff for bags, as they will be very requisite. Capt. McKee sets out today for the Shawanese Towns. (Signed) Wm. CALDWELL Capt Commandg at Sandusky. Major De Peyster P. S. I must beg leave to recommend Abraham Coon as I found him very useful. (An interpreter). Captain Alexander McKee wrote to Detroit from Upper Sandusky July 22nd 1782 that he had joined Captain Caldwell at that place on the 12th and that they had set off towards Wheeling, but on account of the Americans reported advancing on the Shawnee towns, they turned back. On August 28, McKee wrote a long letter to De Peyster dated from the "Shawnee Country," then on October 25th an extended communication to that general from "Pipe's Town" southeast of Upper Sandusky, the home of the Indian Chief Captain Pipe. He was certainly busy in the interests of the British. The foregoing ends the Haldimand papers of local interest, and there is a long interval of official correspondence pertinent to the local situation. Anticipating the general narrative somewhat, the trading post of Alexander McKee was located on the right bank of the Maumee River not far from the later site of Fort Meigs. McKee and others carried on an extensive correspondence with the British authorities from there in the spring of 1794, before the arrival of General Wayne. A letter dated at the "Rapids" May 30 the above year written by McKee to Joseph Chew, British Superintendent of Indian Affairs, is as follows: Rapids 30 May 1794. Dear Sir, Since my Letter of the 8th Instant I have the pleasure to acknowledge the Receipt of yours of the 14th 16th & 20th of April —The Stores at Montreal having neither Gun Riffle or Vermillion is extremely unfortunate at this very critical period : Vermillion TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 387 and Tobacco are not yet made good for the last years Requisition and I have been under the necessity of borrowing on that account all these things are Indespensible and I hope you will be able to make such representations as may authorise the purchase of them at Montreal—where they may be had on moderate Terms.—I feel it my duty also to mention to you the badness of the guns sent to this post—tis true the Indians take them but 'tis only for the sake of the Lock the barrels are worth nothing and are extremely dangerous from their constant bursting—The Short Rifles which have been sent up for some time are now refused when offered them; I sincerely hope the Superintendent General will have arrived by the Time this reaches you and that he will endeavour to manage these matters so that in case of a war we may not be in want of the means of carrying it on. You have inclosed a speech I received a few days ago from the Glaize (Auglaize) that containing the latest Intelligence I have of General Wayne's reinforcements and I believe the truth of it may be relied on; The Lake Indians are at length collecting themselves and several small parties have already gone up—The Wyandots I have reason to believe will be here in two or three days should these nations all join at the Glaize before any General Movement of the American Army—I shall hope His Majesty's Posts in this Quarter may remain in tolerable security. His Excellency Lieut. Governor Simcoe has transmitted to me a copy of the Speech lately made by the Six Nations at Buff aloe Creek to the American Agent General Cahpin; and the Six Nations have also sent Messenger to the Chippawas, Ottawas, Potiwatimies and some other nations, and have returned to them a Belt which was intrusted to the Six Nations last Fall in order to accomplish a Peace on the Terms proposed by them ; at the same time these Nations are told that Peace could not be obtained and they are now desired to be strong and act as they think proper for their own Interest. I am with great regard Dear Sir Your most obedient humble Servant (Signed) A. McKEE From this time on McKee's letters are again numerous until after the battle of Fallen Timbers; one being dated at the 388 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY "Rapids" evidently written at his store, July 7, 1794, in which he reports the Indian attack at Fort Recovery June 30, before quoted. August 27, 1794, one week after the battle of Fallen Timbers, McKee at the Indian "Camp Near Fort Miamis" reported that engagement to Joseph Chew, the Indian agent, as follows: 27h Augt. 1794 Dear Sir It was not possible for me sooner to communicate the events which have lately happened in this Country—General Wayne with an Army of near 4000 men (according to the report of deserters) made gradual approaches towards us until his arrival at Roche De Bout on the 17h Inst where he fixed his Head Quarters, on the 18h the Spy May was taken who informed the Indians it was intended to attack them the next day, unless the General should determine to build a Fort in which case he would not advance until the day following, on the 19h the Indians to the number of 1,300 marched early to the most advantageous ground, but a strong detachment of Cavalry only made their appearance and retired as soon as the Indians shewed themselves. On the 20h the American Army advanced and were first attacked by the left of the center of the Indian which extended near three, Quarters of a mile obliquely upwards, the Americans soon gave way & a rapid pursuit took place for about a mile where the Indians discovered the whole of the American Army Posted to whom they gave Battle retiring slowly before them, during this period, the Wyandots and Ottawas who were on the Right were warmly engaged by the Americans left consisting of both Cavalry and infantry who outflanked and infiladed the Indians untill they retreated, the whole line of the Indians then retired below the Fort imagining their loss to be much greater than it since appears to have been having seen several of their principal Chiefs fall; the greatest loss they have sustained is in their leaders, they halted that night At Swan Creek, about six miles below & were not pursued, there were never more than 400 Indians engaged during the whole day, and these stood the shock of a great part of their army for upwards of two hours and lost in the whole but 19 men among whom are to be much lamented 8 principal Chiefs of the Wyandots & two of the Ottawas besides two more wounded. By the reports of several deserters and a survey of the field TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 389 of action (for they did not even bury but few of their dead) it appears the Americans lost between 3 & 400 killed & wounded and a great many horses—The opperations of the garrison I must leave to be detailed by those whose duty it is, but I must observe to you that all the store houses, my own House with many things that could not be removed were burnt by a Party of General Wayne's army within sight of the garrison. I hope soon to have the pleasure of seeing you—At present I am waiting untill the Indians whose Corn fields & Villages are totally destroyed shall determine where they and their families will set themselves down it being a matter of the highest importance to the Interest of Great Britain to prevent if possible their Emigrating to the Southern & Western parts of the Continent they seemingly now have lost all hopes of the interferance of government. Some Letters passed between Major Campbell Commanding Fort Miamis & General Wayne after the Action, and on the 22nd the American Army quitted the position they had taken within a mile of the Fort, and retreated the same way they came, but whether on account of the want of Provisions or of an order from Philadelphia cannot be certainly known. The American Army have left Evident marks of their boasted Humanity behind them, besides scalping & mutilating the Indians who were killed in action they have opened the peaceful graves in different parts of the Country, Exposed the Bones of the consumed & consuming Bodies, and horrid to relate they have with unparallelled barbarity driven stakes through them and left them objects calling for more than human vengeance. I am with great Regard & Esteem Dear Sir Joseph Chew Esqr. (signed) A. McKEE Yours very sincerely Like all British reports, McKee most extravagantly exaggerated the number of Wayne's troops, also his losses, and minimized the Indian losses. As to the "spy May," on August 11, Wayne sent out a scouting party consisting of Captain Wells, McClellan, the Millers, May and Mahaffy. They rode into an Indian village where now stands the business section of Maumee, Ohio, where they passed as Indians. After gaining the information they desired, they turned back towards Wayne's army. They came upon another Indian band and were recognized. Of the 390 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY party, May was captured, and August 19, the day before the battle, he was tied to a tree then within the limits of now Maumee and killed. Among other official British documents in the Michigan Historical Collection is found a letter written by Lieutenant-Governor J. G. Simcoe of Canada to Lord Dorchester, dated at Navy Hall, Upper Canada, April 29, 1794. Simcoe was the builder of Fort Miami on the left bank of the Maumee River within the present limits of Maumee City, above Toledo. The fort was constructed as a defense against the advance of Gen. Anthony Wayne, in his campaign against the Indians, led by the British, and the extract from Simcoe's letter to Lord Dorchester concerning the building of the same is as follows : "I do myself the honor of informing Your Lordship that on the 10th of April I established a detachment of His Majesty's Troops on the Miamis (Maumee) River agreeably to Your Lordship's directions and in the position which will be explained to you by the enclosed sketch of Lieutenant Pilkington's, the Engineer. "The Principle which I have adopted as the best means of preventing Mr. Wayne from forcing the passage of the Miamis is by placing a Fort in such a position that it may be easy of access from the river, be readily supplied by water Carriage with provisions, and should it be invested, that the Islands in the river and the distance of the opposite bank might afford opportunities of every assistance being given to the post by such a force as could be collected, and which might operate to advantage on some separate points which so wide an extent of ground may probably be supposed to render assailable. "Should Mr. Wayne have the post in his rear and move to Detroit, It is apparent that he must give a fair opening to striking at his communications from sixty miles in extent : Under the circumstances I should immediately endeavor to occupy a camp at Turkey Point [at the mouth of the Maumee River on the right bank and at the entrance to Maumee Bay—Editor] with all the force I should collect and unite, combining the advantages of the command of the water and our superiority in Artillery I have directed a Log House defensible against musquetry to be built at Turtle Island and another at the River aux Raisins and morlons of Logs in the Hog pen manner to be provided at those posts which being filled as occasion shall require, will give the means of speedily erecting adequate Batteries, and in the TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 391 meantime these houses will become intermediate deposits, absolutely necessary to the security of the navigation. I have also desired Colonel England to pay particular attention to the instructions of as many soldiers as possible in the Artillery exercise, and on the approach of Mr. Wayne I should not hesitate to withdraw from Detroit all the Troops but those sufficient to defend Fort Lernoult, and most certainly to drive away or consume all the cattle in the vicinity. I do not find My Lord, that the Sandusky or any other river affords by its collateral branches, any means of striking into Wayne's rear should he descend the Miamis (Maumee). "It seems probably that should he penetrate as far as Roche de bout, he would there change his direction, at least if the possession of Detroit be his aim, and passing by the heads of the small rivers which run between the Detroit and the Miamis without the intervention of any difficult ground, from Swamps or thick woods he would have an easy march of no more than sixty miles to the Detroit. "If therefore sufficient time shall be allowed for the properly fortifying of the Miamis Fort and that its guns shall be of a larger calibre than that Mr. Wayne can bring against it I should hope that Your Lordship views in the establishment of a post in the Miamis would be as successful as they are decisive and provident." Thus, it is shown that while the Revolution was over east of the Alleghenies, and the British by the Treaty of Paris more than ten years before had agreed to surrender the western and lake posts, the war was still on in the West.. And not only did the British still hold posts they had agreed to turn over to the Americans, but were building more—Fort Miami being one of the strongest works of defense on the lakes. Alexander McKee, ever present and resourceful, from his store or trading house on the opposite bank of the Maumee and "a mile and a half above" Fort Miami, comes to the defense and justification of the British in building the fort, and if his statements are tenable he furnishes some valuable historical data concerning' the much discussed Fort Miami. In a letter dated at the Maumee Rapids July 26, 1794, while Wayne was advancing towards the head of Maumee with his army, and addressed to Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe, McKee says : "With regard to Great Britain having occupied a Post on this river (Maumee) it has been uniform ever since 1781 and was always considered as a dependency of Detroit—Captain Pots of 392 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY the 8th Regiment built a Fort at this place in that year and the British flag has been flying every year since that period, during the Summer months while I was waiting the arrival of the different nations of Indians to deliver to them the presents directed by his Majesty. "This post was again reoccupied in 1786 by a Party of the 53rd Regiment. But the Dependencies of Detroit on the River, existed from a much earlier date : ever since the Peace of 63 Great Britain has occupied a post at the Miamis towns, often as a garrison and sometimes as a Trading Post until General Harmar invasion in 1790 when the Indians moved to the Glaize; (Auglaize at Defiance) it then lost its consequence as a Trading Post and the Traders followed the Indians thither. The possession of these Posts have never been given up, and at this day are considered as the dependencies of Detroit." McKee simply reflected in this statement the attitude of the British. Of course, as he says, after the French and Indian war, 1763, the Maumee and Sandusky region was British territory. But at the close of the Revolution under the American-British treaty it became American territory. But at that the British refused to recognize the American rights, and took the attitude that this territory was "a dependency of Detroit." The reader, however, must not be confused by McKee's statement. When he says that "ever since the peace of 1763 Great Britain has occupied a post at the Miami Towns," he refers to and- means the Fort Miami at Fort Wayne. The Captain (William) Potts McKee speaks of, was Ensign Royal Americans, 1756, Lieutenant of the 8th Regiment 1765, and Major 1783. These statements bring the conclusion that there was some sort of trading post or British storehouse at the site of the lower Maumee Fort Miami a few years before Simcoe built the strong' hold of 1794. Again McKee evidently believed the arrival of General Wayne on the Lower Maumee might be a serious affair for the British at Fort Miami, for in the Sandwich (Ontario) records of the Surrogate Court is found the recital of his will made at Fort Miami, the day before the battle of Fallen Timbers, and which reads as follows: Fort Miami, August 19, 1794. I bequeath to Thomas McKee the balance of an account due me by Messrs. Phyn & Ellice in London with all the real and per- TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 393 sonal estates I have about Detroit and also the balance of an account due me by Messrs. Forsyth, Richardson & Co. in Montreal expecting the following legacies. Five Hundred pounds Halifax to James Francis McKee and One Hundred pounds Halifax to Catherine McKee, the interest of the above monies to educate the above children. Given under my hand and seal the above date, being the nineteenth day of August, one thousand seven hundred and ninety four. Signed, sealed and A. McKee (Seal) delivered in the presence of : George Ironside William Shepherd R. Macdonell The above will was sent from Fort Miami under the following direction : "Lieut. Selby, ,5th Regiment, To be opened on Colonel McKee's arrival in Detroit or sooner if necessary." The Colonel must have been Thomas McKee. Most of Alexander McKee's lands set off to him by the British Crown on the Canadian side of the Detroit River were later taken for British defense works, and after McKee's death, his heirs presented a memorial for remuneration for the lands thus appropriated. So far as history shows there were glimpses of French explorers and missionaries along the Maumee River many years before trading pots were established there. Some writers claim that the early maps of this region evidence the fact that French missionaries or explorers visited the Maumee some time between 1650 and 1660, and from that time on there are statements of the visits to this section by explorers and adventurers. In 1686, Nicholas Perrot, with twenty Frenchmen, marched into the Miami country and established a post, evidently at the head of the Maumee River, now Fort Wayne. In 1693, this Captain Perrot is said to have built another post somewhere on the west end of Lake Erie. Father Gravier wrote in 1700 that he found grapes along the Riviere des Miamis (Maumee) in great quantities. It is not until the middle of the eighteenth century, however, that there are definite developments. The John Askin papers in the Burton Historical Collection, Detroit, has a letter written by James Cochran dated at the "Foot of Rappids, 6 Octr 1785" and addressed to Mr. Montague Tremble, Merchant, Detroit. The 394 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY language used is such that at points it is hard to interpret its meaning. But a "translation" somewhat makes the communication read as follows: "Foot of Rappids 6 Octr 1785 "Sir I am sorry to hear of So many Disputes about the peltry but it is not my fault. You have as Good a Right to what is gone ' in as the rest of the Gentlemen aCording to the amount of your acct. which is very near as Big as Both of theirs. I Expected you would Get the Last Packs that went in, as they Got them that was Sent in this Spring. If you have Not Got your part of them, there is ten horse Loads Coming in that I left on the Road as we were obliged to Send Back for our goods that was at the Shawnee towns. (Around the head of the Great Miami River), "It seems Droll to me of Mr. McCormick taking so much upon himself of paying one person & not the other. Neither has he any trouble of making any of them only what fur he Made in the winter. He has Been Trading another way for himself and does not mend here. He has Been Saying here that it was all his own Goods he had out with him, which is truE. But there was a Good Deal more with them. Likewise all the men is paid here By me Except old Mcglaughlin. This man I Paid here with Skins, as I thought you would not answer a Draft. "I think Mr. Castedy is to Come out for these Packs that is Coming, but he will not Get them without you Got your part of the others. "Sir your Humbl Sert. "Jas. Cochran" Addressed : "Mr. Montegue Tremble Merct. Detroit" According to the Burton Collection, Alexander McCormick, mentioned in this letter, prior to the American Revolution was engaged in trade in the Ohio country. In 1777 he had a store near Upper Sandusky, and in 1780 was a member of Captain Bird's expedition into Kentucky. He married Elizabeth Turner, a Wyandot captive, and settled at the foot of the Maumee Rapids, where he was living in the summer of 1794. When. Wayne invaded the Lower Maumee, McCormick's place was burned near Fallen Timbers. His heirs, in 1808, preferred a claim to MO acres of land there, before the Board of Land Commissioners at Detroit. James Cochran was located at Roche de Boeuf, on the Maumee, as a trader in 1789, and was a resident of Detroit ten TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 395 years before that date. Montague Tremble, or Tremblay, was a trader at Detroit. A project for the purpose of carrying on the fur trade and dealing with the trappers and Indians of the Maumee and Sandusky regions and the Wabash section, known as the Miami Company, was organized in 1786. It was composed of six leading Detroit merchants, with John Askin at the head. Among the individual traders was Joseph Guibault on the Sandusky, Adhemar St. Martin at Miamitown (Fort Wayne), and Paul Gamelin at Vincennes. One of the sub-agents was Louis "Lorimier," evidently of Loramies Station on Loramies Creek, head of the Great Miami River. It appears that there were many irresponsible traders and that the losses of the merchants were heavy. This is shown by a letter written by John Askin, the leading Detroit merchant at the time, to John Anderson, a trader on the Maumee River at Fort Miami. The communication is as follows : "Detroit Novr 4 1795 "Dear Sir This is to let you know that I hear Latour is going out again to Work at the Miamis, I never got a penny from him nor ever will if you do not find the means of stopping it, he owes me here besides. Grant of the Artillery is gone & did not Endorse Shoutes & Stanford's note so they will not pay it, they say they paid him—All notes to order must be Indorsed or the Holder of them will Loose his Money. I must Insist on it that not one penny of trust is given to any man unless the money is as sure as if You had it in Your Pockett I will do the same here. Goods are scarce & Dear therefore I'm sure I can sell all mine for ready Money before others comes If you cannot do the same or for Peltries I beg you will keep them, and I can dispose of them here. I do not know yet if I will Stay in this Country or not therefore must get in my Old Debts and make no more (new) ones. You must try & get payment from Mr. Clark at Swan Creek in money or something. Charge him Interest as every one does Who dont get Paid Yearly it is in Vain to say he will Pay me here I'm sure he never Will. Please let me know what You Propose doing when your time is out, its proper for me to know before. Im well pleased with your Conduct & will Either furnish on your own a/c or take a share with you. "I'm Dear Sir Yours (To) "Mr. John Anderson Ft. Miamis "John Askin" 396 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY The reply of Anderson at the lower Maumee River to the above letter by Askin and showing trade conditions in the Fort Miami section is dated November 14, the same year. As the composition and spelling is of the usual character of frontier traders, it is edited for the convenience of the reader : "Fort Miami Novbr 14, 1795 "Dear Sir—I received Your Letters by 'The Shawnee Fly' dated 4th & 10th inst. I am very sorry Latour has not paid you his note of hand. If he comes out here you May be assured I will try My best to get payment From him. I thought Grant of the Artillery was in Detroit A long time before he was Sent away, but you did Not present His Note to the Drawers before he was gone. As for trusting Any More than you Desire it is a thing I will Not Do, but I Have your order to trust the work Man at this Fort or I would not a have Done it. I thought you Have got pay from Mr. Clark long ago as you did not Send Back his Acct. He has Now gone out to the woods and will Not be in till the Spring. When he Comes in I will try & Get payment as. Much as possible I can. But he Says Like the Rest I will Settle with Mr. Askin at Detroit As I have No Money Here. Sir, as you Request of Me what I mean to Do in the Spring when My Time is out it is hard for Me to tell as yet. The time Is So uncertain, and you do Not Know whether you will Stay in this Country or Not your-Self, but as for Making long bargain with any other person before Informing you It is What I will Not Do. I think I would be very Much in the Wrong if I did after your good behavior to Me and the good Character you have given Me which I Return a great Deal of thanks for. Mr Frasser (Frazier) is Gone to Sandusky last Spring which I hear he has Got a great deal of Peltries at present. He would never Look at his Acct. you Sent out but Said he would Make it out himSelf and Send it in. As to Mr Parkers Bills, I know The amount But was in Such a hurry as the Gun Boat. was Just going to Sail, I loaded them & sealed them up. Please let Me Know whether I will trust him any More or Not. He is always boring Me for it. Please Send out the goods as Soon as possible as I expect Indians in Every Day. I am afraid the Season will be So far advanced that I Can Not go' to Detroit, and Another thing the Indians have got a great Deal of pledges hear which will be Coming In when I am Not here which the other will know Nothing About. If I Cant go in I will do as well as I Can for Clothes Till the Spring. I will Do with the old Man as TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION 0 397 well as I can. Mr. Ruland wrote me long ago he Delivered My Watch To one of your Clerks which I never heard of Since. that is about two Months ago I Enclose two orders, one on Lieut. Colonel Blake & one on Mr. Sharp for N. Y. Cr. which you will Receive. I will have a few Skins to Send in The Weasel when She Comes out. I Beg you will not Forget to tell the Man that Comes out with the Goods for to Stop at the River au Raisin For the flour I wrote you about. Nothing More to add. "I Remain Dear Sir your Most Dutiful & Most obedt. and Humble Servt. "John Anderson "P. S. Things forgot in the Memorandum—Silk thread, Mohair, Black Hair Ribbon, one acct. Book, a few white fish, a few Pounds of Cheese, a little Narrow Binding. "To John Askin Detroit" After this came a letter to John Askin dated at "Gross Point 17th Deer. 1795," written by Commodore Alex Grant, in which he expresses great anxiety for himself and Mrs. Grant over the impending evacuation of Detroit and where they would be located across the river in Canada. Turning to the Sandusky region more particularly, there were also traders along the Sandusky River from a very early date. They received most of their goods from Detroit, where they bartered their peltries and furs, secured from the Indians in exchange for goods, trinkets and rum. In the Burton Historical Collection, Detroit, is found much of the original correspondence between the British traders on the Sandusky River and the Detroit merchants, some of which is here set forth, mostly dated during the times of the American Revolution. One of the first mentioned letters is from William Arundel, a British trader on the Sandusky, written to Thomas Williams & Company, Detroit. Williams, a Detroit merchant, located there from Albany, N. Y., in 1765 and soon became a man of prominence. The communication is as follows: Sandusky 27th April 1782 Sir You'l please receive the Packs' as Mentioned I could not send the two Boats in at Prest as we are under the Necessity keeping 398 - STORY OF THE MAUMEE VALLEY one here in case of danger from the enemy to cut & run upon the first notice of their Approach, the Peltry is not yet come from the Shawaney Country nor will not be all here till the Latter end next Month the thought there will a quantity the reason it is not here is the roads was impractible this Winter and the woods all Burnt in the fall so there was no food for the Horses, the Blankts you sent out were mostly Damg'd therefore must be sold per first opportunity them that are not Merchantable. You'l please send us about 30 lbs Good Smoaking Tobacco of that raised in the Settlemt & two Casses of Tobacco, Whitaker beggs you'l be so good as Send him 8 Galls of Rum & Charge it to him as he expects to be in he'll pay you then You'll please send the two Hd. flour—and two pound Bohea tea— Be so good as send, the Boat off immediately as Soon as them things, and if Mr Baby has any thing to send S Gerty please let him know they can be sent by the Boat as well as LeVellie who I believe will come out in the Boat— The news of the Place is per the Prisoner Brot in this Spring & from Difft parts is that great preparations are makg to come to Agt the Indian Country but not against Dt. as it must (as they say) fall of Course' , the Defeat of Lord Cornwallis to the Southwd by the F & A (Fleet and Army) has given them a Notion & its Resolve on the French Fleet to come round to Quebec & the A .by the way of Lake Champlain, their Committee Man Just left the Congress when this was Resolved'd on & their orders was when this was Resolve'd on & their orders was Accordingly Issued out for that purpose, they are now Recruiting & filling up the Vacancies & sending forces over the X X Mountain, and the People are Settling thicker along the Big River than Usual & are in great Spirits, I have got this out of the Prisoners they seem to be Stauch Americans and cannot Bear to hear any thing said by any of the rest here but in their favr, a Sundy last they Adopted two of them Brot in by Coone & party one was Reed & the other was to be in the place of 1/2, Kings Son killed last fall, who was Refus'd & ordd by the half King to be given over to the Muncey's to be Burnt or killed to be revenged for his Son, but was prevented by a Belt I gave & is now with the People that Brot him in Coone Acted very well in this Affair & laid it down as a Great Afft on them that gave the Prisoner in I suppos'd he & another will Soon be Sent in to the Command Offr the Indian are daily expecting the Vessel with the Assistance requested Saome time TOLEDO AND THE SANDUSKY REGION - 399 ago so as to be able to goe out & Meet these people before they come to their Town & try to Defend them on the Road— I am Sir with Compt to Mrs Wms Your Very Hble Servt Wm Arundel You'll please Send us a Good Clotk for if we have to run we'll want it— The above letter shows that the merchants, were expecting an attack upon Detroit by the Americans, by way of Sandusky. The X X mountains were the Alleghenies, Coone was a British interpreter, and the Half King was a Huron chief of the Upper Sandusky section. The Whitaker mentioned is the James Whitaker captured by the Indians and adopted into the Wyandot tribe, and who married Elizabeth Foulks, another Indian captive, and later became a trader and merchant on their reservation on the Sandusky. A full account of the Whitakers is given elsewhere. Other Sandusky-Detroit letters in the Burton series are as follows : William Arundel to Thomas Williams— Sandusky, 15th Nov. 1779. Sir, I have shipped per the Adventure the Peltry as per Inventory inclosed. Mr. Edgar has wrote me concerning the augmenting our concern here You'll please to observe that I am now capable of doing the business here, if we only have permission to trade here why should we take so many in the Concern, we would then be Seven Concerned. Small would be the share to each, after all would be settled. If Mr. Edgar or you have made any Agreement with them, you'll please send me a Copy. I think it would be to our disadvantage to be concerned with these people except that the Goods imported by them would be thrown in at first Cost and Charges, and that they R. & T. Furnish the Concern at a fixed rate for a certain time. However I leave that to your and Mr. Edgar's better Judgment and what you conclude upon will satisfy Your Humble Servant, W. Arundel Mr. Dawson has no Goods here now nor when he went away. The goods sometime before he went away he disposed to a prisoner at the Upper Town. However Mr. Caldwell will look into these