LOCHRY'S EXPEDITION -125 this particular time. Some of the inhabitants, where it was possible for them to do so, had left, others were in real poverty. When the collector of taxes .came round, he saw in some districts nothing but deserted homes, with rabbits running among the ruins of the cabins, and with weeds growing about the fields. At many places the graves of those who had formerly lived there could be seen near the garden fence, now lying down. Those who remained were collected near the forts and block-houses, or in clusters of two and three families, they barricaded one of their cabins for the use of all. Some farther remote dared the Fates, and trusted that they were too far off to be in the way of danger. At the outer edge of the settlements,—that is, along the Kiskiminetas, the Allegheny, and the frontier of Washington,—companies of rangers were formed to protect the rest, who at the hazard of their lives ventured out to gather their scanty crops or to prepare the ground. These were continually being driven in, so that many sowed who did not reap, and famine often stared them in the face. From 1778 to 1782 there was scarcely a community that had bread sufficient to do it from the harvest to the spring. Every few days word came of some depredation. Sometimes it would be a settler who ventured out to dig his potatoes, sometimes it would be a cabin full of children, sometimes a settler would be missed, and nothing heard of him for months, and even years, and frequently never. The never-ending war, and the many causes concurring, led the whites to act worse towards their enemies than at any other time previous, and an incentive further was the standing reward for the scalps of Indians at war, which, offered early by the State authorities to encourage the inhabitants to assist the soldiers, was from time to time increased. As a general thing the settlers did not claim these rewards, but there were some very influential persons who did, and who, to their shame, made it too much of a business. Some light is thrown on this traffic in the notes to this chapter. 1 Col. Brodhead, writing to Pres- 1 SCALP BOUNTY.—Rewards and bounties were offered at different times by the authorities to stimulate the soldiery and the people. How good this was in effect is questionable. In 1756, Governor Morris offered for every male Indian enemy above twelve year, token prisoner and delivered 150 Spanish dollars or pieces-of-eight; for the scaip of every male Indian above twelve years, 130 pieces-of-eight; for every tensile prisoner and male prisoner under twelve years, 130 pieces-of-eight ; for the mill, of every Indian woman produced as evidence of being killed, 50 pieces-of-eight. These bounties were payable on delivery at any of the forts garrisoned hy troops In the pay of the Province, or at any of the county towns to keepers of the Jena there. In 1764, Governor John Penn proposed as a reward for the capture of every male Indian above ten years of age $150, or for his scalp when killed $134; for every female or every male under ten years of age when captured $130, or for the scalp of such female when killed $50. (Craig.) About 1782 the standing reward was $100 fora dead Indian's scalp, and $150 for an Indian captured alive and brought In at the time the reward was claimed. This sum was also allowed for the capture of every white man like Girty taken prisoner acting with the Indians. The law is said to have been repealed regarding the prisoners, but allowed in force as to the scalps. Col. Samuel Ranter, of Westmoreland, was authorized by President Reed to offer the rewards, as were also Col. Jacob Stroud and others. Col. Hunter about - 9 - ident Reed in 1781, says that forty Delawares had come in to join the .whites in their frontier war, but a party of about forty men from the vicinity of Hannastown attempted to destroy them, and were only prevented from doing so by the regular soldiers. He says that he could have gotten a hundred if it had not been for such open enmity as this towards all the Indians alike ; that he was not a little surprised to find the late Capts. Irwin and Dack, Lieut. Brownlee and Ensign Guthrie concerned in this base attempt ; and he supposes that the women and children were to suffer an equal carnage with the men. And although Col. Brodhead made several campaigns against the Indians and succeeded in inflicting punishment upon them, and although he used every exertion in his power, sometimes creditable and sometimes discreditable, yet he has borne testimony that the feelings and acts of the whites themselves were in part provocative of that fearful ferocity which was developed on the part of their red enemies. We can, perhaps, from one instance see bow this connection with the savages changed all the finer instincts of men who, had these same men not been accustomed to such ways as they were, would have shuddered at acts which they themselves did without any compunction : A pious family named Kirkpatrick lived in a cabin this time announces to President Reed that he has organized a party to go out after scalps, for although they did not make rts much ward' a dead Indian as out of a living one, yet it was lean trouble and more agreeable to all concerned to shoot him at once. Col. Archihald Lochry, the county lieutenant, writes from Twelve-Mile Run, his place of residence, that there is no doubt the reward offered will answer a good end. In this correspondence he applies for more ammunition, and adds that for the reason mentioned they were to be applied, and at that time was the most needed. Col. Hunter had to report the unsuccessful return of a party after scalps; and in reply the president told him to be of good cheer, and that perseverance would in time produce better effects. Many scalps were sent lir, one after another, and atone time as high as thirteen with accompanying certificates were invoiced to chant the premium. This was in 1781 and 1782. (See Col. Records.) “An incident occurred which led to the repeal of this law Wore the termination of the war. A party of Indian spies having entered a wig-wam on French Creek, supposed to be untenanted, discovered, while breakfasting, an Indian extended on a piece of bark overhead. They took him prisoner, but reflecting that there was no bounty on prisoner's they shot him under circumstances which brought the party anto disgrace and the scalp bounty law into disrepute." (Judge Wilkeson, in " American Pioneer.") The inducement of the bounty led some of the whites to kill friendly Indians. Col. A. Lackey to President Reed, 1780. "TWELVE-MILE RUN (WEST OF LIGONIER). "June 1, 1780. "May it please your Excellency : "In duty to my country I find it absolutely necessary to hire a gentleman in this county at a very high expense to lay the distressed situation of this county before yonr Excellency and the Council. Since Mr. Sloan, our representative, left this county we have had three parties of savages amongst us. They have killed aud taken five persons two miles from Ligonier ; burnt a mill belonging to one Laughlin. They killed two men and wounded one near Bushy Run. They likewise killed two men on Braddock's road, near Brush Creek. Their striking us again in so myny different parts of the county has again drove tho greatest part of the county on the north of Yonghiogheny River into garrison." 126 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. near the fort at Crooked Creek, now in Armstrong County. At that time there were some soldiers stationed at the fort. Two of these were at Kirkpatrick's house of a night along with a neighbor lad. In the morning they had had family worship, as was the custom of the house, and they had arisen from their knees. When Kirkpatrick opened the door an Indian sprang to the opening. The white man pushed him off with his hand against his breast, but as he did so the gun of the Indian in falling was discharged and the ball struck a little girl about eight years old, the daughter of Kirkpatrick. While the men were engaged in securing the doors two of them were mortally wounded by the Indians. Kirkpatrick himself shot one of the savages, when the three others of the party fled. After a time the lad, being let out, got on a horse which was in the stable and galloped to the fort, and on giving the alarm some other soldiers came out In the mean time the wounded men had no water to drink but that which was left from washing the dishes. There was no surgeon at the post, and both men died that day. When one who had come from the fort was requested to scalp the dead Indian, he said that Kirkpalrick was the more proper person, as the scalp belonged to him who had killed him. Accordingly Kirkpatrick lifted it. Afterwards a piece of bark was procured, upon which the poor suffering child was carried to Shields' Fort, a distance of twenty miles, that it might there get attention ; but mortification set in and the child died. In February, 1781, Brodhead received instruction from the commander-in-chief to detach his field-pieces, howitzers and train, and also a part of his small force then at Pittsburgh, to join Gen. Clark. His own force at that post did not then exceed two hundred men .after other troops from Maryland had withdrawn from along the Allegheny. 1 At this time all the Pennsylvania troops which could be gotten together were sent to join the Southern army under Gen. Greene, and at their departure new fears arose that the unprotected state of the country might tempt the British troops at the north to descend, whence all the militia of the State were ordered to hold themselves in readiness. 2 In March, 1781, Gen. Clark disclosed to Governor Reed his plan of operations to lay waste the country of the Indians and thus protect the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia. This plan had been previously submitted to Washington and to Jefferson, and met with their approbation. Clark desired the assent of the President of the Council for the volunteers which he said he could get west of Laurel Hills The President in reply said they heartily concurred in his proposed campaign. but that they could offer him no assistance. They had, however, sent word with the member from Westmoreland to encourage the people 1 Craig's History of Pittsburgh, 160. 2 Egle's History of Pennsylvania, 201. 3 Penn. Archives, Old Series, Vol. ix., 23. here to co-operate with him in all respects touching his plan. Christopher Hays was the member of the Council. but he, unfortunately, was opposed to the expedition, and, with Marshall, Cannon, and Pentecost, was blamed 4 for taking every step to disappoint the good intentions of Col. Lochry, who from the first encouraged Clark, and who took upon himself to promise volunteers. The fear of invasion had not yet put a stop to the wrangling among the leaders of our people, and these jealousies and bickerings were worse at the time when the people were suffering most. This cause of shame was often made apparent to them, and in many letters from the President to their cries of weakness and calls for help their open dissensions. were called up against them. The letters of Duncan, Perry, Cook, Lochry, Marshall, and Hays all give evidence of this family quarrel. Every man in a k public place had his traducer and villifier. It was no difficult thing for an unscrupulous man to get a dozen of his neighbors to sign a petition in which many vile things were said behind a prominent man's back. Brodhead and Duncan were informed on for speculating with the public money in buying manors and mill-seats; Lochry and Perry for speculating in ammunition and whiskey. It was like a dance where no two are partners at the same lime : Brodhead, Gibson; Lochry, Brodhead ; Cook and Gibson, and so on. They wrangled as badly as school-boys; yea, if possible, as childishly as a pair of toothless barristers, servientis ad legem. Somewhat alarmed from the repeated representations of the state of our frontier county, and apprehensive that the aid of the militia would be too slow and tedious, the Council, 'in the early part of the year 1781, directed Col. Lochry to raise a corps of fifty volunteers to serve for four months, besides voting that a permanent company should be raised for the war. These troops were to be disposed of as Lochry might direct, and were to be supplied through David Duncan, the newly appointed commissioner of supplies in the stead of James Perry. Perry, it won appear, was no better an officer than he might hay been, and it was alleged that much of the insufficiency of the militia called out from time to time was blame able to his negligence. President Reed, in a letter to Lochry, 5 after complaining of the trouble till had in getting the commissioners to report regularly says, " It is with much concern we hear that whose troops are raised for your protection they are mated to loiter away their time at taverns, or straggling about the country," and he fears there had some negligence in the officers to whose comma they had been intrusted. At another time he co plains, 6 that it does not seem necessary to have 4 Clark to President (or Governor) Reed, Aug. 4, 1782, Penn. Arch. 5 Archives, vol. ix., 18, March 17, 1781. 6 Id , March 26, 1781. The following notes from the Archives, confirming the text, are presented : LOCHRY'S EXPEDITION -127 troops staying about Hannastown, and advises the colonel to place them where they would be of more benefit. Col. Lochry, in sending in his report, in April, 1781, says that the savages had begun their hostilities, having that early struck the western settlements at four different places, taking and killing thirteen persons, two of whom were killed within one mile of Hannastown. Besides this they took away a number of horses and effects. He avers that the county at that time was more depopulated than it had ever March 27, 1781.—Brodhead informs President Reed that it was impossible for him to garrison Fort Armstrong and Fort Crawford (Kittanning and Puckety, or Logan's Ferry) until the commander-in-chief should order him to evacuate Fort McIntosh. Col. Lochry to President Reed. "TWELVE-MILE Rest, April 2d, 1781. "I am just returned from burying a man killed and scalped by the Indians at Col, Pomroy's house; one other man is miesing, and all Pomroy's effects carried off." Gen. William Smith, of Carlisle, to President Reed. "April 18, 1781. "Mr. Smith will doubtless inform your Excellency how the People of Westmoreland are drove and distressed by the Indians." James Perry to President Reed. "WESTMORELAND COUNTY, SEWICKLEY, July 2d, 1781; "About three weeks ago one James Chamhers was taken prisoner about two miles from my house; last Friday two young women were killed in Ligonier Valley, and this morning a small garrison at Philip Clingensmith's, about eight miles from this and four or five miles from Hannastown, consisting of between twenty and thirty women and children, were destroyed, only three making their escape. The particulars I cannot well inform you, is the party that was sent to bury the dead are not yet returned, and I wait every moment to hear of or perhaps see them strike at some other place. That party was supposed to he about seventeen, and I am apt to think there are still more of them in the settlements. Our frontiers are in a very deplorable situation. . . ." Minutes of a Meeting in Westmoreland County. "Agreeable to Publick notice given by Coll. Hays' to the Principal Inhabitants of the County of Westmoreland to meet at Capt'n John McClellen's on the 18th Day of June, 1781. "And WHEREAS there was a number of the Principal people met on the 2d Day, and unanimously chose John Proctor, John Pomroy, Charles Cambell, Sand. Moorhead, James Barr, Charles Foreman, Isaac Mason, James Smith, and Hugh Martain a Committee to Enter into resolves for the defence of our frontiers, as they were informed hy Christ. Hays, Esq., that their proceedings would be approv'd of hy Council. "1st Resolv'd, that a Campaign he carried on with Genl. Clark. "2d Resoled, that Geni. Clarke be furnished with 300 men out of Pomroy's, Beard's, and Davises Battalion. “3rd Resolv'd, that Coll. Archd. Lochry gives orders to sd Colts. to raise their quota by Volunteers or Draught. “4th Resoled, that £6 be advanced to every voluntier that marches under the command of Geni. Clark on the propos'd Campaign. "5th, And for the further Encouragement of Volunteers, that grain be raised by subscription hy the Different Companies. "6thly, that Coll. Lochry council with the Officers of Virginia respecting the manner of Draughting those that associate in that State and others. "7th, Rewired. that Coll. Lochry meet Genl. Clark and other officers, and Coll. Crawford, on the 23d Inst., to confer with them the day of Rendezvouse. "Signed by order of Committee, "JOHN PROCTOR, President. —Penn. Archives, vol. ix. p. 559. Duncan, as commissary, went through every settlement west of Laurel Hill for forage for the expeditron, but could not get enough to supply even the troops at Fort Pitt and at the posts, neither would Brodhead let any provisions pass down the river.— Penn. Archives, vol. ix., 190. been, and that if the savages knew the weakness of the settlement they could easily drive the people over the Youghiogheny. He was doubtful, too, whether they could keep the militia long for want of provisions. There was no ammunition in the county but what was public property, but of which he had given some out to the people with which to defend themselves. He had by this time built a magazine protected by a block-house for the stores near his own house, but this the president did not favor, and directed the stores to be distributed at various posts. The plan of Clark met with the approval of the commander-in-chief as well as of the president and Council, for it was supposed that offensive operations would keep the Indians at home, and prove a relief more effective to the frontier than that offered by any defensive force whatever. Clark disclosed his plan of campaign in a letter to the officers of Westmoreland, dated the 3d of Dune, 1781. After stating with what pleasure he heard of the attempt being made by the officers of the county to fall on some mode of distressing the Indians in the coming campaign, either by a separate expedition, as talked of, or by giving assistance to the one he was ordered to execute, he gone on to say that his present object was the Shawanese, Delaware, and Sandusky towns. The Delawares of the Muskingum had removed to the west of the Scioto, and those formerly living up the Allegheny to the Sandusky. If the expedition from Westmoreland attacked the Sandusky towns, he might at the same time make a diversion on the country of the Shawanese and Delawares. Both of these armies by forming a junction might then make some effectual movement which should put an end to the Indian war. Each party might thus facilitate the operations of the other, and so divert the attention of the tribes that they would fall an easy prey. And he advised them that if it was out of their power to get supplies in time for an expedition of such length, it would be advisable to take such measures as would enable the one army to execute the project laid out for the two. If prejudice were laid aside, and all their strength exerted, there was a certainty of peace in the fall. So spoke Clark, a brave, cool, resolute man of genius, and who had been encouraged by the men who had the good of the country at heart. The people of Westmoreland were, on account of the known ability of Clark, expected to assist him, but when the decisive time came there were but two men of the prominent leaders in all the county who actually offered their services to lead the volunteers. There had been three hundred promised from the two counties of Washington and Westmoreland, and from the encouragement there were hopes that nearly this number would be raised. By July the four-month militia ordered to be raised had been mustered in, within three weeks after receiving instructions, and the company of volunteers for the war under Capt. Thomas Stokely had above thirty 128 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. men. At that time the enemy were almost constantly in the country, killing and captivating the inhabitants. The subject of the proposed expedition had been much talked of, and a. meeting of the foremost men of the county, presided over by Christopher Hays, gave the expression of the people. 1 But all they gave was their expression, and the most of these men in private talk (which really had more weight) expressed their fears at leaving their homes exposed by going off. Brodhead also, from motives of jealousy, retarded the campaign, not only by prohibiting supplies from leaving Pittsburgh, but by giving out that he himself was about organizing an expedition for the Sandusky towns, and calling on the people to assist him. But Lochry had made up his mind, and no doubt harassed almost to death, wanted to convince the people that he was not what some said he was. Clark determined to wait no longer on volunteers from here, and taking with him what he had and relying on others from Kentucky, he left Fort Pitt down the river. The whole force of Lochry rendezvoused Duly 24, 1781, at Carnahan's block-house, about eleven miles northwest of Hannastown. Among them were Capt. Robert Orr, one of the most steadfast of Lochry's friends, who at that time was a captain in the militia, and who, although he had no power to order his men out of the county, not only volunteered to be one of the party to accompany Lochry, who was so warmly' entreated by Clark to come, but exerted his influence in inducing others to volunteer. Capt. Thomas Stokely, who was Lochry's right-hand man, and Capt. Samuel Shearer each was at the head of a company of rangers, and Capt. Charles Campbell had a company of horse. On the next day (Duly 25, 1781), Lochry in command, they set out for Fort Henry, now Wheeling, by way of Pittsburgh. On the 4th of August, Clark was at Wheeling, and at that time Lochry, with Capt. Stokely's company of rangers, thirty-eight men, and about fifty other volunteers, some of them under Capt. Shearer, was at Mericle's (Casper Markle) mill on his way out. In his letter to the president of the Council of this date he says that others who were expected to join him had been hindered from going. He says he proposed to join Clark at Fort Henry, on the Ohio. This is the last letter of his correspondence.2 1 supra. See note. 2 " The Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania: "To all to whom these presents shall come, know, That whereas we have heretofore appointed Archibald Lochry, of the County of Westmoreland, Esqnire, to be Prothonotary of the said County of Westmoreland, and commissioned him accordingly ; and, whereas, the said Archibald Lochry is said to be deceased or made captive by the Indians, we have therefore thought proper to supersede the said appointment and commission, and In hereby supersede and revoke and make null and void the same, anything rn the said commission contained to the contrary here or anywhere notwithstanding. "Given by order of the Council under the hand of his Excellency The men Lochry took with him were allowed, on all sides, to have been of the very best for Indian fighting. But they were in a deplorable condition to leave home. The company of Capt. Stokely is described as being literally half-naked. An outfit sufficient for these was sent after them by the president through Ensign William Cooper, but it is doubtful whether it reached them. The whole number that left with Lochry was one hundred and seven. The troops sent from Fort Pitt under the direction of the general of the army were under Capt. Isaac Craig, of the artillery. These proceeded to the Falls of the Ohio, whence, from a disappointment arising from the failure of the Kentucky troops to unite with Clark , there, they returned home. Clark was not, therefore, able to prosecute his intended plan of operations, as all the forces he could collect amounted to but seven hundred and fifty men. Lochry was to follow Craig down the river, and under instructions from Clark, they together were to . proceed to the mouth of the Miami River. Clark changing his plans did not go that way, but left a small party at the place intended for meeting, with instructions for Lochry to follow him. When Lochry's force arrived at Fort Henry they found that Clark had gone down the river, leaving for them some provisions and a traveling-boat, with directions for them to follow and join his army at a point twelve miles below. They were, however, detained here some ten days in preparing temporary boats for the transportation of their horses and men. In time, however, they launched their frail boats and passed down the river; but when they arrived at this second designated 'point they found that Clark. had gone down the river but the day before, leaving a few men with one boat under Maj. Craycroft, but no provisions or ammunition, both of which they were greatly in need of Clark had promised and left word that at the mouth of the Kanawha he would await their arrival. When they at length came there they found that he, on account of the frequent desertions of his men, in order to prevent more had been obliged to proceed down the river without them. Here they, found affixed to a pole a letter from him which directed them to follow. Their situation now was such as to create alarm. Their provisions and forage were nearly exhausted, there was no source of supply in that country but the military stores of themselves in the care of Clark, the river was low and uncertain, and as they were inexperienced in piloting and unacquainted with the channels they could not hope to overtake him. Lochry then dispatched Capt. Shannon in a boat William Moore, Esq., President, and the seal of the State, at Philadelphia, 22d of December, 1781. "WM. MOORE, Prst " Attest,  "J. MATLACK, Sec." This revocation of the commission of Lochry is of record in then, corder's office, Greensburg. LOCHRY'S EXPEDITION - 129 with four men, with the hope of overtaking Clark and securing the much-needed supplies. Before they had proceeded very far they were taken prisoners by the Indians. Shannon had been intrusted with a letter from Lochry to Clark, in which was detailed the situation of Lochry's men. About this time, it is also narrated, Lochry waylaid a party of nineteen deserters from Clark's command, and these on being released by him joined with the Indians, probably in order to avail themselves of an opportunity to escape home. Capt. Shearer's company was left in command of Lieut. Isaac Anderson. The Indians had had knowledge of the expedition, but had been in the belief that the forces of Clark and of Lochry were acting together. Being under this impression they were afraid to attack the main force, as Clark had a piece of field artillery with him. But now being apprised of the actual state of affairs by the capture of Shannon, and learning from the report of the deserters the weakness of Lochry's party, they speedily sent their runners out in all directions, and collected in great numbers at a point designated some distance below the mouth of the Miami River where it empties into the Ohio, and there awaited for the arrival of the whites to destroy them. They thereupon placed the prisoners whom they had taken in a position on the north side of the river, near the upper end of an island, which at this day is called " Lochry's Island," where they could be readily observed by those coming down the river. They promised to spare the lives of these prisoners upon the condition that they should hail their companions as they passed and induce them to come to their succor. They were to stand like Demas (" gentleman-like") at the Hill Lucre, beckoning the pilgrims. Lochry's men, however, wearied with their slow progress, in evil heart at their disappointments and continuous misfortunes, and in despair of reaching Clark's army, lauded on the shore of the Ohio at a point about three miles on this side of the island where their companions were placed as a decoy. The spot appears to have attracted them by its inviting beauty. It was at the inlet of a creek, which since that day has been called Lochry's Creek, where it empties into the Ohio, between nine and ten miles below the mouth of the Miami. They drew their boats to the shallow shore, and at about ten o'clock in the forenoon of the 24th of August, 1781, here landed. After landing they removed their horses ashore, and turned them loose to graze that they might obtain sufficient to keep them alive until they should reach the falls of the river (now Louisville), one hundred and twenty miles distant. Before long one of the men had killed a buffalo, and all the party, except a few who were keeping watch over the horses, were engaged about the fires which they had kindled preparing a meal. 1 Written " Laughrey's Creek," and " Laughrey's Island." The Indians, however, during that time had their runners out all along the river-banks, so that it was highly dangerous for a landing to be made at any place, for parties could be collected at any point at the shortest warning. So Lochry's men were scarcely well landed on shore when they were attacked. Quick, sharp, effective, as was the wont of the savages in their attacks,—lightning and thunder together,—into the midst of the men from an overhanging bluff came a volley of rifle-balls. On this bluff, above the party of whites, were large trees. On these trees and behind them, having the whites down below them and at their mercy, like bats and vampires clung the savages. The men seized their arms and defended themselves as long as their ammunition lasted, and as they did so attempted to escape to their boats. But the boats were unwieldy, the water was low and shoaly, and their force much weakened and too unavailable. The Indians, seeing their opportunity, closed in from their side upon the whole party, who being no longer able or in it condition to resist were compelled to be taken prisoners, some of them, with a hope of mercy, surrendering. The few words with which this disastrous expedition in all general histories of the border is dismissed agree in this, that the lesser number of the whole party escaped death or captivity. All the best authorities say that none at all escaped except those that escaped after they had been taken. Lochry himself was among the first who were killed, falling in defending his countrymen, as he was sworn to, even in the wilderness of a strange and foreign territory. Orr relates that Lochry, with some other of the prisoners, immediately after being taken was killed. It is probable that an indiscriminate slaughter would have taken place had not the chief who commanded them, or whom they at least obeyed, came up in time. This chief said to the whites that these murders were committed by them in retaliation for those Indians who were killed after they had been taken, as they alleged, by Brodhead on the Muskingum some time before. Of the one hundred and six or seven of Lochry's party at the time of the surrender forty-two were killed and sixty-four were taken prisoners. The attacking party of Indians was much the larger. These were a mixture of various tribes, and among these various tribes were the prisoners and booty divided in proportion to the number of warriors engaged. The next day the Indians with their prisoners set out for the Delaware towns. Before they separated they were met by a party of British and Indians under a Maj. Caldwell, with (as is reported) the Girtys and Alexander McKee in their train, they professing to be on their way to the falls to attack Clark. With these the greater number of the Indians who had helped to capture Lochry's men returned to the 130 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. Ohio. A few only remained with the prisoners and spoils, and these when they separated were taken to the various towns to which they had been assigned. The prisoners were held, in captivity until the next year, which brought the Revolutionary war to a close. After the preliminary articles of peace were signed, late in the fall of 1782, these prisoners were ransomed by the British officers in command of the northern posts, to be by them exchanged for British prisoners in the hands of the Americans. These were sent to the St. Lawrence. A few of them taken had previously effected their escape, a few deserted from Montreal, and the rest of those who were left sailed in the spring of 1783 from Quebec to New York, and returned home to Westmoreland by way of Philadelphia, these having been absent twenty-two months. But more than .one-half of those who left Pennsylvania with Col. Lochry never returned. After the men left Pittsburgh they were not heard of for many weeks. When Capt. Craig returned he could not be persuaded but that Lochry himself, with his men, had returned home. But the people of Westmoreland waited till at last all hope died. We see from some of the correspondence how the word was at length received, and how hope almost changed into despair. Brigadier William Irvine had been ordered to the command of Fort Pitt on the 24th of September, 1781, and in a letter from him of December 3d to President Moore the result is announced in the following words: " I am sorry to inform your Excellency that this country has got a severe stroke by the death of Colonel Lochry and about one hundred—it is said—of the best men of Westmoreland, including Captain Stokely and his Rangers. Many accounts agree that they were all killed or taken at the month of the Miami River,—I believe chiefly killed. This misfortune, added to the failure of General Clark's expedition, has tilled the people with great dismay. Many talk of returning to the east side of the mountain in the spring. Indeed there is great reason to apprehend that the savages, and perhaps the British from Detroit, will push us hard in the 'spring, and I believe there never were posts of a country in a worse state of defence." 1 In reply to this letter, President Moore said that the loss of Col. Lochry, with his men, and the distressed state of the post and the country round it gave them great pain. Of those who were carried to Canada were Isaac Anderson, of Capt. Shearer's company, and Richard Wallace, the quartermaster to Lochry's command. In a memorial to the president of the Council they represented that they were inhabitants of Westmoreland County, who had had the misfortune to be made prisoners by the Indians on the 24th of August, the day on which Lochry was surrounded and defeated ; that they had been carried to Montreal, and kept in close confinement there till the 22d of May, 1782 ; and that after a long and fatiguing march they had got into the city on' the day before' at three o'clock. As they were destitute of money and clothes, and could not get home without them, they prayed the 1 Archives, vol. ix. p. 458. 2 That was Philadelphia, July 2, 1782. president and Council to take their case into consideration, and allow them pay from the time they had been taken. They said they were under Lochry when they were taken, and that they had a list of all, officers and privates, of the party who were then prisoners, which information they were ready to give the Council. If the list or any other information was furnished, we do not know where it can be found. It has certainly never been in print. The particulars of this campaign were subsequently put in print as the narration of Capt. Orr (before referred to), who accompanied Lochry. From the manner it corroborates official documents, it must be allowed a special degree of credence. It is also corroborated by a manuscript account by Ensign Hunter, which Mr. Albach, in his "Annals of the West," refers to, and who has therein published Orr's account. 3 Capt. Orr was wounded by having his arm broken in the engagement. He was carried prisoner to Sandusky, where he remained several months. The Indians finding that his wound was stubborn, and that they could not cure it, at length carried him to the military hospital at Detroit. From here in the winter he was transferred to Montreal, and at the end of the war exchanged with other prisoners. 4 But the only account of individual suffering and of the distress attending the participants in this unfortunate expedition is the one still retained in the family of the Craigs of Derry township. For of those of our frontier men who were distinguished either for personal bravery or on account of their suffering in some way in the interest of the people, we may here with propriety recall Samuel Craig the younger. Craig was a lieutenant in Capt. Orr's company, and was taken prisoner with many others. After they had taken him, and while they were crossing the river with him, or likely taking him to shore from the stream itself, some of the Indians in the boat threw him out intending to drown him. They kept pushing his head under as it emerged out of the water, and as he grasped the sides of the canoe with the tenacity and despair of a drowning man they beat his hands with their paddles to make him let go. Being an expert swimmer he was hard to drown, and seeing this finally, when he was well-nigh exhausted, one of the Indians claimed him for his prisoner and as his property took him into the canoe, and kept him for the time under his own protection. With these Indians and some few prisoners with them whom they had retained, Craig suffered all the punishment which came in a natural way from hunger and cold upon them all alike. So too he suffered from threats and fears of horrible torture. At times they were all nearly starved. Once when they were 3 " Annuals of the West," by James R. Albach, Pittsburgh, W. S. Ravere, 1810. 4 In 1805 he was appointed an asssociate judge in Armstrong County, and he held this ̊flies until his death in 1833, in his eighty-ninth year. CRAWFORD'S EXPEDITION TO SANDUSKY - 131 in a famishing condition they by fortune came across a small patch of potatoes. These they dug up and gathered together for a feast. In the night, when the others had fallen asleep, Craig, who was lying between two Indians, and who not yet had the pangs of hunger assuaged, rose up from between them at the risk of his life, and getting at the raw potatoes made what he declared was the greatest feast of his life. He took his place between the Indians without having been detected. At another time they were forced of necessity to make a meal of a wolf's head which was almost carrion when they found it. They boiled it into a soup and ate it with avidity. This Samuel Craig was possessed of a cheerful nature, and could submit to dangers and hardships with good grace. He was especially fond of music, and was something of a singer. In his captivity he frequently Sang his homely songs "to strangers in a strange land." This singing not only pleased the Indians, but actually was the means of sparing his life, for he had not been among them long when all the prisoners were taken out and set upon a log side by side. Their faces were blackened, which was done to indicate the doom of the captives, and the Indians grouped themselves in a circle not far round. At that terrible moment Craig, it is said, retained his self-command ; he raised his voice and sang loud and clear the most melodious air perhaps he ever sang. He alone was saved of his companions. He was sold to the British for the usual consideration, a gallon of whiskey. He was then exchanged and returned home. He subsequently married a daughter of John Shields, Esq., by whom he left a family of five sons and two daughters. He was a fuller, and built a fulling-mill on the bank of the Loyalhanna near New Alexandria. 1 During the remaining part of the year 1781 the Indians in squads approached from many directions, and the county lieutenants received circular letters to hold the militia in constant readiness. By an act of Assembly calling out some companies for the Westmoreland and northern frontiers, those who enlisted were allowed to be exempt from taxes. The country was indeed so impoverished that the troops about Fort Pitt (the name by which the post at Pittsburgh still went) were sent out to shoot game to keep them from hunger. The public good at the same time was sacrificed, as we have seen, by the bickerings and jealousies between Brodhead, while he commanded there, and Gibson and his Virginia followers, for the reason of which Gen. Irvine was sent to that point. That fight was the old fight between Virginia and Pennsylvania.2 1 Now the property of Mrs. Craig, one of his descendants. He died of hemorrhage caused by the extraction of a tooth. James Kane, Sr., court-crier under Judge Young, and whom the bar yet traditionally remembers as "Jimmy Kane," was one of the prisoners taken to the Pottowattomies, and who came home from a captivity among them. He died in Derry township in 1845. 2 ARCHIBALD LOCHRY.—Very little information has heen obtained regarding thc life of Archibald Lochry, further than is found In the public CHAPTER XXVI. CRAWFORD'S EXPEDITION TO SANDUSKY. The Moravian Indians—Their Christian Character and their Former History—Their Efforts at Peace-Making between the Whites and Warring Indians—Description of their Villages—Their Unfavorable Location—They are blamed with harboring Hostile Indians—The Whites of the Southwestern Part of Pennsylvania are instigated to Disperse them—They rarse a Force of Volunteers for that Purpose—Col. David Williamson in command—Their Route of March—They come upon the Indians by surprise—Represent themselves as Friends—Get possession of their Villages, and begin the destruction of the Houses, and the murder of the Men, Women, and Children—They are taken out, one after another, and with Clubs, Mallets, and Hatchets murdered while they supplicate for mercy—Their Bodies are then burned —Col. Crawford's Expedition later in 1782 to the Sandusky Towns—He is defeated and his Force scattered—He is taken Prisoner and burned at the Siake—Escape of Dr. Knight. ABOUT this time the whites became involved in troubles with the Moravian Indians. Of these we shall give some account, sufficient to bring them within the range of our narrative and to illustrate subsequent details. The Moravian society, which in contemporaneous papers which so far have been made public and the record of his official services. He was of North Irish extraction, but as probably born in the Octoraro settlement, for in 176:1 he was an ensign in the Second Battalion in the provincial service (Arch., N. S., vol. ii., 614), and he was well know n to the public when he was appointed one of the justices at the organization of the county, for he had held office along with his brother in Beth ford. He took up large bodies of land, one particularly of great extent, whereon he located himself with some of his neighhors from Bedford. This tract lies in Unity township, on the south side of the turnpike going from Greensburg to Ligonier, and near St. Xavier's Convent. The land is now quite valuable, being underlaid with the thick vein of Connellsville coal. He dated hss official correspondence at the "Twelve-Mile Run," which was the name of the small stream which flows into the Fourteen-Mile Run before it empties into the Loyalhanna. This name is known only in old records, and is ant known as such now. The name is spelled differently in various localities. The creek and island along the Ohio River in Indiana are written " Laughrey's" Creek, etc., and some people of the same name so write their name. Neither is there uniformity in the spelling of his name in the public records. We have adopted the spelling used by himself. The issue of Archibald Lochry were two daughters. The first, Elizabeth, married to Nathaniel McBryar, who left issue, three sons and one daughter, to wit : David, Watson, John, and Elizabeth, married to John Duff, Esq., of Washington township. The second daughter, Jane, was married to Samuel Thompson, and left issue, five sons and six daughters, to wit: Alexander, William (father of S. G. Thompson, Esq., of Greensburg, Pa.), David, Watson, Samuel, Mary, married to Andrew Gartley ; Elizabeth, married to Joseph McQuicken, Esq., of New Salem ; Jane, married to Thomas Adair; Nancy, Lucy, and Lydia. Archibald Lochry's brother, William Lochry, was one of the county justices, and he presided at the October session, 1774. He had another brother, Jeremiah. The following is the will of Archihald Lochry and proceedings thereon, as fonnd in the office of the register of wills at Greensburg (Will-Book, i. p. 31): " In the name of God, Amen. I Archibald Lochry, of Hannas Town in Westmoreland County, &c. being through the goodness of God in sound Judgment and memory, therefore Calling to mind the Mortality of my Body and that it is appointed for all men once to die, Do make this my last will and testament that is to say Principally and first of all I give & bequeath my soul to God who gave it Beseeching his most Gracious acceptance of it in and through the merits and mediation of my most Compassionate Saviour and Redeemer Jesus Christ, and my Body I give to the earth nothing Doubting but I shall receive the same again at the General resurrection, And as touching such worldly estate as I am Blessed with in this world it is my will and order that all my Just Debts be fully Paid, and that my public accompts may be settled with all convenient speed. Also it is my will that all and singular my 132 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. 1769 had established missions among the Indians, had not forsaken them, but, under many discouragements and through many vicissitudes, had kept them together, and after several removals had at length established them along the Tuscarawas River in Ohio. Here these simple-minded Indians, converted from savages, lived at peace with all men, and by that time had developed into a thriving and thrifty community. There were three villages of them, Shoenbrun, Gnadenhütten, and Salem. Gnadenhüten was on the east side of the river, the other two were on the west side. Salem and Shoenbrun were about Estate Real and Personal shall be equally Divided between my well beloved wife and my only Daughter El. My Land Joining Col. John Proctor to be rented untill my said Daughter arrive to the age of twenty-one years, and the half the rents thereof applied for her Boarding and Schooling, the other half for the use of my Wife, and in case any or other of them should Die before my Daughter comes to age or is married the whole estate is to devolve to the survivor, and all my claims or rights to any Lands only the Lands above mentioned I desire may be sold. And I do hereby constitute and appoint John Proctor whole and sole Executor of this my last will and testament to see it duly executed according to my true intent and meaning, revoking and disannulling all former Wills Ratifying and confirming this and no other to be my last will and testament. Witness my hand and seal the 26th Novr, 1778. "A. LOCHRY, { SEAL} Signed sealed Pronounced Declared and Confirmed In the Presence of Jeremiah Lochry, David Philson, James Kinkaid. "Thanks to God I am now in my Proper senses and Do allow this to be my last will and testament except that my Daughter Betsey to receive her equeal lots of my estate. " A. LOCHRY. "Attest, JEREMIAH LOCHRY, GEORGE HENRY." " I John Proctor the Executor within named Do by these Presence absolutely freely and voluntarily resign my right of executorship to the wrthin Will. But will for the sake of the Deceased and his relick Join. in Administration with the Widow. Witness my hand the Eleventh day of July, 1782. "JOHN PROCTER "Witness present " WM. JACK, " JOHN PUMROY." "Proven by Jeremiah Lochry and George Henry the 11th, July 1782 before Jas. Kinkaid." His daughter Jane was born after this will was written. Upon the same page of the record is the will of Theodorus Browers, founder of St. Vincent's, and out of which arose the litigation hereafter noted. Capt. Jeremiah Lochry, brother of Archibald, died on the 21st of January, 1824, at the house of Samuel Moorhead, in Salem township, in the ninety-third year of his age. Having settled in this country at a very early period, he shared largely in the toils and hardships and perils to which the pioneers of civilization in the Western country were subjected. He was one of the few who. escaped the disastrous scenes of Braddock's defeat. In the year 1777 he acted as adjutant to a detachment of militia who were ordered to New Jersey from this county, under the command of Col. Lochry, his brother. In this situation his merit as an officer soon attracted the attention of his superiors, and in the fall of the same year he was presented with a captain's commission in the regular service. In this capacity he acted during the whole Revolutionary war, being frequently engaged with the enemy, and always acquitting himself with honor and advantage to the cause of his country. Shortly after the close cif the war, while engaged with a scouting party on the Allegheny River, a hall was fired at him by an Indian, which glanced from the barrel of his win and lodged in his neck, and was the canse of an enormous tumor that afterwards grew from the wound.* * From the Gazette, Feb. 6, 1824. thirteen miles apart, the other was midway between, and all three within the present limits of Tuscarawas County, Ohio. But unfortunately their situation for friendly tribes was most unfavorable, for they were just about half-way between the border settlements of Pennsylvania on the east and tribes of ever-warring Delawares and Wyandots of the Sandusky Plains to the west. The whites and Indians at war with each other not infrequently took the route by the mission stations of the friendly Indians, and made this place a half-way stopping-house. The enforced hospitality of these Indians, who wanted to be at peace with all, brought upon them the suspicions of both the warring whites and warring Indians, and in vain were their kindness and hospitality bestowed upon all alike. The Indians of the Sandusky in their incursions against the whites charged them with sympathy when they failed to assist them, and the frontier people knowing of the acts of hospitality extended to their deadly enemies by the Moravian Indians, their dishonorable passions were aroused, and they were urged to an ill-timed and unhonorable revenge. In the year previous, that is to say in the summer of 1780, Col. Brodhead had made a campaign from Wheeling to Coshocton. At that time he marched to the Muskingum a little below Salem, the Moravian town. On coming there, Brodhead sent a messenger to Rev. Heckewelder, 'informing him of his arrival.. The Indians sent the men provisions of their own; free will, and their pastor, Heckewelder, visited the colonel in his camp. At that time an attempt was made by some unprincipled men with the army to fall upon the other towns, but the knowledge of this reaching the colonel he took measures to prevent it, and told the pastor that nothing would give him greater pain than to hear that any of the Moravians had been molested by his troops. In the latter part of 1781 the militia of the southwestern part of the State, which formerly was, in name, a portion of Westmoreland, but which was now of Washington County, being of the region about the rivers, where the people had suffered so much, came to the conclusion to break up the Indian Moravian villages. Col. David Williamson was the leader of this party, who, as they asserted, was to induce them to remove, or else to suffer themselves to be brought into Fort Pitt. There were some thus brought safely in, and afterwards sent back to their homes, but most of the people thought at that time the Indians ought to have been killed. These Indians were, in truth, the most unfortunate of creatures. For they had on many occasions warned the whites by their rumors of projected attacks from hostile Indians to the West. The hostile Indians carrying this to the ears of the British, who under the white renegade Tories had control of them, they had their settlement at Sandusky broken up in the fall of 1781. Their villages were almost totally de- CRAWFORD'S EXPEDITION TO SANDUSKY - 133 stroyed, and their fields were desolated. Some were sent into the wilderness, some robbed, and some taken prisoners and sent to Detroit. McKee, the British agent, and Girty, its said, as all horrible things were charged to them, instigated this as the only way of drawing the Christian Indians into war with the Americans. But in the early part of the next year,—that is, in February, 1782,—about a hundred and fifty famished and worn-out and heart-sick creatures, longing with the unseen passion for the light, returned from the Sandusky to their homes on the Muskingum. 1 During this month some murders had been committed by hostile Indians farther to the south, and the returning of the Moravians was made the pretext for charging them with being the guilty party. Accordingly it was no trouble to get a crowd to invade their country, and besides it is said that the whites coveted the horses belonging to these men. For this purpose eighty or ninety men were hastily collected. These were under command of Col. David Williamson, of Washington County, and the men were all from that section and from below Pittsburgh. They encamped the first night on the Mingo Bottom, on the west side of the Ohio River, sixty miles below Pittsburgh, and the second night within one mile of the nearest Moravian town. Then by representing to the Indians, whom they suddenly came upon, that they were their friends and that they had come to take them to the fort from the power of their enemies, and by many other deceptive promises and representations, the Christian Indians not doubting them, they got possession of the two towns, and secured the men, women, and children as prisoners. Nor were the suspicions of these aroused until they came upon one who had been murdered lying in their way. The captives were confined in two houses. As a squad were hunting the fields towards the farthest town a council was held by the chief men. Many proposed their death, but the officers not being willing to take the odium of such an inhuman revenge had the men drawn up in line. The question was put to them " whether to take the prisoners to Pittsburgh or put them to death." All in favor of saving their lives were to stand out in. front of the line. In answer to this question eighteen men came out. The captives were told to prepare for death. Those in the guard-houses on hearing this began singing hymns and praying. To make their offense criminal they were charged with many crimes. They were accused of harboring hostile Indians, and in reply they reminded these of the benefits they had extended to the whites; they were charged with having taken the property of the whites, when they offered to produce everything they had to show that they had taken nothing. They were again told that they had. not long to live, when they asked for delay 1 The Muskingum and Tuscarawas are called so indiscriminately. that they might prepare for death as became men who, in their last moments, talked with their God. This was granted them.. The time thus allotted them they spent in prayer and in asking forgiveness of one another, and pardon as became creatures who called on God to pardon them. Kneeling they prayed with each other, and for each other, and kissed in tears their friends, hoping in their simple faith for future peace. While these were so doing the murderers outside were consulting as to the manner of their death. Some wanted to set fire to the houses, and as they were burning to shoot all who attempted to get away ; others wanted to kill them in such a way as to get their scalps. Those of the whites who were opposed to these things wrung their hands, and called on God to witness that they were guiltless of shedding this innocent blood. Those withdrew to a distance. The others coming up while the Indians were still praying asked them if they were ready. They were then led out for execution. One of the murderers took up a mallet, and wondered how that would do the business. He began by hitting one on the head, and continued striking those upon their knees till he had killed fourteen. Then, as his arm was tired, he banded the mallet to another, saying that his arm failed, and told him to go on, for he had done pretty well. 2 Of all those who were put in the other house only two escaped. These were boys, one of whom was hid in the cellar, where he saw the blood flow down the walls in streams. The other had been scalped and 2 Smucker, "Military Expeditions to the Northwest," and olher authorities " too numerous to mention." The county lieutenant, John Cannon, was along with the expedition, and tradition asserts with the persuasion of truth that the man who brained fourteen Christians with a cooper's mallet held at the very moment he was doing so three commissions in Washington County, viz.: one as commissioner of Washington County, one as sub-lieutenant of the county, and one as justice of the peace for Strabane township, same county. He had held an important commission from Pennsylvania in 1776, and he was after the massacre rewarded as sheriff of the county. The rapine robbers of the middle ages, dying like cormorants or vultures, with the blood of victims dripping out of their gorged cheeks, made their peace with the world and with their conscience by donating a large portion of their robberies to pious uses. It is not remarkable in this view of hnmanity that so many churches and places of learning should he founded with such persons about in great number: Certainly no section and no people had more need of the gospel and of the "humanities." Therefore it was in good taste that the academy of Cannons-burg took its name from Col. John Cannon. But if ever the father of his country blushed it was in 1781, when he found to what base uses a name may come at last by the attaching of his name, the first in all time, to that new-formed county. But to their honor and a fairer fame, and to the honor of all Western Pennsylvania, the descendants of these men long ago redeemed and relustered a name once tarnished. The gang having killed and scalped all within reach, and plundered a friendly camp of Delaware allies of the United States on their way back, crossed the river to Pittsburgh, where, boasting of their deeds, they sold their ill-gotten plunder at public vendue, and then, before returning home, sent Col. Gibson a message that they would "scalp him." He had incurred their displeasure by showing some evidence that he was a man. We have recounted this affair at length, actuated more hy a sense of justice to the savages than of reflection upon those who were the actors therein. 134 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. left for dead among the pile of bodies above, but recovering he escaped in the night. Both of them lived to be of the witnesses to bear testimony of this unprecedented murder. " By the mouth of two witnesses shall all things be established." Those in the upper and farther town being apprised of danger made their escape. But the house out of which one lot of the prisoners were taken was filled with the dead bodies of old men, women, and children and set on fire and burnt. When the party of murderers came back to Pittsburgh, even on their way they fell upon a body of friendly Delawares under protection of the government, who were all killed with the exception of a few who escaped to the woods. It is said that this man Williamson held an office of profit and trust afterwards in Washington County, but that he died in jail as a debtor without a consoling friend. It is also noteworthy that the men who composed this expedition came from that part of the county whose earliest and latest boast has been of their religious and educational advantages, and the intellectual superiority of whose early settlers has been held up at the expense of their neighbors. 1 An effort was afterwards made by the authorities to ferret out and bring to punishment the leaders in this massacre. The best citizens of Washington County, as Pentecost and Cannon were called, conferred with Gen. Irvine, who writing to William Moore, chief magistrate of the State, said that it was impossible to get any information as to the ringleaders, as they would neither confess nor tell on each other. After this expedition had returned another one under Col. Crawford started out. But the termination of this one was different. In May, 1782, four hundred and eighty men, finding their own horses, equipments, and clothing, mustered at the old Mingo town on the west side of the Ohio. All of them were from the immediate neighborhood of the country and from the Ten-Mile Creek in Washington. They were volunteers, and first proceeded to select their own' officers. Col. William Crawford was was declared the leader of the expedition by a majority of five votes over Williamson, who accompanied the party. They marched along the river, passing the destroyed towns. A few houses and some of the corn were still standing. Two Indians were taken out of camp. This was no surprise to the Indian tribes, for they had spies out who reported from the time the party left the river, and knew their number and destination. On the 6th of Dune they came to the site of the old Moravian towns on the Upper Sandusky. But the dwellers had been driven to the Scioto. The place presented the appearance of desolation ; it was overgrown with weeds, and high grass was all around the deserted huts. They continued their march for the towns of the living Indians. The next morning they 1 Our account of the Moravian massacre has been collected from many, but in the narrative we have closely followed Doddridge, who himself followed Heckewelder. entered the Sandusky Plains. In the afternoon they were attacked by Indians and driven together. The Indians gained possession of small clusters of woods, and the fighting continued till night. Both parties kindled large fires, and retired back of these. The Indians were seen all around them on the Plains the next day, and their numbers seemed to increase. A council was held and the men ordered to return,. All the rest of the day preparations were made for a retreat, and the dried grass was burnt over the slight graves of the buried dead. The retreat was to begin at nightfall, but the Indians becoming apprised of the design, they made an attack about sundown, and directed their attacks from all sides, excepting the side next to Sandusky. When the retreat commenced the guides were therefore compelled to take that direction to get out of the Plains. They passed through an opening in the Indians' line, and circling about gained .the trail upon which they had come. The main body, consisting of about three hundred, was not molested in their retreat during the day. They encamped at night in safety, and successfully accomplished their march back. But when the retreat had at first been decided upon there was a difference of opinion as to the method of conducting it, some thinking it better to go in a body, others thinking it better to go in detached parties. The latter opinion prevailed. In this they were in mistake, for the Indians finding this out, instead of pursuing the stronger body, scattered out over the country to intercept the small parties and cut off the straggled and lost. In this they were successful, for the only one of these detached bodies that came safely out was ope under Col. Williamson, who late in the night after the battle broke through the Indians' line, and with about forty men joined the main body. Col. Crawford remained at the head of this larger party, which was merely what was left of the army itself. After they had gone some distance, he, missing his son, his son-in-law, and his two nephews, imprudently halted till the line had passed, and still not seeing them, called for them without finding them. When the army had gone by, he was unable to overtake it on account of the weariness of his horse. Falling in with Dr. Knight, a surgeon attached to the command, and two others, they traveled together all night, first towards the north and then towards the east, directing their courses by the stars. The next day they fell in with two other officers. The following night they encamped, and about noon the next day they struck the trail by which the army had advanced: At this they differed in opinion as to the best course, some of the party thinking it better to go through the woods by unfrequented paths, and Crawford and a few others (for the party was six or seven), conjecturing that the pursuit of the main body bad been discontinued, were following in the track of the army. They agreed to do this, but had not proceeded CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE IN 1780-81 - 135 above a mile when several Indians sprang out of the bushes, and presenting their guns at Col. Crawford and Knight, who were in front, ordered them in English to stop. These could do nothing but surrender. Capt. Biggs and Lieut. Ashley, and a wounded man on horseback, by this time coming up were also called on, but Biggs fired, and he and his comrades struck for the woods. They were killed the next day, and the only ones of the party who escaped at this time were those in the rear who fled on the first alarm. Col. Crawford and Dr. Knight, with nine other prisoners, were, on the morning of the 10th of June, conducted by seventeen Indians to the old Sandusky town, about thirty-three miles from where they had first collected. All the prisoners with the exception of the two had been painted black to indicate their doom. Four of these nine were tomahawked and scalped on the way, and the other five, when they arrived at the town, were fell upon by boys and squaws who tomahawked them, foregoing the pleasure of their holiday. For the torture these two, however, were reserved. We shall not narrate the scene of Crawford, roasting alive at the stake. You will see it in all the books. Those who have occasion to know by report of the humanity, the tender nature, and the open hospitality of our first presiding justice must ever he moved by pity at his death. For three hours he endured the most excruciating agonies with the utmost fortitude ; then, becoming faint and being almost exhausted, he commended his soul to God, and lay down on his face. He was then scalped, and burning coals being laid on his head and back by one of the squaws, he again rose and attempted to walk, but strength' failed him, and he sank into the welcome arms of death. His body was then thrown into the fire and consumed to ashes. 1 1 In the midst of these sufferings he begged of the infamous Girty to shoot him. Girty replied, " How can I? You see I have no gun," and laughed heartily. During most of the time Girty sat on a log smoking a pipe. SIMON GIRTY.—This wretch was so notorious in his day, and did so much harm to this portion, that his "life and services" demand further notice. Girty- “ The outlawed white man by Ohio's flood, Whose vengeance shamed the Indian's thirst for blood, Whose hellish art surpassed the red man's far, Whose hate enkindled many a bloody war, Of which each aged grandame hath a tale At which man's bosom burns, and childhood's cheeks grow pale—" was native of one of the middle counties of Pennsylvania. He was an Italian trader in 1744, and was first brought into prominence in Dunmore's war as a spy and hunter. Prior to that time he had been drawing pay as an Indian agent. From his connection and residence for so long a time arming the Indiana he got familiar with them, delighted to harangue them, and took peculiar pleasure in their scenes of bloodshed, as it is related. He is said to have embraced the cause of the Revolution on the part of the colonists, but he was soon brought over by Dunmore and Connolly. He went in 1778 boldly and bodily over to the Indians, and was adopted hy the Wyandots. His Indian name was Ka-te-pa-komen (Bouquet's Journal, 1764, mentions this as Girty's adopted name then). He soon attained great influence over them, and at one time wed Kenton, and at another burnt Crawford. To the frontier whites sod the British he went by the assumed name of Simon Butler. He talked the Indian dialect with fluency. lie attended the great council held by most of the tribes of the Northwest at Old Chillicothe, celebrated It is not likely that the description will ever pass away, but for years to come will bear rehearsal to show the customs and barbaric rites of that savage race in the treatment of their enemies taken in war. Crawford's son and son-in-law were also murdered at the—towns It was no wonder that the widow and mother sat for years lonely in the woods by the bank of the Youghiogheny in speechless sorrow; for his melancholy sufferings and death spread a gloom over the countenances of all who knew him. Dr. Knight. was doomed to the same torture for the pleasure of those at the Shawnee town, which lay many miles distant from Sandusky. He was committed to the care of only a single Indian. In the morning of the first night they were out, the gnats being troublesome, Knight asked the Indian to untie his hands that he might help make a fire to keep the insects off. The Indian did so and got down on his hands and knees, and was blowing the fire, when Knight struck him on the back of the head with a short half-burnt stick. The Indian rolled over, but, springing to his feet, ran off roaring into the woods. Knight snatched the Indian's rifle to shoot at him, but pulling the hammer back too violently he broke the mainspring of the lock. Knight reached Fort McIntosh (Beaver), on the twenty-second day, in the mean time living on berries, roots, and young birds. Such are instances of the wanton murders, the sufferings, and the barbarity on both sides during this inhuman war. The murder of Cornstalk at Point Pleasant was paralleled by the torture of Crawford, and we have of necessity recounted the story of the Moravian massacre and the destruction of Gnadenhütten, that we may comprehend its parallel in the death of Peggy Shaw and Brownlee and the burning of Hannastown. CHAPTER XXVII. CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE IN 1780-81, Westmoreland County in the Latter Part of the Revolution—Evidences from the Court Records and from Acta of Assembly—The Militia shifted from Place to Place in expectation of Indian Attacks—The Outposts west of Fort. Pitt abandoned—Extracts from the Correspondence of Brodhead, Irvine, and Others bearing on the Affairs of the County. THE condition of affairs within the county during the latter part of the Revolution and immediately and often mentioned In the annals of the West. He here in a speech eloquently set forth the advantages of the campaign against the whites, which was soon set on foot against the western frontiers. He headed a portion of the Indian forces that proceeded against Kentucky. His next open battle was at the Pequa towns, where at the head of three hundred warriors he held Clark in check for a time. He led or sent many savage parties against the frontiers of Pennsylvania ahout this time. His name became dreaded, and at one time horror followed the mention of it. We ;hanl see elsewhere that he had something to do with the destruction of Hannastown. He was with the victors at St. Clair's field, 1791, and at he battle of the Fallen Timbers, 1794. After Wayne's treaty he went to Canada, where he became a trader, and towards the close of his life e gave himself up to intoxicating drinks, and by excesses brought on diseases by which be suffered much before he died. 136 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. prior to the raid on Hannastown is also evidenced in the meagre records of the courts. In 1778 and 1779 it appears there were no constables for many of the townships. Vacancies were frequently noted, and these were at times filled by appointment by the county justices. At the January sessions, 1780, the constables being called, and none attending, the fines, on account of the severity of the weather, were remitted. At this term there was no grand jury in attendance and no business done. At the October sessions of 1781 there was only one constable present, and he was from Pittsburgh. At the January sessions of 1781 here is a jury of the vicinage : William Love, Dohn Guthrey, Doseph Brownlee, William Jack, William Guthrey, Adam Hatfield, Matthew Miller, Samuel Beatty, Lawrence Irwin, William Shaw,, Conrad Hawk, and William Maxwell. One is led to exclaim " Injuns!" That persons who were so unfortunate then as to be in debt should be harassed would be natural to suppose, and this is evidenced by the number of executions issued. In the July term of 1782, being held when the town was raided, there were ninety-two, an excessive number. In the January sessions, of 1784 is the following : "The court having considered the application of David Rankin, he living on the frontiers, excuse him from paying license in the year 1781, and at the same time rule that the several people having sold or continue to sell spirituous liquors living on the frontiers, and msy be entitled to the favour of the Court, are discharged from paying license until July Sessions last, agreeable to the directions of the Honorable the Snpreme Executive Council." On the 10th of March, 1780, the Legislature passed an act of a temporary nature, empowering the county commissioners and assessors to obtain the best estimate that they could of the property of such of the inhabitants as had been driven from their habitations, and to. exonerate those from taxes who had bona fide suffered by the incursions of the enemy. In the call for troops in 1780 there was none asked for from Westmoreland. Neither was there an account kept of the supplies from the county, as there was no commissioner ; David Duncan, the late commissioner, not having rendered any account, he being unable to purchase anything worth returning. This is not much to wonder at, for Col. Dohn Boynton, deputy paymaster-general, in a letter to President Reed the year previous, says that he " has served for nearly three years in that remote country [the border of Western Pennsylvania and Virginia], and it has. been wholly impracticable to procure such necessaries as decency requires." 1 By the act of 3d April, 1781, directing the mode of adjusting and settling the payment of debts and contracts previously entered into, etc., and which fixed a scale of depreciation as a rule to determine the value of the several debts, contracts, etc., it was en- 1 Archives, N. S., iii. 300. acted that the act entitled an act for limitation of actions, which had been passed the 27th day of March, 1713, "should not run or operate during the time the courts of justice were shut in this State, nor during the time of any suspension act of this State, in any action or distress prohibited to be made or brought by such act, under the penalty of taking depreciated money in full payment."' These acts of the Assembly indicate the poverty and inability of the western country, arising from and due to their border sufferings and consequent distress. During 1779 the frontier posts west of Fort Pitt, which were garrisoned by the forces under the control of the commandant of the Western Department, had . been abandoned by reason of inability to hold them by inadequate forces against a much stronger force of British and Indians. Of these forts the most important were Fort Laurens, in the Ohio country,, and Fort McIntosh (Beaver). The withdrawal of all forces from the Indian country caused great alarm and indignation in the settlements on the border. Early in 1780 a meeting of citizens was held in Westmoreland County, and resolutions passed requesting the reoccupation of the abandoned forts. Hence the co-operation of Lochry with Clark in his expedition before narrated. When Clark was compelled to abandon the expedition the whole western frontier was menaced with a British and Indian invasion from Canada. Fully conversant with and appreciating the terrible situation of affairs, both military and civil, about this region, the commander-in-chief, with great care and concern, and after due deliberation, chose Brig.-Gen. William Irvine to take command at Fort Pitt, Sept. 24, 1780. Congress requested the executives of Pennsylvania and Virginia to co-operate with him by supplying militia upon his requisition, Of the complications which arose out of the divided authority between the commandant at Fort Pitt and the county lieutenant of Westmoreland we have had occasion to refer to, and one inquiring further is referred to the correspondence relating to Westmoreland County, which will be found in the Appendix and in various notes in the preceding part of this book. The correspondence of Col. Lochry, and his actions as lieutenant of the county, evidence the great danger constantly threatening the frontier of Westmoreland, and also the inability of the people to protect themselves. Capt. Thomas Campbell's ranging company, under pay of Congress, and subject to Lochry's orders, was stationed in December of 1779 about Hannastown. 2 The Courts of Justices were "shut" in Westmoreland during a portion of the Revolutionary war. 3 Col. Brodhead, in a letter to Maj. Slaughter, May 11, 1780, says, "The county of Westmoreland is again infested with the cursed Mingoes. The inhabitants are flying from every quarter, and it wdl be necessary for you to keep a lookout where you are [Slaughter was thee at a post down the Ohio]."—Brodhead's Letter-Book; Archives, xii. p. 232 CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE IN 1780—81 - 137 This had been allowed by the concurrence of Brodhead. This company, shortly after this, was ordered by Col. Lochry to Wallace's Fort (near the Conemaugh), but on Campbell's making application to Col. Brodhead for horses and provisions needful for the transportation of his men to that post he was refused both ; whereupon he wrote a very caustic letter to Brodhead, who had him arrested for insubordination. 1 It was during this time, as we have seen, that Lochry insisted that the companies of Erwin and Campbell should be kept in Westmoreland for the protection of the posts here, being more needed here than farther on the frontier. 2 Upon Erwin, who was father-in-law of Lochry, refusing to let his company go under Brodhead's order to join the Eighth Regiment, Brodhead ordered him as well as Campbell under arrest, and to be tried by a court-martial. 3 Brodhead said that when these two companies had been ordered by Lochry to Hannastown and Wallace's Fort, he had to withdraw the garrisons from Fort Armstrong ( Kittanning) and Fort Crawford. Brodhead was certainly not much prepossessed in favor of the officers of the militia of the county. The duplex system of management was unfortunate and led to mischief, which of itself was aggravated when a suspicion was enkindled in the breasts of both parties that the acts of opposition were the result of premeditated and studied malignity. 4 The correspondence of Col. Brodhead during the time he was in command at Pittsburgh, in 1780 and part of 1781, is of much interest to Westmorelanders inquiring into the history of that time. In May, 1780, he writes to President Reed, " For heaven's sake hurry up the companies voted by the Honorable Assembly; or Westmoreland County will soon be a wilderness." 5 The ranging companies to which we have referred were raised by the Assembly at the instance of Congress, and were enlisted into the Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment, whose colonel was Brodhead ; but while so enlisted and drawing pay in the Continental service, they were allowed to be under the direction and command of the county lieutenant, as they were primarily intended for the protection of the county. This, we have seen, was the source of much trouble. 1 Archives, vii., p. 36, O. S.  2 Ibid., viii., p. 42, 0. S. 3 Ibid., p. 79. 4 Col. Daniel Brodhead to President Reed, April 27, 1780. " I am much at a loss to guess. the cause of prepossession in the Assembly to favor former appointments. They must conceive a mean opinion of my judgment in regard to officers if they know my opinion of three, and they must be sensible that many excellent officers of the State are supernumerary. I will only take the liberty to mention Capt. Stokely, Capt. Hoffnagle, Capt. Swearingen, and Capt. Jack, either Erwrn or Campbell. But were at liberty to recommend officers, I should prefer snch oho are altogether unconnected with the leading people of the counties, and have neither families nor farms to support or cultivate at an expense they do not choose to pay. The lute Capt. Moorhead and others considered their men as their servants, and employed them to Libor upon their farms instead of the service for which they were intended by the public."—Archives, viii., p. 210. 6 Archives, viii. 246. Reports from both the Continental and the county officers were continually reaching the ears of the president of the State. In a letter in 1781 from President Reed to Col. Lochry he says that the former quartering of these rangers about Hannastown did not exactly meet the concurrence of the Board, but that he, Lochry, should use his own discretion in bestowing them in the coming campaign. The plan agreed upon by the representatives of the western counties and Gen. Irvine, held at the convention called at his instance, April the 5th, 1781, was to keep flying bodies of men constantly on the frontiers, marching to and from the different places. The regular troops were to remain in Fort Pitt and Fort McIntosh, since reoccupied. Westmoreland agreed to keep sixty-five men, formed into two companies, constantly ranging along the frontier from the Allegheny to the Laurel Hill. The militia of Washington County was formed into four companies ; two of these were placed so as to patrol the Ohio from Pittsburgh to near Wheeling. Every precaution was taken to guard against surprises of the enemy. Nevertheless, it was well understood that a defensive policy, with whatever care plans might be laid, would prove ineffectual against occasional inroads of the wily, prowling savages, who in spite of every precaution frequently crossed the Ohio, fell suddenly upon their helpless victims, and then quickly recrossed that river into the wilderness beyond. 6 It was the wide-spread and unarguable opinion of the people west of the Laurel Hill that the only way of destroying the Indians was to carry the war against them. Hence the expedition to the Sandusky towns which brought so much additional suffering in its unfortunate termination. A. Lochry to President Reed, April 17, 1781, writes : "The savages have begun their hostilities. Since I came from Phila- delphia they have struck us in four different places, have taken and killed thrrteen persons with a number of horses and other effects of the inhabitants; two of the unhappy people were killed one mile from Hannastown. Our country is worse depopulated than ever it has been." 7 James Perry to President Reed, 1781: " SEWICKLEY, July 2,1781. "Understanding that an express is going to Philadelphia from Col. Lochry, I shall just inform you our country is in the utmost confusion at present. About three weeks ago one James Chambers was taken prisoner about two miles from my house, last Friday two young women were killed in Ligonier Valley, and this morning a small garrison at Peter Clingensmith's, about eight miles from this and four or live miles from Hamm Town, consisting of between twenty and thirty women and children, was destroyed ; only three made their escape. The particulars I cannot well inform you, ae the party that was sent to bury the dead are not yet retnrned, and I wait every moment to hear of or perhaps see them strike at some other place. That party was supposed to be about seventeen.", Col. Lochry to President Reed, Duly 4, 1781: "we have very distressing times here this summer. The enemy are almost constantly in our country, killing and captivating the inhabitants." 9 6 " Crawford's Campaign against Sandusky," Butterfield, p. 8 For much information on the subject in band the special reader is referred to the valuable publication quoted. 7 Arch., vol. ix., 79.  8 Ibid,, 240.  9 Ibid., 247: HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY. PENNSYLVANIA - 138 In August, 1781, the detachment of the Seventh Maryland Regiment, which had been serving under Brodhead, left Fort Pitt, and returned over the mountains home. This Season Leary, the county lieutenant, apprehending an attack on Hannastown or some untoward. event, had erected a block-house on his farm on the Twelve-Mile Run, now near the convent in Unity township, whither he had the records removed for safety, and a magazine built for the powder and arms supply for the county of which he had charge. To this, however, the Council objected, and upon their objection he desisted. Their chief ground of objection was that by the collection of war munitions at ,one place the attention of the enemy would be drawn to that point, and the interests of a large portion of the people be greatly imperiled. In his letter to Washington of Dec. 3, 1781, Irvine said,- " At present the people talk of flying, early in the spring, to the eastern side of the mountain, and are daily flocking to me to inquire what support they may expect." It was very generally believed, and the commander himself shared in the opinion, that the failure of Clark and Gibson would greatly encourage the savages to fall on the frontiers with double fury in the coming spring. The month of February, 1782, was one of unusual mildness. War-parties of savages from Sandusky visited the settlements and committed depredations earlier than usual on that account. From the failure of the expeditions against the Western Indians in the previous autumn, there had been a continued fear, a feverish state of feeling, during the winter all along. the border ; and now that the early melting of the snow had brought the savages at an unwonted season to the settlements, a more than usual excitement upon such an occasion prevailed. CHAPTER XXVIII. DESTRUCTION OF HANNASTOWN. Spring of 1782—The Outposts deserted—Condition of the Hannastown Settlement—The People gather near to the Stations and work at Harvest together—A Party go out to take off the Harvest of Michael Huffnagle, north of Hannastown—One of the Reapers, seeing Indians watching from behind Trees, gives the Alarm, and they flee towards the Fort—The Court at Hannastown adjourns without a Crier—Records taken to the Fort—General Jail Delivery—They all gather into the Stockade—Scouts sent out—Brison and Shaw pursued by the Indians—Capt. Matthew Jack comes upon the Indians and escapes from them—He rides round the Country and alarms the People—He saves the Love Family—Indians come to the Town—They hold a Consultation, and are seen to have White Men for Commanders, who aro dressed like Indians—They plunder the Houses, fire on the Stockade, and mock at .the Inmates—They send out a Party towards Miller's Station—The People gather at Allen's, at Thrgh's, at Unity—Settlers gather into the Houses and get down their Rifles—Indians come on to the Mowers in the Meadow at Miller's—The Number and Class of Persons collected there—Women and Children gather into the Miller House—John Brownlee called back from attacking the Indians by his Wife—Gives himself up to the Indians—A Young Man takes Brownlee's Child and runs towards George's—Is pursued by a Pack of Indians and hides in a Rye-Field—Singular Escape of a Bahe left on the Ground at the Mercy of the Savages—She is found Sleeping in her own Cut the next Morning—She lives to be Married, and dies in Old Age—The Houses at Hannastown burnt down—Captain Jack is too late in alarm the People at Miller's—The Renegades secure tho Inmates of the House—They burn the Houses and shoot down the Cattle —Tie the Hands of the Prisoners and load them with Stolen Goods —Drive the Weeping Women into Captivity—Brownlee carries a Load on his hack and has his Little Child on his neck—The Indians recognize Brownlce—One crashes a Tomahawk into his Head and kills hie Little Boy, and also a Woman who faints— Affairs about the Fort—Peggy Shaw saves a Little Child—A Ball strikes her in the Breast—The barbarous Medical Treatment she receives while she lingers out her Life—The Two Bodies of Indians unite and go into Camp in the Crabtree Bottom—People collect at the George Farm—At Nightfall a Crowd with Sconts go Armed to assist those in the Fort—They come to the Smouldering Town—Are let into the Stockade and Sound an Alarm—The Indians. listening, Are scared, thinking Reinforcements have arrived, and after Midnight they leave for the North—Their Route—They are pursued as far as the Kiskiminetas—The People look out on Deserted Homes—They hury the Dead where they were found —To keep them from Starving the State allows them to draw Rations —What became of the Prisoners—Who the Invaders were and where they came from—Gen. Irvine's Letter to Washington—Singular Account from an Indian after the War of the Party which burnt Hannastown—The Heroes of the " Hannastown War''—The Town after its Destruction. THE darkest and most gloomy period in the history of Westmoreland County was from the spring of 1781 to the spring of 1783. This was the night of darkness, the tenebroe nocturnum. After the unchristian murder of the Moravian Indians disaster followed disaster. Crawford walking around the stake in his bare feet on the hot cinders, praying to God to have mercy, and beseeching Girty only to fill him ; the loss of so many brave men who had gone out with Lochry from about Hannastown and who never returned ; the frontier in war ; the settlers fleeing back to the mountains ; the desertion of the soldiers who were guarding the posts along the Allegheny ; the untilled fields,—the memory and knowledge of these things haunted them day and night, and the shadows of death and want were across well-nigh every door in the land. Through the greater part of the year 1782 some of the settlers did not pretend to do anything but watch for the others, ready at an instant's warning to go wherever needed. Those who stayed about the fields and houses gladly worked for the rest, and depended on the fighters guarding the limits of the settlement. Of those in the Hannastown settlement who were looked up to as their foremost men were Capt. Matthew Jack, Col. Campbell, Capt. Love, Lieut. Guthrie, the Brownlees, the Brisons, the Shams, the Wilsons. As the times grew darker their sympathies grew closer. At no other time did they live as one family, in a sort of communism, for the fear of apparent death makes all men forget their enmity, Those, in such settlements as this, who worked worked in common. When a patch of rye or wheat was to be cut and gathered in it was a kind of serious frolic. This was so in the region bounded by the old military DESTRUCTION OF HANNASTOWN - 139 road and the block-houses around the Sewickley settlement. We will remember that besides the regular forts and those blockhouse cabins, such as Fort Waltour and Miller's Station, there were in every locality other designated points to flee to which, being the most convenient, a crowd would most likely be collected at soonest. Such were George's cabin, to the northeast of Miller's about a mile, and Rugh's blockhouse, near the Beaver Dam on Dack's Run, about a mile to the south of now Greensburg. These were early settlements, the Miller farm having been in the possession of that family from the time it was warranted. At this time this settlement was rather thickly peopled. Large fields had been cleared about the house, and stake-and-rider fences kept the cattle from trespassing. The militia in the service of the State had deserted from the posts, because they were not paid and were in rags, and the safety of the inhabitants was in their own exertions. While the gloom from repeated disasters still rested upon the people they gathered into the cabins about Hannastown and nearer the blockhouses and stations. The whole country north of the Great Road almost to the rivers northwestward of the Derry line was, so to speak, deserted. Fears were apprehended that the Hannastown settlement would be made an objective point, but there was no apparent danger more than a general fear. On Saturday, the 13th of Duly, 1782, the settlers next to Hannastown on the north, and those about the fort and the town itself who could be spared, went out to cut the harvest of Michael Huffnagle. Huffnagle was the prothonotary and one of the judges of the Common Pleas. He was one of the most active and best known of the inhabitants. He had been an officer in the Westmoreland regiment, the Eighth in the Continental line, had seen service in the campaign in the Jerseys, and in one of the battles of the Revolution had been wounded in the leg. The wound allowed him to be exempt from military duty, but on his return he had entered actively into the civil service, and had gained much influence. He had a farm about a mile and a half north of the town, and while he was engaged in the duties of his office his neighbors took their turn at his fields. At this time court was being held at the old house, first built by Robert Hanna and used by him. By the records of the Common Pleas and Quarter Sessions it appears that the July term commenced on the second Tuesday of Duly, 1782, before Edward Cook and his associates, Cook holding these courts in Westmoreland under a special commission. From an imperfect narrative and from many conflicting accounts we have collated the facts which can be taken as authentic, and which we believe are substantially correct. The reaping-party had cut down one field and were about finishing it, after they had eaten their dinner in the shade, when one of the reapers crossed over to the farther side next the wood. As he neared the opposite edge of the field where the wood feathered in he espied some Indians watching the party from behind trees as the party were coming out to take their places. The man ran back and gave the alarm that the Indians were coming. The party hurried from the field with all speed, some going towards the place where they had at first collected, others through the woods to alarm the settlers and to reach their homes, but most ran direct for the fort and town. When they came running into the town all was confusion. One, using a familiar form of expression, says that the sudden inroad of the savages that afternoon was like a clap of thunder from a clear sky. The records were taken from the court-house to the stockade ; the door of the round-logged jail was opened, and the prisoners confined were allowed to go at large ; and while some were running about helping the women and children and decrepit old people,. others themselves were hurrying into the fort and making ready to close the big gate cut in the palisades. The suddenness of the onslaught can be imagined when that none made an effort to secure their household treasures, their clothing, or movable stuff. Before the Indians had yet made their appearance about the town itself, and soon after the news reached there, a kind of a consultation was informally held by some of the men to decide on a plan of action. The people who had remained at the town were now within the shelter of the stockade. There chanced to be about the town then some who would rather have fought Indians than eat dinner, and who would not have slept knowing that any of the. settlers were in danger and the woods full of such vermin. Some of these, it is said, volunteered to go out in the direction of the fields, that they might see where the Indians were collected, to get their strength and to report their objective movements. James Brison and David Shaw were of this party. But before these left, and among the first to go out, was Capt. Matthew Jack, who on his good horse, took a circling route to reconnoitre to find something of the intention of the savages, and to alarm the settlements nearest the town. Capt. Jack, although going in a way not directly towards the fields from the fort, was the first to come upon the place where they were collected, not far from where the reapers had left. They were then apparently consulting and agreeing upon a plan of attack. His quick perception took in the whole situation at once. The instant he reined his horse in he was seen. He turned his horse and fled, and they followed. Coming back he met the young men who had started out after he had. He yelled to them to run for their lives, that he would circle round before going to the fort, expecting by the speed of his horse and his knowledge of the land to get back before they should arrive there, or in case of pursuit to evade them, for there was no one ever thought that fear of the In- 140 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. dians ever once possessed him, being by nature fearless and excitable, and having had much experience in the troubles of the frontier. The captain from here kept in a southerly course to the right of the fort, and in the direction of Miller's, although not to Miller's. On his way he came to where the Love family lived, somewhat above a mile from the fort. These he assisted off, taking Mrs. Love and her small babe on the horse behind him, and carrying them, if not to the fort, to some place of safety. Of the day's work of this gallant chevalier this incident is proven in the accounts and well preserved in the traditions of the Hannastown descendants. The young men whom we have mentioned of, on meeting Capt. Jack, took his word and hurried back towards the town. The Indians caught sight of Shaw and his companions, and no doubt hoping to reach the town before they were expected, came running at full speed after the scouts ; for they were surely under the impression that news had not yet reached the village, that they would capture the scouts by running them down, or at least that they would make their attack before the people could have time to get away. Then began the old-fashioned race for life. The scouts were good woodsmen and swift runners, and they knew the ground well ; every path, every hollow, every jutting rock was familiar. If they could reach the Crabtree Run, which marked its way through the rough ravine, they might then feel safe, for the Indians would hardly pursue them under cover of the houses. By the time they reached the Creek they could hear the footfalls of their pursuers, and glancing back over their shoulders see through the foliage the sun glistening on the naked backs, and the tufts of hair swinging in the brushing wind. The Indians, not sure of their prey, and evidently not to alarm the town, did not fire. Shaw, on reaching the brow of the hill upon which the town was built, ran to his father's house again to see if the family were out. From here he turned towards the stockade. By this time the foremost of the savages had emerged from the wood, and were showing themselves in the open space between the crown of the hill and the houses. Shaw here stopped, and drawing up his long-barreled, six-foot rifle, with unerring aim dropped one of the wretches in his tracks. He entered through the door gate of the fort, which was closed behind him. Thus, luckily, by the time the Indians and renegades came up the inhabitants of Hannastown were safely within the palisades of their stockade. Then, on the testimony of Huffnagle, at about two o'clock in the afternoon, the town, consisting of about thirty cabins and houses, was attacked by above a hundred Indians and white renegades called Tories acting with them. When the crew saw how that they had been cheated out of a rare butchery they gave utterance to one of those indescribable yells which so closely resembled the cry of a brute in torture, the recollection of which long after chilled the blood of those who escaped. Then dispersing- they fell to pillaging the cabins, throwing the goods out and scattering them about. Some of them in view of the fort danced about in derision, brandishing their tomahawks and knives. They were exasperated that the whites should escape, for their very expedition had been specially directed against this place. When it appeared to the Indians that they had been baffled, they were called together by their leaders, about whom they grouped together to the side of the town and not far from the stockade. Here they powwowed in some sort of consultation, evidently considering about attacking the fort. Their language was loud, and their gestures were wild and impulsive; but they seemed to be well under the control of their leaders, who could be recognized as white men dressed in Indian fashion. It is stated with the utmost showing of authority that during this time they might have been fired upon with effect from the fort. The whites, however, although by insult and injury driven almost to desperation, did not choose to begin the fight, being evidently advised in this, for by so doing the whole force would have been brought down upon them. The Indians, as was afterwards ascertained, had concluded not to make an attack till the following morning ; and the hope of salvation in this matter for the whites was in waiting till assistance should come. When the consultation was ended, a body of Indians and renegades started off in the direction of Miller's. The number of this pack is variously estimated, some placing; it at forty or fifty, and it is not probable that it was less than the first number. But for those that remained at the town .there was still some occasion for gratification left, and running up and down with a concerted action at the same time, they set fire to the town at a number of places. No obstacle was in the way of the fire, and the favoring wind made by the fire itself was so propitious that the cluster of houses was soon .ablaze, and in a short time the town was reduced to ashes, with the exception of the fort and two houses nearest to it and covered by it. One of these houses was Hanna's. As the flames burst up through the dry clapboard roofs and tire logs crackled in the heat, the savages now drunken with whiskey and mad with rage, danced around in the open space between the houses and the fort, not mindless, however, of keeping at a respectful distance out of the range of the guns. But from where they were they mocked in an insulting way those who were pent up, and held up in their view the articles which they had stolen from the houses. One noble warrior had appropriated to his particular self a brilliant military coat which he had found in ransacking a house. He had put it on, and so pea-cocked out strutted back and forth in rather too close range of the fort, for some one within, drawing DESTRUCTION OF HANNASTOWN - 141 a true bead upon him, fired, when the warrior leaped in the air, and thus sacrificed his life to his vanity. Communication with the outside of the fort was now entirely cut off. The scouts who had not returned could not now get in, and when they heard the noise about the town did not make an effort to do so, but kept alarming the country. The stockade, although a good place of defense, was at this time so poorly manned with all the needful men and munitions that the ultimate safety of these rested more with their friends on the outside than upon their own exertions. That no attack had been previously made upon the settlement was owing to the existence of the fort. Its inmates now for the most part were decrepit old people and women and children. The incursion had been so sudden that no unusual means had been brought into use for perfecting its capability to withstand a two-days' siege. No munitions were kept here, as what could be spared were sent farther to the front, and. the young men who had gone out on the frontiers with the expeditions of the season previous had taken their best rifles with them. A few old, half-worn-out muskets, which had passed through the hands of the county lieutenants, and which were unfit to arm the regulars or the militia with, had found their way hither, and these, with the arms carried in by the people from the town, were all they had. The number of those imprisoned during that day and night has been differently given. Most of the accounts give it by mere conjecture. Perhaps the number of all—men, women, and children—was between forty and fifty, of whom about twenty were fighting-men. Huffnagle says they had only nine guns; of these it is certain they did not have enough to arm all who could have used them. At Miller's, about two and a half nines southeast of the village through the woods, were collected perhaps twoscore souls. 1 The cabin block-house here was the mansion-house of Capt. Samuel Miller, of the old Eighth Regiment in the service of the Continent, but who had now been dead some four years. The rest of the Miller family, with his widow, now married to one Andrew Cruickshanks, and her family, still lived on the farm. The Miller house was an old landmark ; and while the captain was alive he was one of the leaders to whom the neighbors looked as to a father. As it was," the cabin-house was still open to all who came. Here before these times the neighbors had come for years to cut down the harvest, as they were doing now, and here on the smooth puncheon floor of the lower story of the double cabin, 1 The old Miller house was near thc site of the barn on the farm now owned by William Russell, Esq., of Greenshurg, on the right side of the railroad going westward. The same spring that supplies the present house then supplied the old house and the cabins about it. The attack was in all probability from the northeast side, along that part of the hill and sloping valney (or rather depression of ground) which lies in that direction. Alter leaving the station the Indians passed up along the hillside and near where the barn on the hill back of the present farmhouse now stands. - 10 - on many an evening the young lads and girls danced corn-rows and cut the pigeon-wing to the music of the scratching fiddle. There had been at this time of great distress some three or four other cabins temporarily erected near the main one for shelter of those who had come to the station. At the beginning of this harvest there were, perhaps, above a dozen families represented. at the farm. It has long been credited that a marriage festival was being celebrated at Miller's on that particular day of the incursion, and that some of the party collected there were brought together by this occasion. There seems, indeed, to be good authority for this, but yet with very attentive research and after some exertion in this particular we must conclude that there still remains a doubt on this narration. Some of the best informed had never heard anything about it only from the printed account ; others, who late in life read only the printed version, totally denied it, and those who in green old age still preserve the hearsay, and are conversant with no other source of information, can throw no light upon this side of the question. Such a version might readily have arisen and circulated from the fact of the number of people collected together there at that time. There were some there on that occasion from the town itself, among them the two daughters of Robert Hanna, both of whom were taken, and one of whom (Jennet Hanna) married a British officer when they were in Canada. But these represented the families of the neighboring settlers and farmers, and they had been drawn together from various causes. Some of them were the wives and children of soldiers who, being in service for the rest, had left the protection of their helpless ones to their neighbors; some, indeed, were widows and orphans ; some from a distance beyond the main road had gathered hither and taken up their abode, waiting for better times ; some to help during the harvest the Millers, the Georges, the Rughs, the Jacks, and any who needed it. Among them were two or three of those hardy backwoodsmen who had seen service of the roughest sort, who were as brave as the bravest, noble as the noblest, brusque in manner and rough in address. Of these we identify John Brownlee, who was known as Capt. Brownlee, a soldier in Capt. Joseph Erwin's company of the Eighth Regiment, under whom he had seen some service in the Jerseys. From the time he was out of the regular service he was a prominent fighter on the frontier, and went out with many parties from that region of country. He was a muscular, stoutish man, and the hero of a chosen circle. To the Indians he was as they, savage, inexorable, and bloodthirsty, sharing to the fullest that peculiar loathsome feeling towards them which appears to be common in those who are brought in contact with them on the outskirts of the West at this day. He regarded an Indian as a " varmint," the lowest thing of God's creation, and on more than one occasion had led parties to intercept 142 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. and destroy those who, to say all that could be said, were only suspicious. These thought, like Shaw, that a man was in duty bound to shoot an Indian whenever he saw one.1 Yet in his contact during so many trying and weary months with those objects of his abhorrence he had not lost that exquisite sensitiveness for his own race and kin which so strongly marks the highest civilization. To the women he was a true man, courteous and respectful ; to his wife .the beau ideal of a husband ; and towards the children whom he loved he had that happy faculty of expression which wins and allures by the spontaneous disclosure of the passions and feelings of the heart. During the dark times of 1781 and 1782 we hear of the Brownlees often, the name being well known in frontier times, and it stands yet in old records and petitions, and in the list of that band of immortals who suffered at Valley Forge. Our Brownlee lived when at home on a. farm to the northeast of Miller's, better known latterly as the Cope farm. With all the excitement incident to the sudden appearance of the savages, and with the active exertions of the scouts, the crew were, as we have seen, about the town, and must have been on their way to the station at Miller's before word reached there. In all probability the noise about the fort gave the men in the field the first intimation of danger, for somehow the air was full of forebodings. Away down near Unity Church, where was being held preparatory service to communion, the word was carried that afternoon, and the congregation dispersed homeward, while their pastor, the Rev. Power, who lived long to relate it, hastened towards his home near Mount Pleasant; and the solitary men working in the fields heard on the sultry afternoon the echoes of the guns, and leaving their sickles, suspicious of coming evil, hastened to their cabins, got down their pouches, ran bullets, called their little ones in, and barred the doors. Those near Allen's block-house gathered there. Across the country, at a little block-house, the remains of which are still to be seen about a mile and a half north of Greensburg on the Salem road, lived Kepple, a brother-in-law of Michael Rugh. Kepple was in the field with his team, his dog running towards him, frisking and barking with all signs of fear, and the sound of the far-off crack of the guns made him on the instant strip the gears from his horses and hasten back to the house, built for war and peace, and barricade the openings. A couple of families were sheltered here till the danger was over. At Miller's the first that were alarmed were the men mowing in a meadow, and to these the noise of the guns brought the first intimation. The men, listening, knew the sounds came from the direction of the fort. They threw down their scythes and ran towards the houses ; but before they reached there they heard the war-whoop, and some shots were fired by the fore- 1 Taking the Irishman's motto at Donnybrook Fair,—" Whenever you see a head, hit it." most Indians, who emerged from the wood and came into the fields and along the fences as the men were going out. No correct portraiture of the scene at the cabins can be given. The people ran about in the utmost distraction. Some, intent only on their own escape, got off, and among these were a few women and children. A little girl, who died an old woman, much beloved and respected, hid herself among the blackberry bushes till the favoring night came down with its kind darkness. At the Miller house itself were most of the women and children collected. These were irresolute through fear, which the poets say is contagious ; and indeed the cries of the helpless increased the panic which. had been created by the sudden appearance of danger, the desertion of the men, and the horrid whooping of the red brood yelling their cries of doom. But although it is too true that some men, cowardly at heart, left at the first alarm, yet that instinct of human nature, happily for our kind not to be crushed out or wholly smothered under adversity and in trouble, was forcibly awakened and displayed, to the lasting honor of that hardy race. Could a man, at such a time, leave his wife, his child, his mother, or sister? Nay, we have instances of some not joined by ties of blood or affinity losing their life in the effort to save those who could only be called their friends. Those who started in time made their way over the hills to the Peter George farm. Some escaped to Rugh's block-house, and some by hiding in the fields until night But there were timid ones who could not be prevailed to put themselves under the protection of the men, and by leaving the roofs for, the woods and fields risk the chances of escaping by flight rather than put themselves on the mercy of the savages. When the alarm was first given, or soon after, Brownlee, as is reported, was in the house. He snatched his rifle and ran to the door, and there seeing a couple of Indians entering the gate, he made at them on a run. It was believed that he could have made his escape, and in allprohabilityy would have done so, and not with a selfish motive, well knowing that a chief object of the Indians was booty and prisoners, and resting assured that he and the other whites could recapture their friends. Such a termination would not have been a remarkable event in the frontier annals. But this intent was on the instant changed, for above the confusion and excite. ment the voice of his wife pierced his ear crying for help,—"Jack, are you going to leave me ?" The cry unnerved the man, who, facing half a dozen wild barbarians, by their sudden war-cry would not have been so unnerved. He returned backward with his face towards the Indians, and beside the door gave himself up to their pleasure. The Indians by this time, coming up in different directions, had surrounded the house, so that its in mates were secured as prisoners, while the scattered fugitives were chased by others close in pursuit. One DESTRUCTION OF HANNASTOWN - 143 young man, who on the first alarm ran to the house to warn them and give assistance, snatched up a child which is said chanced to be one of Brownlee's. He had not gone far with it when he saw himself followed by three or four of the Indians. The young man was a swift runner, and his strength, had he not been encumbered with the child, would have enabled him to gain upon them. But as it was now it was a question with him whether he could even keep up the distance between them. Such suspicions ran through his mind, and still he ran on for a distance desperately, looking not in any particular direction, but by his strength gaining on the upland which rises towards the old George place, till suddenly before him rose a thick copse of low growth ; beyond that was a rye-field not yet cut down. He reached the thicket, passed through, and for a few moments was lost to their view by the intervening foliage. On the side of the field next the thicket was a worm stake-and-rider fence. Coming to this he climbed it, and jumped out far into the rye. Where he alighted upon his feet he lay down with the child. Then the savages came running up. They looked over the field, leaped over the fence, and ran along the edge of the field on past him where he lay. They had lost sight of their game, and the thicket for an instant had deluded them. The young man heard them coming back. The child lay quiet. With slow steps they repassed within a few steps of the two, muttering expressions of disappointment. One of the most singularly remarkable incidents of that day is one which has in it more of romance than of the common occurrences of real life. This is the seemingly miraculous escape, or rather preservation, of a small child, almost a babe. The common story which has long obtained, partly from the honorable judge's account, 1 and partly from exaggerated statements bordering upon the marvelous—a clothing in which many common people are but too apt to vest everything out of the ordinary way—deserves correction. It is that of a man who, carrying off his child and assisting his mother, saw the Indians gaining upon him and certain death to all if he did not run the risk of sacrificing one by leaving it and escaping with the other,—that is, either his child or his mother. Then, as the story goes, on the instant he dropped the child, and by helping his mother they both made their escape, and, strange to say, the child the next morning was found safe in its former home. This has been the commonly accepted version. We have taken more than usual pains to trace the story up to its source, and fortunately have been more successful in so doing than in many other instances. The singular deliverance of the child, in which centres the chief interest, was in all narratives the same. The truthfulness of the occurrence is assured. We have traced the version through the family in which the incident occurred ; it has been repeated on the testimony of several distinct persons, who are fully entitled to be heard. It has been related by one, a gentleman of good judgment and veracity, himself a descendant of one of the principal actors in that scene, whose assertions are entitled to credence, in that it robs the part which tends to the romantic of its tinsel fringe, and clothes it with the reality of every-day life and passions and fears, and chiefly is it the version that came from the child thus saved in her ripe old age, as she had learned it from voices long since silent. Among those, then, who made an effort to escape was Mrs. Cruickshanks, who had been Mrs. Miller. She had with her young child, and she was partially assisted by her brother. The woman seeing they were pursued by a single Indian, and being unable from fright to proceed farther without help, exclaimed to her brother that unless he shot the Indian she would be killed. Cruickshanks then turned and fired, but as he did so the Indian " clamped" a tree, as they called it, that is, threw his arms around it and stuck to it like bark itself. He did not stop to see whether he had killed the Indian, nor did his sister know ; but while they escaped the babe was left on the ground. Mrs. Cruickshanks escaped into one of the neighboring block-houses, to where that night her son, and the only surviving son of Capt. Miller, then a lad, also came. 2 Whether the Indian was shot, or whether he was afraid to pursue, being somewhat detached from the rest, cannot be told. He certainly did not pursue them farther. The greatest subject of wonder then is what the child did during this time and subsequently ; for the next morning, When the whites ventured to inspect the cabins, the child was found in the only cabin left standing, in its own cot, sleeping the sleep of innocent childhood, and all around desolation and death. The simple folk regarded it as a miracle, and loved to dwell upon it to their children, pointing out with simple devotion the providence of God to their fathers in the olden time. The infant grew to womanhood, married a man of the name of Campbell, and died at an advanced age almost a generation after those hardy men who experienced the excitement of that memorable day were food for worms. As to what the Indians had to do with the saving of the child it is, of course, all conjecture. It is reasonable to infer that the Indian when fired at gave up the pursuit, if, indeed, he was not killed. It is more than probable that the child lay undisturbed and unnoticed till the savages had passed away, and that then, finding its way back in the dusk to its own cabin, wearied out, it lay down in its bed and fell asleep. It is not at all probable that it at any time fell to the mercies of those unrelenting savages, who, goaded on by renegades worse than savages themselves, and filled with the memories of wrongs, were 1 Judge Coulton's account, published in Penn. Argus, 1836. 1 See biographical sketch of Mr. Samuel Miller, in this book. 144 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. seldom known to have compassion on human woes, and who did not distinguish between the scalp-lock of a tender girl and that of a bronzed and grizzled fighter. With the utmost haste, and at nearly the same time, were these things transpiring. While some of the Indians had scattered about, and were pursuing the fugitive whites, the most of them had surrounded the house. No defense whatever was offered. Capt. Jack, true to his promise, and in his devotedness to the unwarned inhabitants, was too late to give the word of alarm to the people here. He had started for Miller's, and just as Brownlee rested by the door the captain dashed up the lane towards the house. He bad been too late, and seeing the Indians about the yard he turned his horse. As he did so their bullets cut his bridle and whistled about his head. He escaped unhurt, and turning his horse about he rode over fences and logs and through the woods and fields on his rare good beast, and fetched up at George's, where were collecting those who escaped that way and the men from the farms. The Indians, after securing the prisoners, tied the hands of the men behind their backs, huddled them out before the cabin-fort together, and after getting out of the cabins whatever they wanted, set the houses on fire. The chief house, Miller's, was consumed, but it would appear that not all the other sheds or cabins were. The horses and cattle, hogs, sheep, and dogs were shot down where they stood or as they ran about. This is attested by Huffnagle and Duncan, who places the number of cattle so destroyed at about one hundred. Of their prisoners the greater number were women and children. Of the men, Brownlee was the most conspicuous. The captives were laden with the plunder and goods which themselves had been robbed of. The sobbing women and crying children were driven in a flock before the marauders into a captivity worse than exile. The burdens upon their backs were light to the load upon their hearts. All ties of kindred, of home, of fields familiar indeed in sorrow, but now doubly dear, all were torn asunder. They thought they had seen these for the last time. Some there were who kept up, or seemed to keep up, courage, evidently looking for help from their neighbors. The calm, heroic, and changeless appearance of such as Brownlee among them was a relief to such as these. There was one woman especially who could not help expressing her feelings. Looking through her tears to Brownlee, she said, " I am glad, Capt. Brownlee, that we have got you along with us." These were unfortunate words. Some say that the renegades had recognized Brownlee and knew him all the time. This does net appear reasonable. They knew him by name and by report, but it is not likely they recognized him in person. Brownlee's plan to deceive was perfect. He gave himself up without offering resistance where resistance would have availed nothing, and which show of resistance would, in all probability, have been the certain destruction of the helpless ones. He kept silent during all the. time they were about him, while they tied his hands, and while they piled their trumpery upon his back. There is no doubt that during this time he wished to keep off suspicion, and to disguise his identity by acting with the implicit submission of a coward, Nothing could make the settlers believe but that he contemplated making his escape at the first opportunity, perhaps that night ; that he would have found out their strength, and thus told the whites how to attack to the best advantage; that he would have returned upon them, and liberating the rest of the captives, have had more than retributive justice. It is almost certain, then, that they did not know him till about the time the remark was made by the woman, and when it was apparent he was the centre of the band of unfortunates. But so it was that from that instant his fate was sealed. On the mention of his name hasty glances were cast from one to the other of the savages and back upon the prisoner. A couple of them in guttural growlings were seen to consult together, and then evidently they determined upon what was afterwards done. Brownlee trudged on, the centre of a weeping group. He was heavily laden with luggage, and in addition carried upon his back one of his smallest children. At a descending ground lie stooped to adjust his child upon his shoulders; drawing its tiny arms more closely about his neck. As he was so doing one of the Indians that had eyed him so closely sneaked up behind him and dashed the hatchet into his head. Brownlee fell headlong, and the child rolled over him. The next instant the child was killed by the same savage with the same hatchet which had laid open the skull of the gentle and tender-hearted father. The wife of Brownlee, full of horror, witnessed the death of her husband and child. Another woman shrieked out as she fell swooning to the ground. And she met the same fate, the Indians, as was supposed, taking her to be the real wife of the dead man. The band of Indians that had these prisoners in charge moved round and rejoined the company whom they had left about the fort. In the closing twilight the body together left the destroyed place, and removed towards the northeastward of the town, and fixed their camp in the hollow through which flows the Crabtree. They here regaled themselves on what they had stolen, and while some in the darksome shadows were left to watch, the rest were concerting on future action. The Indians during the afternoon had not made a concerted attack upon the fort ; they were evidently afraid to do so. The suspense which those cooped up there during that time sustained may with effort be imagined. Hope, the only medicine for the miserable, was about all left them. If their neighbors should not come to their help during the night, they DESTRUCTION OF HANNASTOWN - 145 could expect nothing but captivity if the next morning they should surrender, and if they resisted and fought, possibly a frightful death. The terror of the women part was heightened by the fate of young Peggy Shaw, who lay in agony on a cot in the cabin of the stockade. The death of this maiden was long the centre of interest in the incursion, and whenever and wherever Hannastown has been talked about among the descendants of these people this episode has been talked of with it. It is not then to be wondered at that more than ordinary interest attaches to the narrative, nor that strange and exaggerated stories should have been coined and passed for current. The story has been told in many ways, but the most simple and truthful way is enough to make her character beautiful, her actions heroic, her life romantic, and her death full of glory. Margaret Shaw was the sister of David Shaw and Alexander Shaw. Alexander Shaw was the last man to go into the fort on that day, and David was a hunter and scout widely known, one of those rough backwoodsmen who, raised in the wilderness and on the verge of war, knew only the duty of defending the outposts and killing Indians, who could not to' his dying day brook the conventionalisms of civilization, and who, in short, belonged to that class who had made a law unto themselves. He had gone, when of age, into the army as a substitute for his father. His term of service being over he was now at home, and almost as much in war as he could have been anywhere, and asmuch in his element as a wolf in the forest. All knew and remembered how quick he had been to apprehend the danger, and all admired his sonly devotion in seeing that his old father was in the fort before he himself went in. His sister was of the same blood. She was young at that time, only twelve or thirteen years, but for her age was large and muscular. After they had gone into the fort, and while yet all was confusion, and each one appearing to be interested in his own personal safety, a little child had crept unnoticed towards the picketing of the stockade. Peggy Shaw seeing it ran to fetch it back. This was under the random fire kept up by the savages. As she stooped to gather it into her arms a bullet struck her in the right breast and penetrated her lung. She did not die suddenly, as is supposed, but lingered for some two weeks. This fortnight must have been one of intense suffering. Instead of having good clinical treatment, she was submitted to the barbarous manipulations of unskilled backwoods surgery. A silk handkerchief was drawn through the incision, and allowed to be continually drawn back and forth as long as any greenish discharge followed. A bullet-wound, from a half-superstitious belief, was thought to be poisonous, and the presence of the poison was taken to be denoted by the pus which exuded from the suppurating sore. In her lingering her body wasted to a mere frame. Her remains were laid to rest in the burying-ground of the old Middle Presbyterian Church, two miles northeast of Mount Pleasant. It was then not to be wondered at that the act was talked of with admiration, and she in her death remembered with pity. Truly she died, as one long ago expressed it, a victim to her kindness of heart. It is said that the child she saved by her own death lived and grew to womanhood, but the identity is lost in the number who have been so designated. While these things were going on the country all around was being alarmed. There seems to have been a great noise from the shouting of the Indians and the cracking of guns kept up all the afternoon about the fort. Some say that when the men came together at George's many guns were fired in a volley to arouse the neighborhood. The greatest crowd which collected together at any one place was here. By the evening there were gathered well-nigh forty men, although some by exaggeration say more. Perhaps the force here was stronger than that at the fort. It was decided to make an effort to assist those. Scouts reported that the renegades were remaining together after the two parties had joined. The long July twilight had gone out, and darkness, with favoring rain-clouds, was gathering over the sombre woods when a party of about thirty, as it is said, left George's for Hannastown. Some of them were on horseback, and all were well armed with rifles. In after-years the suspicion of cowardice was imputed to some who lived thereabout, but the instances were few and hard to be authenticated. For one to skulk off then when the neighbors were crying for help and almost in the clutches of the savages was to incur an odium which would remain and attach to him as long as he lived, and which would taint his memory to his children's children. Their resolution was, therefore, fixed. The scouts reported to the main body as they advanced ; those, who had volunteered for that purpose, and who were accustomed to tread the woods like a cat, had given word where the Indians and renegades were encamped. Cautiously advancing the party came within sight of the town, and saw at a distance the dim outline of the stockade. As they approached closer they could see by the fitful gleams of the burning logs, which yet occasionally crackled up in flickering sparks and cast sombre shadows against the dark line of trees, the white-washed walls of the palisades. No Indians were about the piles of ashes or upon the open place next the fort. As they came from the farther side they made themselves known to the inmates, when the gate was thrown open, and at length all were safely within. The Rev. Richard Lee, a Presbyterian minister, stopping about the vicinity of Hannastown a number of years ago, while some of the persons who had been eye-witnesses to the destruction of the place were still living, and while the memory of those who were the I immediate descendants of others who had participated 146 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. was still green, gathered a number of reminiscences and published them in a Pittsburgh paper. While there are many things in his article which are ultra authentic, there are some statements which, supported by corroborative testimony, are worthy to be remembered. The part which we thus retain was mainly derived through Mrs. Elizabeth Craig from Miss Freeman, one of the persons mentioned, and from Mrs. Alexander. Craig, a daughter of James Clark, one of the defenders of the fort. When the Indians retired at night into the woods to divide their plunder and prisoners they lighted fires and began a distribution. The warriors in their new costumes presented a ludicrous appearance: some of them had shawls tied around their waists, and others had on bonnets and petticoats. One of these, like his cousin, the dark-visaged Othello, " perplex'd in the extreme," was puzzled in trying to encase himself in a silk dress, for the sleeve being very tight, after the fashion, and he trying to force his big foot into it, after the manner of drawing on a stocking or breech-clout, could get his heel no further than the elbow of it. He was thereupon so amazingly pleased, and he made such a laughable appearance as he frisked about on one foot, that, gathering a crowd of companions around him, he got them into right good humor, which possibly inured to the benefit of the captives. About midnight, upon hearing the noise at the stockade, they held a council, and at the conclusion they seized upon one of their captives, and painting his body with black stripes, tied him to a tree. He had been assigned to torture. The savages, armed with sticks and tomahawks, ranged themselves into two lines, between which some of the other prisoners were to run the gauntlet. The men were put through first, and of these some were badly beaten. Then came the women. Among these were the two daughters of Hanna. From the first Dane, the younger of these, had got the good favor of the warriors. She had, with great tact, extended her hand to the Indian who took her, and greeted him as " brother." She had laughed out at the antic caperings of the warrior trying on the dress, which she recognized, and he no doubt, in a sudden fit of good humor, tried to be worthy. These two young women, on the relation of Miss Freeman, escaped unhurt ; the Indian who had taken them and the other who created the sport showing them material aid, but Miss Freeman herself, having red hair, which was a color much disliked by those fastidious gentlemen (of the "bow" monde), was nearly killed. She, however, escaped with her life, and many years after she returned, Dr. Posthlewaite attended her when suffering from the blows she had then received upon her skull with the butt end of a tomahawk. They did not have the satisfaction which they had anticipated in torturing the prisoner, for the noise of drums and the clamor in the fort increasing, they tomahawked him at once, and soon after began their retreat. It was on the part of the whites believed on a sides that an attack would be made in the morning and so a plan was agreed upon by those in the for to make the presence of those who had come in during the early night-time known. A couple of of drums found in the fort were braced up, and while the gate was left open the horsemen galloped bac and forth over the corduroy bridge across the run to the foot of the hill to the beating of the drums. This was to make believe that reinforcements from Fort Ligonier and from the country had come in in great numbers. The stratagem had the desired effect. Th renegades listened with something of apprehension and they could not but observe the marked change in the acclamations of the inmates. On the ghostly night-air, laden with desolation and fears, these wen sounds of doom. They called in all their gang with the sounds of the whippoorwill and the screech-owl. In the after-part of the night they fled, carrying wit! them whatever booty they could well take on their own backs and on the backs of their prisoners. The number of these captives which they took along war about twenty, and the most of them were women and children. Under the shadows of the morning they trotted along on the dividing path between Congruity Church and Harvey's Five Points, and crossed the Kiskiminetas about the site of Apollo. The gray morning came in before it was known that the band had left the purlieus of the settlement. A party of well-armed men then took up their trail and followed them to lie crossing of the river. rat river was swollen at the crossings, is said, and further pursuit was discontinued. This may be sufficient reason, but not a plausible one. The force of the whites must have been comparatively well with that of the retreating party. The invaders wen! out unmolested, and reaching Canada' traded thth scalps and prisoners with the British for trinkets beads, powder, and rum. The remaining settlers now looked out over their fields desolated, their cabins burned, and the few household goods collected through necessity destroyed or stolen ; some houses deserted for good; their cattle little town in ashes ; the carcasses of their cats eaten by crows, and those not killed strayed off; the friends or their kin either dead or in uncertain captivity as much to be dreaded as death. Worried in heart and in body they first paid their duties to the dead. The bodies of Brownlee, his child, and the murdered woman were found. They were buried, as was an old custom, where they fell, and their gm were 'till lately by tradition pointed out in a field known best as Mechling's field. All then gathered in closer to the little fort and' the stations ; and the crops were allowed to rot in fields. As the fall approached the greatest dangers of Bang starvation was apprehended, and as the means of getting food became more limited their fears heigh The State, from a knowledge of their pitiable condi- DESTRUCTION OF HANNASTOWN - 147 tion, gave orders that supplies in limited allowance might be distributed to this handful of shelterless, distressed and weary creatures, with the understanding that the men were to enroll themselves under command of Capt. Brice, and draw rations for two months upon their making every exertion in their power to keep the line of the frontier. 1 The prisoners were exchanged by the terms of the treaty between Great Britain and the colonies, and most of them returned to their homes in Westmoreland. A few never came back, and it is said that one of the captives, Robert Hanna's daughter. married a British officer at Niagara. We have not been able to find who was the leader of the Indians and renegades in this invasion, and the true story will perhaps never be found out. Nearly every general historian, who barely notices this incident, says that Simon Girty commanded ; a few say that they were under direction of Kyashuta, the war-chief of the Senecas, and the old enemy of the whites. Most agree that they were under the control of white leaders, but we have not facts enough to warrant us that Girty was along ; for shortly after this time Girty is found counseling with the Indians in their attacks on the border settlements of Kentucky, and we believe that during the latter part of the month of Duly Girty was among those. There is more reason to think that Connolly, as the British agent, instigated the attack, he well knowing the state of the settlement, and harboring a rancorous hate for the round-logged jail where St. Clair had him confined, and also that Kyashuta was with his warriors there. The Indians were for the most part of the Munsies, a tribe which about that time inhabited that part of Pennsylvania now within the limits of Forest County. This tribe was famous for its system of warfare, and had in it some of the most depraved characters of the race at the time of its utmost depravity. The short-lived improvement made upon them by the Moravian missionaries before the Revolution had not changed their brutal instincts. Those of them who had been Christianized left their tribe, and the rest of them, to whom the outlaws of various other tribes and devilish whites resorted, lived as banditti in the almost impenetrable forests of that region in close connection with the British outposts. Indeed, it is said that the fusion of so many ill characters into one tribe was a thing peculiar to that one. Gen. William Irvine, still in command at Fort Pitt, 2 writing to Washington in 1788, some six years after the destruction of the town, gives an account of some curious information he had received frcm chief of the Seneca tribe, as well as from a Virginian named Matthews who had been taken prisoner at Kanawha in 1777, and who had resided since that time with the Indians. This man was employed as an interpreter, 1 Col. Edward Cook's correspondence, Col. Rec. 2 Craig's History of Pittsburgh. and appeared to be well informed of the country and of the movements of the Indians. The Indian related, through the interpreter, to the general that when the French first established their post at Fort Pitt he was about fourteen years old; that he was with his uncle at that time, who was under the French ; that they embarked at Lake Chatauqua, and that they went to Fort Pitt without any obstruction, and that they made the French Creek the medium of their communication from the headquarters of the French in Canada. He further said he was employed under the British in the late war; that in 1782 a detachment of three hundred British and five hundred Indians left on Lake Chatauqua with twelve pieces of artillery to attack Fort Pitt ; that the expedition was laid aside from reports having been received of the strength of the garrison ; and that they then contented themselves with the usual mode of warfare, namely, by sending out small parties on the frontiers, one of which burnt Hannastown. And this the general corroborates by other evidence, the testimony of which fell under his own observation. Capt. Matthew Dack and David Shaw long remained the heroes of the "Hannastown war," as they called it. In the phrase of the zealous women, they were of the anointed and led charmed lives. Capt. Dack was one of that class of rough backwoodsmen of which Western Pennsylvania was at that time prolific, and although he could swag off daily his joram and in vehement expression could go beyond the rules prescribed by the Committee of Safety in their regulations for the associators, yet his breast contained the heart of a noble man. In 1782 he was high sheriff of the county, and perhaps was busier that day in "serving executions" than on any term-day he ever saw. Long as he lived he was the centre of a crowd at the militia musters, on court week, or at barn-raisings. He was called familiarly Capt. Dack, for the rule is " once a captain always a captain." But sometimes the records style him " honorable," he having been a county judge, and afterwards "general," in deference to his being one of the superior military officers in the county about the time of the Whiskey Insurrection. Many curious anecdotes are related of him, and at reviews held about the country he would show his dexterity and suppleness by placing his hat upon the ground, and lifting it up as he rode by on a 'gallop ; and to show how he rode on the Hannastown day, he would leap his horse over fences and gullies, which, to his admiring applauders, seemed the very height of recklessness. The burning of Hannastown divides the history of the county into two eras, and closes the account of the place where were held the first courts. Many cities have risen and fallen to decay without leaving so glorious a record as this collection of mud-plastered huts scattered along the old military road among the trees of the primeval forest. Its name only lives in the history of Western Pennsylvania, and the site 148 - HISTORY OF WESTMORELAND COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA. of those scenes of war and peace is covered with clover blossoms and waving wheat. Over the spot which was their graveyard the weeds and briers crawl among wild flowers. "There sleep the hrave who sank to rest With all their country's wishes blest. When Spring, with dewy fingers cold, Returns to deck their hallow'd mould, She there shall dress a sweeter sod Than Fancy's feet have ever trod. By fairy hands their knell is rung, By forms unseen their dirge is sung; There Honor comes, a pilgrim gray, To bless the turf that wraps their clay ; And Freedom shall a while repair, To dwell, a weeping hermit, there." Its claim for remembrance is in this, that it was the first place in all the United States west of the Appalachian mountain chain where justice in the legal forms, sacred in the traditions of the English-speaking people, was first dispensed ; this was the capital of Western Pennsylvania, with its rude temple, in which betimes sat the living oracles of English colonial law ; in this, that here the backwoodsmen, descendants of a patriotic British ancestry, first raised their voice against ministerial tyranny ; in this, that here dwelt the race which, standing a barrier, as a wall of fire, between civilization and barbarism, defended their homes through years of an incessant war with the fiercest enemy ever opposed to the whites. To one given to speculation, the destruction of this place is a subject for reflection. In a certain sense, here was the first place where a public protest was made against the action of Parliament in binding closer the unbreakable chains which they sought to rivet upon their own flesh and blood, and here was the last place in the colonies where the Indians and refugee Tories, under pay of the mother-country, executed their purposes in concert. Nor would it be scrutinizing too finely in observing that the destruction of Hannastown was the price paid for the protest of May, 1775. The penalty of the destruction of the Moravian towns, and the penalty for her disloyalty, were fully exacted and amply paid. For these alike it was well ill the sequel of historic narration that Hannastown should lie in ashes. Yea, for us and for all men.1 1 The following extracts and observations will illustrate the subject. matter given in the body of this chapter: Michael Huffnagle to President Moore, 1782. "FORT REED, July, 1782. " SIR,—I am sorry to inform your Excellency, that last Saturday at two o'clock in the afternoon, Hanna's Town was attack'd by about one hundred Whites and Blacks. We found several Jackets, the huttons marked with the King's eighth Regiment. At the same time this Town was attack'd, another party attack'd Fort Miller, about four Miles from this place. Hanna's Town and Fort Miller in a short time were reduced to Ashes, about twenty of the Inhabitants kill'd and taken, about one hundred head of Cattle, a number of horses and hogs kille4. Such wanton destruction never beheld, burning and destroying as they went. The People of this Place behaved brave, retired to the Fort, left their all a prey to the Enemy, and with twenty men only, and niue guns in good order, we stood the attack till dark. At first some of the Enemy CHAPTER XXIX. LAST DAYS OF HANNASTOWN—EXECUTION OF MAMACHTAGA. End of the Revolution—Formation of new Counties, Washington and Fayette—New State Project—Who were at the .sad of it—Causes of its Inception—Its Prospective Limits—It fails--Act of Congress relative thereto-1783-84---The Last Days of Hannastown—Trial of Mamachtaga, an Indian, for Murder—And also of some other Prison. ers at the same Court—He is defended by Brackenridge—The Indian's Deportment—His Opinion of the Court—His Trial—Is found Guilty of Murder, and wishes to be Shot instead of Hanged—The Prisoners in the Jail want him to kill another Prisoner under Sentence of Death—He refuses to do so—The Jailer's Child takes Sick, when Mamachtsga goes out and gets Herhs to cure it—He returns to the Jail, and goes into Voluntary Confinement—The Day of the Execution arrives—A great Crowd of People assemble—The White Man hung, and then Mamachtaga hung—He dies like a Warrior, after having first painted himself for the Occasion. AT length the war was over. The definite treaty of peace with England was ratified by Congress on the 14th of January, 1784, and on the 22d of that month a proclamation to that effect was published. came close to the Pickets, but were soon obliged to retire farther oft I cannot inform you what Number of the Enemy may be killed, as we see them from the fort carrying off severals. " The situation of the Inhabitants is deplorable, a number of them not having a Blanket to lye on, nor a Second suit to put on their Backs. Affairs are strangely managed here; where the fault lies I will not pre. sums to say. This Place being of the greatest consequence to the Frontiers, to be left destitute of Men, Arms, and ammunition is surprieing to me, although frequent applications have been made. Your Excellency, I hope, will not be offended my mentioning that I think it would not be amiss that proper inquiry should be made about the management of the Public affairs in this County, and also to recommend to the Legislative Body to have some provision made for the Poor distressed People here. Your known humanity convinces me that you will do everything in your power to assist us in our distress'd situation. " I have the Honor to be your Excellency's " Most obt. Hble. Servt., "MICH. HUFFNAGLE." Indorsed, July 30, 1782.—Penna. Arch., vol. ix. This event was narrated in a letter* written by Ephraim Douglass to Gen. James Irvine, dated July 26, 1782, as follows: " My last contained some account of the destruction of Hanna's Town, but it was an imperfect one; the damage was greater than we then knew, and attended with circumstances different from my representation of them. There were nine killed and twelve carried off prisoners, and instead of some of the houses without the fort being defended by our people, they all retired wsthin the miserable stockade, and the enemy possessed themselves of the forsaken houses, from whence they kept up a continual fire upon the fort from about twelve o'clock till night with. out doing any other damage than wounding one little girl within the walls. They carried away a great number of horses and everything of value in the deserted houses, destroyed all the cattle, hogs, and poultry within their reach, and burned all the houses in the village except two; these they also set fire to, but fortunately it did not extend itself so far as to consume them ; several houses round the country were destroyed in the same manner, and a number of unhappy families either murdered or carried off captives; some have since suffered a similar fate in differ. ent parts hardly a day but they have been discovered in some quarter of the country, and the poor inhabitants struck with terror through the whole extent of our frontier. Where this party set out from is not certainly known ; several circumstances induce the belief of their coming from the head of the Allegheny, or towards Niagara, rather than from Sandusky or the neighborhood of Lake Erie. The great number of whites, known by their language to have been in the party, the dsm tion of their retreat when they left the country, which was towards the * Nov in existence, with the "Irvine Papers," in possession of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. LAST DAYS OF HANNASTOWN—EXECUTION OF MAMACHTAGA - 149 The people of our parts and all west of the mountains were then left to rebuild their homes and start out from a new position, somewhat, it is true, in advance of the early colonists. By this time, when the smoke of battle had rolled away, Westmoreland was Kittanning, and no appearance of their tracks either coming or going having been discovered by the officer and party which the general * ordered on that service beyond the river, all conspire to support this belief, and I think it is sincerely to be wished, on account of the unfortunate captives who have fallen into their hands, that it may he true, for the enraged Delawares renounce the idea of taking any prisoners hut for cruel purposes of torture." " The express," wrote Irvine to Moore on the 16th of July, 1782, "sent by Mr. Hoofnagle, through timidity and other misconduct, did not arrive here until this moment (Tuesday, 10 o'clock), though he left Hannastown Sunday evening, which I fear will put it out of my power to come up with the enemy, they will have got so far away. However, I have sent several reconnoitering parties to try to discover whether they have left the settlements, and what route they have taken. I fear," he continues, " this stroke will intimidate the inhabitants so much that it will not be possible to rally them or persuade them to make a stand." Gen. Wm. Irvine to President Moore. "FORT PITT, July 25,1782: "The destruction of Hannastown put the people generally into great confusion for some days. The alarm is partly over, and some who fled are returning again to their places ; others went entirely off. I have got the lieutenant of the county and others prevailed on to encourage some of the inhabitants to reoccupy Hennas Town, by keeping a post or small guard there."—Penn. Arch., vol. x. David Duncan to Mr. Cunningham, Member of Council from Lancaster, 1782. " PITTSBURGH, July 30, 1782. "DEAR SIR: "I have taken the Liberty of Writing you the Situation of our Unhappy Country at present. In the first place I make no doubt But you have heard of the Bad success of our Campaign against the Indian Towns, and the Late Stroke the savages have gave to Hannastown, which was all Reduced to ashes except two Houses, exclusive of a small fort, which happily saved all that were so fortunate to get to it. There were upwards of twenty killed and taken, the most of whom were Women & Children. At the same time a small fort four miles from thence was taken, supposed to be by a detachment of the same Party. I assure you that the situation of the frontiers of our County is truly alarming at present, and worthy our most serious Consideration. . . ." --Penn. Arch., vol. ix., 606. The following letter from Gen. Washington to President Reed is of some significance in this connection : "HEADQUARTERS, NEW WINDSOR, April 25, 1781. "SIR: "Since my letter of the 14th to your Excellency on the subject of an immediate supply of provision for Fort Pitt, I have received the following intelligence through a good channel which makes the measure more indispensably necessary. `Col. Connolly with his corps to proceed to Quebec as soon as possihle, to be joined in Canada by Sir John Johnson, with a number of Tories and Indians said to amount to three thousand. This route to be by Buck Island, Lske Ontario, and Venango. And his object is Fort Pitt and all the adjacent posts. Connolly takes with him a number of Commissions for persons now residing at Pittsburgh, and several hundred men at that place have agreed to join to make prisoner of Col. Brodhead and all friends of America. His great influence in that country will, it is said, enable him to prevail upon the Indians and inhabitants to assist the British in any measure.' The latter part of this intelligence agrees exactly with a discovery which Col. Brodhead has lately made of a correspondence between prisoners at Fort Pitt and the Commandant at Detroit, some of whom have been seized by him. . . ." Chatanqua Lake, in New York, had been long before the harboring-place far hostile Indians. As early as 1752 the French Governor of Canada had begun the erection of a fort there, which was to be the rendezvous for the French and the Indians in their excursions against the en- * Gen. Irvine. circumscribed in its limits and impoverished in purse. From March 28, 1781, the county of Washington had been in successful operation, and from the 17th of February, 1784, the county of Fayette took care of the people as far up as her limits at Dacobs Creek. croachment of the British along the Allegheny River, then claimed by the French. They then changed their location to oue farther to the southwest, viz., Presque Isle, and here they built a permanent fort of large dimensions and great strength, but in 1763 they finished the fort at Chatauqua. The portage road which the French cut from Chatauqua to Presque Isle (Erie) was one of the earliest works of civilization in the West, made more than twenty years before the battle of Lexington. He who would write a full history of the destruction of Hannastown and incorporate therein all the traditions and memorahilia of that war would fill a book much larger than this, fox the destruction of Hennas-town was to the inhabitants of that section what Noah's flood was to the inhabitants of the ancient world. If all reports were to be credited touching the individual claims of those whose ancestors were reported to hale been in the fort when the town was burnt, the number would reach such a magnitude that it would cease to be credible. Of the Shaw family, some members of which bore such a conspicuous part there, much has been preserved and much related. Moses Shaw and Margaret, his wife, bad there three sons—David, a young man perhaps twenty years old, Alexander, about eight years, and John, quite young, not above one year—and two daughters, Sarah, about sixteen, and Margaret, or Peggy, about fourteen, who was wounded in the fort and who died about two weeks thereafter. John Shaw was the father of David Shaw Atkinson, Esq., of the Greensburg bar. The family have preserved among themselves the incidents which we now relate. On the day in which Hannastown was burnt, Sarah Shaw, whose descendants now reside below Trees’ Mill, on Beaver Run, was washing, and when the attack was made she fled with her parents and the other children into the fort, leaving the pot full of clothes on the fire and the smoothing-iron before the fire. Although the house was burnt, the pot and the iron withstood the fire and are yet in the possession of the Shaw family. They say also that it was Mrs. Moore's child that Margaret Shaw was carrying when she was shot. Mr. Moore's presence as a child at the fort has been noticed before, of which fact there can be no doubt. Charles Sterret was killed on the Shaw farm, in Salem township, now owned by a Mr. Longsdorf. David Shaw and William Hays buried him. His grave is pointed out at this day. The graves of two men of the Ourry family, who were buried on their own farm, now owned by Mr. John Kepple, in Salem township, may also he seen, and they are reported to have heen killed on that day by the Indians. It would be very natural fox the descendants of the old settlers about the Hannastown region, and even farther away, to connect their ancestors of that date in some particular with the Hannastown era, the subject of conversation about the fireside of two generations in the days of profound peace. To make mention of all the reputed facts touching this suhject which have come to our ears would be too much of a work ; to profess to helieve all would be exhibiting too much credulity. Of those who took part in the pursuit of the Indians on the next day or the day subsequent to that were doubtless the Craigs, the Sloane, and others from the neighborhood of the fort, and Capt. David Kilgore, with two of his sons, and some of their neighbors from the Upper Sewickley settlement (near Pleasant Unity). These, of course, by name are in addition to those whom we have before mentioned as taking a more early and active part. Of those within the fort at the time of the incursion and not mentioned was Capt. Ourry. So also was James Moore, of Salem township, who died in 1846, aged seventy-three years. He was a mere child, and was at Hannastown with his widowed mother, who lived there. Their house with all its contents was burnt. His father had died a short time before by disease brought on by hardship and exposure on the frontiers. At the time the attack was made on "Miller's Station," one of the children of Capt. Samuel Miller, then deceased, was taken captive and detained by the Indians some time. This was the daughter, Dorcas. She at that time was about eight years old, and was at the time of the fray on the hills back of the station gathering berries with her younger brother, Isaac. She heard the noise and saw the Indians depart from the station up over the hill for Hannastown, but did not suspect them to be warful Indians, for instead of hiding herself and her hrother she went back towards the station, and the Indians seeing her at a distance